Maritime Archaeology

China’s “One Belt One Road” initiative clearly reads as an audacious vision for transforming the political and economic landscapes of Eurasia and Africa over the coming decades via a network of infrastructure partnerships across the energy, telecommunications, logistics, law, IT, and transportation sectors. While such themes have become the subject of intense debate and expert commentary in the past couple of years, one of the Belt and Road’s core “Cooperation Priorities,” that of “people-to-people” connections, has passed largely unnoticed outside China. I focus here on the theme of heritage diplomacy in order to suggest that histories of silk, porcelain, and other material pasts, together with competing ideas about civilizations and world history, will play a distinct role in shaping trade, infrastructure, and security within and across countries in the coming years

This paper examines changes and developments in the nature and volume of maritime trade between 200 BC and AD 1000. A database of 1462 Mediterranean shipwrecks shows a rise in numbers of known wrecks from the sixth century BC to a peak in the first century AD, with a sharp drop in the second century, and a further decline in numbers from the fourth to seventh centuries. Significant differences between the wreck dataset and evidence from traded goods on land suggest that one or more factors are distorting the wreck dataset, among which are possibly the increase in the use of barrels as a container during the Roman period, and the relative lack of investigation of the North African coast. While the rise in wreck numbers in the Hellenistic and early Roman periods can be taken as a reflection of an increase in the volume and intensity of maritime trade, the reverse is not straightforwardly true for the Roman and late Roman periods.
Evidence from ship construction and harbour technology however supports the idea that Hellenistic and Roman periods saw the highpoint of Mediterranean maritime trade before the sixteenth century AD. Large ships of several hundred tons, with up to three masts and three decks, are known from these period; but not beforehand, and not afterwards until well into the Middle Ages. One enabling technology for such large ships was the chain pump for the bilge, attested from the late second century BC until the seventh century AD, and then not again until the fifteenth century. These largest ships disappear after the collapse of the western Roman empire, reflecting greater insecurity, more fragmented markets, and a breakdown of institutional incentives for investment in large shipping. The smaller lateen-rigged craft of the early middle ages needed neither a bilge pump nor the large area of sail provided by the square rig.
Harbour technology shows a parallel development. Hellenistic harbour works with enclosing moles enabled the protection of much larger areas of water than had, for example, the Phoenician and Punic cothons or excavated harbour basins; Roman hydraulic concrete further increased the potential for building large artifical harbours with large areas of wharfage and warehousing. Hellenistic and Roman mechanical technology was vital to the smooth functioning of these larger ports—cranes for the rapid loading and unloading of heavy cargoes, and dredging vessels to combat silting and maintain the necessary depth of water.
The driving force behind these changes was an economic expansion made possible by the increasing unification of the Mediterranean in the Hellenistic period and then especially under the authority of Rome, accompanied by institutional developments in laws of contract, maritime loans, sea laws, a single monetary system, and state incentives for investment in shipping. With the breakdown of the Roman empire, many of these institutions also disappeared. The period of the Late Republic and High Empire thus saw the emergence of large merchant shipping, on a scale not seen again until the twelfth or thirteenth centuries, that was made possible by a number of factors: technological, political, and institutional.

The appearance of the brailed rig and loose–footed sail at the end of the Late Bronze Age revolutionized seafaring in the eastern Mediterranean. The most famous early appearance of this new technology is found in history’s first visual representation of a naval battle, on the walls of Ramesses III’s mortuary temple at Medinet Habu. In this monumental combat scene, both Egyptian and Sea Peoples ships are depicted with this new rig, as well as top–mounted crow’s nests and decking upon which shipborne warriors do battle. The identical employment of these innovative components of maritime technology by opposing forces in this battle suggests either some level of previous contact between the invaders and those responsible for designing and constructing Egypt’s ships of war, or shared interaction with a third party, perhaps on the Syro–Canaanite coast. This article examines the evidence for the development of the brailed rig in the eastern Mediterranean, and explores the possibility that at least one group of Sea Peoples, who may have comprised a key part of the international economy of the Late Bronze Age in their role as “pirates, raiders, and traders” (Georgiou 2012: 527) – Artzy’s “nomads of the sea” (1997) – played a similarly integral role in the transference of maritime technology between the Levant, Egypt, and the Aegean.

"Le présent ouvrage est consacré à une des facettes les plus hellénisées d’Isis, qui fait d’elle une déesse liée à l’élément marin. À l’aide de nombreux documents tant écrits que figurés, et souvent trop méconnus, l’auteur offre une synthèse sur les divers et difficiles problèmes que soulève cette prérogative.
Dans un premier chapitre, il est question des origines de cette Isis “marine”, étrangère aux anciennes conceptions pharaoniques, mais qui doit sans doute beaucoup à Arsinoé II. Ce nouveau trait sera mis en avant dans les textes arétalogiques qui sont ensuite examinés. Cette arétè d’Isis amènera à voir en elle l’inventrice de la voile. Le troisième chapitre est consacré aux problèmes des traductions iconographiques choisies pour illustrer la maîtrise de la déesse sur les eaux. La formule la plus typique nous la montre tenant une voile gonflée et/ou un gouvernail. Une statue récemment découverte à Messène et la documentation numismatique corinthienne permettent de supposer l’existence de statues d’Isis à la voile, une hypothèse autrefois réfutée par Ph. Bruneau. Ensuite sont examinés les qualificatifs qu’on lui attribua pour manifester ce nouveau pouvoir (Euploia, Pharia, Pelagia, etc.). Le cinquième chapitre étudie les questions de culte : existence de temples réservés à la déesse, Dame des flots, signification des lampes naviformes avec types isiaques, puis examen des deux grandes fêtes (Navigium Isidis et Sacrum Phariae) qui marquent, l’une la réouverture solennelle de la navigation avec participations des navarques et des triérarques, l’autre, l’arrivée à Ostie de la flotte frumentaire placée sous la sauvegarde d’Isis et de son époux. À ce dernier est consacré un chapitre qui nous montre que Sarapis fut lui aussi, mais dans une moindre mesure, un Pelagius.
"

Scientific archaeology developed largely in the nineteenth century, slowly emerging from the unrestrained curiosity of antiquarians into a systematic, disciplined, and research-oriented study. Maritime archaeology went through a similar evolution during the first three quarters of the twentieth century, and it was some time before archaeologists working on sites underwater regularly utilized theoretical frameworks to better interpret their work, as were their terrestrial counterparts. As late as the 1970s, Keith Muckelroy (1978:10) noted that maritime archaeology displayed "a remarkable lack of development or systematization," constituting an "academic immaturity," when compared to other archaeological sub-disciplines. At that time maritime archaeology was still a relatively nascent study, and was only just approaching a position where its practitioners could make tentative movement towards defining the nature of the discipline and developing a relevant paradigm. In the ensuing decades, the discipline has matured considerably, though the perception of some persists that maritime archaeologists are more antiquarians than archaeologists, with more interest in the particular (and often spectacular) material remains recovered than the use of such material culture to meaningfully speculate on the societies that left them behind. This is in spite of a significant and expanding body of literature published by maritime archaeologists that is both theoretical and thought-provoking. This perception otherwise may be explained by the fact that theoretical engagement in maritime archaeology, like the field itself, is relatively new, and that for much of the history of underwater archaeology effort was focused on methodological advances necessary to safely and efficiently work in a hostile environment, by people who were not always trained archaeologists. Many of the early advances in maritime archaeology were made by avocationals or professionals from other disciplines, and to this day the field includes a number of individuals working outside archaeological academia and its ongoing theoretical discourse. It is indisputable, however, that at present theory is used in maritime archaeology, and as theoretical approaches continue to develop, the potential for maritime archaeology to interpret past human experience, and to influence broader debates within archaeology, is substantial (Flatman 2003). This paper attempts to provide an overview of the development of theory in maritime archaeology, by evaluating key events, people, and ideas that have contributed to the discipline as it has evolved from the early twentieth century to the present day.

S. Ostkamp, 2014: ‘The Dutch 17th-century porcelain trade from an archaeological perspective’, in: J. van Campen en T. Eliëns (red.), Chinese and Japanese porcelain for the Dutch Golden Age, Zwolle, 53-85.

The introduction of Chinese porcelain seen from the perspective of recent excavations.

Though Odysseus’ tales to Eumaios and Aninoos in Odyssey 14.199–359 and 17.417–44, respectively, are presented as fictional tales within Homer’s larger myth, some elements have striking analogs in Late Bronze–Early Iron Age reality.

This article examines these portions of the hero’s false ainoi within their fictive context for the purpose of identifying and evaluating those elements. Particular focus is given to Odysseus’ declaration that he led nine successful maritime raids prior to the Trojan War; to his twice–described ill–fated assault on Egypt; and to his claim not only to have been spared in the wake of that Egyptian raid, but to have spent a subsequent seven years in the land of the pharaohs, during which he gathered great wealth.

Through a comparative examination of literary and archaeological evidence from the Late Bronze–Early Iron transition in the Eastern Mediterranean, it is shown that these aspects of Odysseus’ stories are not only reflective of the historical reality surrounding the time in which the epic is set, but that Odysseus’ fictive experience is remarkably similar to that of one specific member of the ‘Sea Peoples’ groups best known from 19th and 20th dynasty Egyptian records: the ‘Sherden of the Sea.’

In this article, the author attempts to sift out from Old Norse (ON) written sources the early Viking Age terms for ship types and to link them to actual ships and ship depictions from that period. The author argues that knǫrr, beit, skeið, kjóll, askr, and elliði were the main ship types of the early Viking Age in Scandinavia, at least in the west, and that knerrir referred during this period to warships like Oseberg and only later to cargo ships like Skuldelev 1. ‘A ship with a backwards curved stem’ seems to have been the original meaning of knǫrr. Kjólar were heavy, all-round ships like Gokstad, the author argues, and beit were very early ships with angular stems known from depictions. Skeiðar were low, narrow ships like Ladby. Askar were also very early, small, light ships with stitched planking, whereas elliðar were combined inland / sea vessels, originally Eastern  European.

Sebelum perdagangan maritim dengan melalui rute rempah-rempah (spice route) berkembang semenjak awal abad masehi, rempah-rempah dari kepulauan Indonesia belum menjadi komoditi perdagangan global. Rempah-rempah yang dikonsumsi oleh bangsa Mesir, Yunani, dan Romawi awal tentu tidak berasal dari kepulauan Indonesia tetapi berasal dari daerah lain seperti lada dari Gujarat (India) dan kayu manis dari Srilangka.
Seiring berjalannya waktu permintaan terhadap berbagai komoditi dagang dari negeri-negeri sebrang kian bertambah. Hal ini membuat india tidak mampu lagi menopang permintaan tersebut disamping persediaan rempah-rempah yang tak lengkap, berbeda dengan indonesia yang dapat menghasilkan pelbagai jenis rempah-rempah membuat terjadinya revolusi transportasi yang asalnya terfokus dengan jalur darat yaitu di jalur sutera, kini mulai merambah ke jalur laut.
Perubahan rute perdagangan global ini di samping dipicu oleh ketidakamanan jalan darat melalui Asia Tengah juga permintaan produk rempah-rempah yang semakin meningkat yang mampu dihasilkan juga daerah daerah kepulauan di Nusantara. Sejak saat itu geliat perdagangan rempah-rempah menjadi sangat spektakuler. Perdagangan rempah-rempah ini menjadi driving force bagi kegiatan perdagangan dan pelayaran secara umum selama berabad abad. Perdagangan maritim telah memberikan dampak bagi lahirnya berbagai kerajaan di Nusantara seperti Sriwijaya, Majapahit, Demak, Ternate, Tidore, Tuban, dan sebagainya.

In this paper we treat changes in weaponry and armament, which occurred in the Aegean and Levantine regions between the late 14th and the early 12th century BC. We aim at reconstructing these changes in a sequence as fine-phased as possible and try to identify the regions in which they originated. As a case study we use a sword of Naue II type found at Ugarit. As it has no clearly stratified context, we try to fix its chronology on one hand by reference to the overall stratigraphy of the site, and on the other by discussing better datable archaeological evidence from the Aegean and Cyprus. Swords of the Naue II group belong to new weapon types introduced to the eastern Mediterranean a few decades before the breakdown of many palace states around 1200 BC. There are different reasons that lead us to believe that these new weapon types arrived together with their users and producers from the central Mediterranean and cannot be seen as a result of goods exchange.

Draft for the workshop: “Linking the Mediterranean. Regional and Trans-Regional Interactions in Times of Fragmentation (300 -800 CE)”, Vienna, 11th-13th December 2014 (see: https://www.academia.edu/9238221/Linking_the_Mediterranean_Regional_and_Trans-Regional_Interactions_in_Times_of_Fragmentation_300_-800_CE_)

While Michael McCormick in his “Origins of the European Economy” has highlighted the dynamics of connectivity between Western Europe and the Eastern Mediterranean after the fall of the Western Roman Empire and thus also ultimately confuted the thesis of Henri Pirenne on a destruction of the unity of the Mediterranean in this period, a similar approach towards the connections within the Eastern Mediterranean and beyond would provide equally significant results for the “Origins of Eurasian Economy”. In my paper, I will focus especially on the mobility of individuals, objects, technologies and ideas between the spheres of Byzantium respectively Persia and Central Asia and the “Far East”, traditionally connected with the master narrative of the “Silk Road”.
The notion of the “Silk Road” suggests linear routes between two localities, while recent scholarship has illuminated the “multiplexity” of commercial, political or religious ties among places on the local, regional and trans-regional level. Within these complex and dynamic networks over several spatial and temporal scales emerged processes of religious, intellectual or artistic diffusion.
I survey some selected developments and intensities of long-distance connectivity, especially from the perspective of some important intermediary regions, for the period between 550 and 850 CE. Second, I focus on what C. A. Bayly in his “Birth of the Modern World” (2003) has called the lateral and the vertical dimension of phenomena of “global” diffusion and exchange: the spatial range of mobility and communication of individuals and objects which connected localities and clusters of localities along the “Silk routes” – and the vertical dimension of the impact of the material and immaterial artefacts of these exchange in the respective local societies. Finally, I link these observations with some discussions on the character of exchange and socio-economic integration in the Roman and Post-Roman world as well as with some general models of connectivity.

Shipwrecks are a key site-type for maritime archaeological research and their investigations have been prominent in the subject’s development over the last sixty years. At one time their value was often squandered, with anything from cursory surveys to total excavations being undertaken for the same reason George Mallory suggested that mountains were climbed: because they were there. Today it is recognised that the remains of wrecked ships, through their distribution in time and space, their variety and their complexity, comprise one of the richest forms of archaeological source material. This volume brings together researchers who explore the ways in which ships can be understood and interpreted as material culture through their wreck sites, focusing on ships as artefacts, as agents, as technology, as society, as ideology and as symbols, as well as on what they carried and the people who sailed on them. Collectively they show that shipwrecks are not just the preserve of nautical specialists but have wider implications for the understanding of human action and past societies.

The editors: Jonathan Adams is a Professor of Archaeology at the University of Southampton and the founding Director of Southampton’s Centre for Maritime Archaeology (CMA) and Johan Rönnby, Professor of Archaeology and Director of the Maritime Archaeological Research Institute (MARIS) at Södertörn University.

This should have been the work of many - yet in the end there was too much vested interest on one hand and not enough interest on the other.  Some of this is explained in Section 1.1 ... the rest is about the ship's cargo (chpt. 2) and the vessel itself (chpt. 3).  I attempt a number of approaches at analysing "ceramic shipwreck" cargoes and reconstructing shipwrecks; but in the end it's the historic context that counts.  In this case that would be some insights on Southeast Asian trade and market volume in the 10th century ... and speculations on who might have been in charge of it.
I would ask the interested reader to also download the figure volumes: Quite much of the text will probably be too cryptic without the diagrams and drawings ...

It is advisable to also download the 'Figures' volume: Much of the explanations in the text are rather cryptic if not accompanied with the respective drawings etc.

This paper examines several interrelated aspects of maritime connectivity within the Roman Mediterranean. First, it considers Fulford’s suggestion of a divide between eastern and western trading zones along the North African coast in the light of new discoveries since the publication of his article in Libyan Studies in 1989. Some evidence supports his analysis; the distribution of Italian bricks imported as return cargoes to North Africa does not extend east of the Gulf of Sirt; by contrast the identifiable exports from Cyrenaica go north up the Adriatic but not west to Tripolitania. However, the imported finewares at Berenice (Benghazi) in the third century AD are almost exclusively African Red Slip ware from Tunisia, though it is unclear if they have been imported directly (as clearly occurred much earlier with the import of Punic cooking wares to Cyrenaica), or as return cargoes from an intermediate entrepôt such as Portus. The idea of a certain amount of traffic along the North African littoral is supported by the epigraphic evidence suggesting Alexandrian worshippers at sanctuaries of Isis and Sarapis at major North African ports west of the Gulf of Sirt, who may be part of trading diaspora communities, of the kind attested at Puteoli and elsewhere. Such trading communities at major ports suggest regular mercantile connections on established routes, with knowledge about general market demand (if not actual price levels) at distant ports, and sometimes contacts between known trading partners. The glass industry is considered as a case study illustrating the geographical integration of the Roman economy through maritime networks between ports. Roman glass production relied heavily on large-scale primary production of raw glass in the Levant, using natron imported from Egypt. The raw glass was then shipped around the Roman world to secondary production centres where it was transformed into a final product; the different stages of production were linked by long-distance maritime trade routes. Finally, the paper examines how port structures, capacities and facilities might relate to and reflect the patterns of maritime trade in antiquity. The type and size of port infrastructure and harbour capacity can help to construct hierarchies of ports, ranging from villa harbours to major entrepôts like Portus, and to suggest connections between them within regional hierarchies. It is noteworthy that some of the villa harbours of the Roman period could accommodate sizeable sea-going ships capable of undertaking open-water voyages to distant emporia.

This article highlights the development of maritime archaeology as a discipline. It is by watercraft that some areas and smaller islands of our planet, seas and oceans, have been discovered, explored, settled, exploited, supplied, and defended. Maritime archaeology has several branches including coastal archaeology, nautical archaeology, which is the largest and best-known of the subdisciplines of maritime archaeology. In the 1970s, maritime and nautical archaeology became academic disciplines. Maritime archaeology is today, a respected subject. Even in the field of nautical archaeology, there are various specializations. This article talks about the problem of lack of availability of thorough, scholarly publications of fieldwork. One of maritime archaeology's greatest challenges lies in educating the public about the purposes of archaeology. Both cultural resources or heritage management archaeologists and those from academic institutions often face time constraints in collecting and publishing as much information as possible on sites that might otherwise be lost forever.

"Underwater archaeology is the systematic study of past human life, behaviors, activities and cultures using the physical (or material) remains (including sites, structures and artifacts) as well as other evidence found in the underwater (or submerged) environment. Such evidence may exist beneath fresh (or inland) waters or beneath salt (or marine) waters. It may be visible on the bed of the water body (i.e. seabed) or buried beneath sediment.

Underwater archaeological sites may consist of the remains of ships (shipwrecks), boats (boat finds), other watercraft or vessels and aircraft as well as cultural material that was accidentally dropped, lost overboard or deliberately deposited into the water body. It also includes the remains of structures that were originally built wholly or partly underwater (such as fish traps, crannogs, bridges, piers, jetties and wharves) as well as the remains of human activity that originally took place on dry or marshy land that has subsequently been inundated, either by rising water levels or by marine (or fluvial) erosion.
"

Freedom of navigation through the South China Sea could now be at risk. Six countries lay claim to all or part of the Spratly Islands and the Paracels (Fig. 1). Five of them occupy islands or reefs. All five have built structures and infrastructure, and all have reclaimed land to do it. Recently, however, China has instigated something of a reclamation Blitzkrieg. It has converted seven submerged reefs into islands, and several of those incorporate runways and harbours. They are primarily for military use and therefore dramatically change the strategic situation. When challenged, China cites an indisputable right to be there.
This paper seeks to address the sense of entitlement that all claimants exude. Perceived rights seem to override international law, ratified conventions, signed declarations, and even common sense. They stem from history, both ancient and modern; but history is open to interpretation. Archaeological evidence is more concrete, as it can
corroborate and/or enhance the textual evidence.

The Late Bronze Age ended with a bang in the Aegean and Eastern Mediterranean: palaces and empires collapsed, from Greece to Egypt; coastal territories were beset by pirates and marauders; migratory peoples were on the move across land and sea; and geopolitical lines were permanently redrawn – conditions reflected, in many ways, by the world portrayed in Homer’s Odyssey. The notorious ‘Sea Peoples,’ mysterious groups of warriors who were credited by the pharaoh Ramesses III with destroying empires across the Near East at this time, fit into this puzzle in some way, although their exact role continues to be hotly debated. In the Odyssey’s various subplots, Odysseus himself carries out activities that are that highly reminiscent of the Sea Peoples, as he engages in raids and skirmishes while circuitously making his way back from Troy. Though it is presented as a falsehood within Homer’s master narrative, one such subplot, the “Second Cretan Lie” (Odyssey xiv 191–359) is striking in its similarity to the experience of one specific Sea Peoples group, whom Egyptian pharaohs referred to as the "Sherden of the Sea", and whose seaborne attacks they claimed that “none could withstand.”
This book marshals documentary, pictorial, and material evidence to examine Odysseus’ Second Cretan Lie in the context of the Late Bronze–Iron Age transition, with particular emphasis on changes in the iconography of warriors and warfare, social and economic upheaval, and remarkable innovation in maritime technology and tactics. Particular focus is given the hero’s description of his frequent raiding activities, including an ill–fated attempt on the Nile Delta, and on his description of seven subsequent years spent in the land of the pharaohs, during which he claims to have gathered great wealth. Setting the evidence for the Sherden of the Sea against this Homeric narrative demonstrates not only that Odysseus’ Second Cretan Lie fits into the temporal framework of the Late Bronze–Early Iron Age transition, but that there were historical people who actually lived that which Odysseus falsely claims as his own experience.

An anthropological approach to a culture extrapolates social structures, traditions, and general organizing principles of that culture from the careful observation of patterns of behaviour as described in case  studies. In the absence of a living culture to record, archaeologists extrapolate this information from behaviour reconstructed from spatially determined patterns in the deposition of material remains and from patterns found in the general organizing principles of historically documented cultures, using arguments based on analogy. This contribution builds on our previous research on the “Sea Peoples” as a piratical culture in order to apply an anthropological approach to understanding the cultural identities of the various tribal groups involved in maritime activities at the end of the Bronze Age who are popularly known as the “Sea Peoples”, and place this within the broader context of the current discussions on the transition between the Late Bronze and Early Iron Age in the Mediterranean.

The paper explores the logistical consequences of the introduction of sails to Scandinavia on the threshold to the Viking Age. Calculations stating that the sails of the Viking fleet comprised 1 million square meters of sailcloth form the starting point. Data from experimental archaeology, ethnology, history, and textile science are used to calculate the demand for raw materials and labour caused by the need for sailcloth, and for additional textiles needed for seafaring such as sailor's clothing and blankets. For a cargo ship of the knar type, this amounts to well over 200 kg wool and some 10 years of labour; for a warship with a crew of 65-70 men, more than 1,5 tonnes of wool and 50-60 years of labour. Further data from botany and life sciences are employed to estimate the relationship between land and the increased demand for fiber -wool, flax or hemp. It is argued that the introduction of sails to Scandinavia must have caused changes in agrarian production and how farmers disposed of their lands.

Archaeological excavations in Kuwait have revealed the earliest remains anywhere of sea-going boats. The author explains these remains and the distribution of Ubaid pottery as evidence for a system of maritime exchange in the Arabian Neolithic driven by status and ceremony.

Mobilizing the Past is a collection of 20 articles that explore the use and impact of mobile digital technology in archaeological field practice. The detailed case studies present in this volume range from drones in the Andes to iPads at Pompeii, digital workflows in the American Southwest, and examples of how bespoke, DIY, and commercial software provide solutions and craft novel challenges for field archaeologists. The range of projects and contexts ensures that Mobilizing the Past for a Digital Future is far more than a state-of-the-field manual or technical handbook. Instead, the contributors embrace the growing spirit of critique present in digital archaeology. This critical edge, backed by real projects, systems, and experiences, gives the book lasting value as both a glimpse into present practices as well as the anxieties and enthusiasm associated with the most recent generation of mobile digital tools. This book emerged from a workshop funded by the National Endowment for the Humanities held in 2015 at Wentworth Institute of Technology in Boston. The workshop brought together over 20 leading practitioners of digital archaeology in the U.S. for a weekend of conversation. The papers in this volume reflect the discussions at this workshop with significant additional content. Starting with an expansive introduction and concluding with a series of reflective papers, this volume illustrates how tablets, connectivity, sophisticated software, and powerful computers have transformed field practices and offer potential for a radically transformed discipline.

Individual chapters are available for free download, here:
http://dc.uwm.edu/arthist_mobilizingthepast/

Questo volume rappresenta la terza edizione di un ciclo di lavoro iniziato nel 2006 per la tesi di dottorato. Questa, discussa nel 2010 (prima edizione, GATTIGLIA 2010), è stata parzialmente pubblicata, come monografia sintetica nel 2011 (seconda edizione, GATTIGLIA 2011) o in articoli (GATTIGLIA 2012, GATTIGLIA 2012a, GATTIGLIA G. 2011a) e trova ora (terza edizione) una pubblicazione più ampia alla luce di molti dati nuovi. Negli ultimi 2 anni, infatti, il lavoro di studio su Pisa, non solo medievale, è proseguito all’interno del progetto MAPPA (Metodologie Applicate alla Predittività del Potenziale) , che ha reso possibile una capillare raccolta dati attraverso i quali si è potuto ricomporre più compiutamente il quadro idrogeologico, geomorfologico e topografico e sottoporre a verifica, in molti casi modificando, parte delle ipotesi fatte in quelle sedi. I dati qui analizzati sono open data sul MOD (ANICHINI et alii 2013) (l’archivio open data dell’archeologia italiana www.mappaproject.org/mod) o interrogabili  su webGIS (MAPPAgis www.mappaproject.org/webgis).
Nel primo capitolo viene sinteticamente raccontata la storia dell’archeologia urbana a Pisa. Nel secondo capitolo lo sguardo si allarga sul contesto territoriale e sul paesaggio. I percorsi fluviali e le aree palustri vengono analizzati per capire come l’ambiente abbia condizionato nel bene e nel male lo sviluppo della città medievale. Ma siccome l’uomo non è stato passivo di fronte ad esso, lo studio del sistema portuale e della viabilità terrestre permette di comprendere quali soluzioni siano state adottate per sfruttare i vantaggi geografici e generare profitti economici e commerciali.Il terzo ed ultimo capitolo è diviso in due parti. La prima vuole illustrare le grandi trasformazioni urbanistiche nel lungo periodo che va dalla fine della romanità (VI secolo) alla conquista fiorentina (inizio XV secolo).  La seconda parte fa parlare le tracce materiali, le fonti archeologiche, quei tasselli della storia che hanno permesso di ricostruire il quadro generale. Saranno soprattutto i dati provenienti dagli scavi a raccontare com’erano gli edifici, le strade, gli opifici e le botteghe artigianali, il sistema di smaltimento dei rifiuti e di approvvigionamento dell’acqua, infine la ricchezza e lo status sociale dei suoi abitanti.

En 1245, las tropas castellanas conquistaban Cartagena. Tras el intento alfonsí de conseguir una fuerte proyección mediterránea de Castilla, la costa murciana se convierte en un inmenso despoblado. Castilla, especialmente durante el siglo XIV, manifestó un claro desentendimiento de los asuntos mediterráneos. Sólo Cartagena, reducida a su mínima expresión urbana, sobrevive como único núcleo habitado hasta el nacimiento de Mazarrón en la segunda mitad del siglo XV. Los intereses políticos de los Reyes Católicos y la proyección de la Monarquía Hispánica en el Norte de África y el Mediterráneo occidental, recuperarán el importante papel de Cartagena y la costa murciana en el contexto geopolítico de la época. Se convirtió, en el siglo XVI, en la línea de retaguardia del gran frente abierto frente al Islam. Entonces, la costa murciana dejó de tener definitivamente un papel marginal en las maniobras políticas de la corona.

In 1245, the Castilian troops conquered Cartagena. After the attempt to achieve a strong Mediterranean projection of Castile during the reign of Alfonso X “the Wise”, the coast of kingdom of Murcia becomes a vast desert. Castile, especially during the fourteenth century, has a clear misunderstanding of Mediterranean affairs. Only Cartagena, reduced to a minimum core urban, survives until the birth of Mazarrón in the second half of the fifteenth century. The political interests of the Catholic Monarchs and the projection of the Hispanic Monarchy in North Africa and the western Mediterranean, recovered the important role of Cartagena and the coast of Murcian district in the geopolitical context of the time. He became, in the sixteenth century, in rear line of the large open front face of Islam. Then, the coast of kingdom of Murcia finally stopped having a marginal role in the political maneuvers of the crown.

A “frying pan” of some interest, since it depicts a longboat, (Syros Museum 1163)  was found in a rescue excavation conducted under the direction of the author in the Roussos field at Chalandriani in Syros in 2002-2008. The field lies in the West Sector of the Early Cycladic Chalandriani cemetery . The excavation revealed 28 undisturbed graves of the corbelled type with grave goods more or less similar to those from Tsountas’s excavations, and distinguished by their variety and wealth. The new find (from Grave VII), besides enlarging the corpus of known depictions of longboats on ‘frying pans’, provides an opportunity, because of its well-documented contexts, to understand better certain aspects of these intriguing objects and the EBA II Chalandriani society they reflect.

Although much has been written on the subject of ancient Mediterranean harbours, the relatively new area of harbour
geoarchaeology remains dispersed in the geoscience and archaeological literature. Over a decade of research has amassed rich and varied datasets of anthropogenically forced coastal evolution, with a remarkable number of between-site analogies. This new research field also shows the rich potential of geoscience to reconcile important archaeological questions. No single publication, however, has yet drawn on these geological patterns to yield a detailed overview suitable for geoscientists and environmental archaeologists. The aim of this review article is to
(1) discuss how ancient harbours have come to be preserved in the geological record;

(2) expound the basic principles and palaeoenvironmental tools underpinning ancient harbour geoarchaeology;

(3) outline some of the most significant research advances made; and

(4) discuss a new chrono-stratigraphic model applicable to harbour.
sequences.

Title: The Livro da Fabrica das Naos from Fernando Oliveira. Principles and procedures for ship building

In this dissertation I discuss the principles and procedures of the architecture and carpentry of the hull of a nau for the India Route at the end of the 16th century, based on Fernando Oliveira’s book: Livro da Fabrica das Naos.
The dissertation is structured around two main chapters.
After summing up the life and work of Fernando Oliveira, I read the Livro da Fabrica das Naos focusing on three main aspects of the author’s shipbuilding philosophy: the search for a systematical point of view, the use of a biological paradigm and the development of an idea of progress. 
In the second chapter, I analyse the theoretical bases that can provide a better understanding of the procedures for ship construction (iconography, documents, shipwrecks and scaled models) and I discuss all the stages of the building of a Portuguese Indiaman´s hull.

Key words: 16th century, Fernando Oliveira, Livro da Fabrica das Naos, shipbuilding, East-Indiaman.

An overview of known Phoenician shipwrecks which allow insights into Iron Age exchange patterns and attest to a multiplicity of small and large networks conditioned by diverse ship types, routes, markets and goods.
This paper is a summary of my magister thesis written in 2009 at the university of Heidelberg, Germany.

Devotion to the goddess Tanit/Tinnit, a permutation of Astarte, took place in Mediterranean cave sanctuaries and on Phoenician ships. Employing both material and textual evidence, it is argued that her worship at sea and at port required a degree of religious competency of seamen that served as crew and combatants on trading vessels and military vessels, respectively. With the Phoenician priesthood centered in cities, coastal inhabitants would have depended on part-time officiants to supervise and perform certain rites. Reasons for the lack of mention in the literature of this non-elite class are proposed.

Zum Geleit (Preface to Wd0 43/2)
Die Herausgeber der „Welt des Orients“ freuen sich, dass mit dem vorliegenden Faszikel über „Permutations of Astarte“ nach WdO 40/2 (2010) bereits das zweite Themenheft der WdO erscheinen kann. Anders als das Themenheft von 2010 (Excavations at Qubur al-Walaydah, 2007–2009) ist das vorliegende Heft religionsgeschichtlich ausgerichtet. Unser Dank gilt
den Herausgebern des Themenheftes Prof. Dr. Mark Christian (Nashville) und Prof. Dr. Rüdiger Schmitt (Münster) für die Zusammenarbeit sowie dem Verlag, vertreten durch seinen LektorHerrn Jörg Persch und Frau Friederike Lonz, für die Unterstützung bei der Realisierung des Heftes.

Mainz, Heidelberg, Berlin undWürzburg am 1. Oktober 2013
Sebastian Grätz, Joachim Friedrich Quack, Bernd U. Schipper
und Daniel Schwemer
DieWelt des Orients, 43. Jahrgang, S. 149, ISSN 0043-2547
© 2013 Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht GmbH & Co. KG, Göttingen
"""

The most common mechanism by which underwater archaeological sites throughout the world are protected is by using cultural heritage legislation. In 1982 the United Nations Convention of the Law of the Sea (UNCLOS) provided that ‘States have the duty to protect objects of an archaeological and historical nature found at sea and shall cooperate for this purpose’. National and state or provincial governments have the right to enact and enforce legislation and regulations for the protection and preservation of underwater cultural heritage lying in or under their internal waters, territorial seas and Exclusive Economic Zone (EEZ), in some cases as far out as the edge of the Continental Shelf. In more recent years, multilateral attempts to control activity on, and to create standards for the conduct of archaeological research on, underwater cultural heritage sites, such as shipwrecks, have led to the creation of firstly the ICOMOS Charter for the Protection and Management of Underwater Cultural Heritage secondly, and perhaps more significantly, the UNESCO Convention on the Protection of the Underwater Cultural Heritage 2001.

La Península Ibérica, situada a medio camino entre el Atlántico y el Mediterráneo, se ha considerado habitualmente un espacio limítrofe o una tierra de confín. Esta publicación recoge los resultados de una reunión científica internacional, celebrada en la Universidad de Alicante, en la que diversos especialistas reflexionan sobre las representaciones culturales, las expresiones simbólicas y la forma de vida de los habitantes de la antigua Iberia. Las aportaciones arqueológicas, cartográficas e históricas ofrecen un acercamiento diacrónico e interdisciplinar, al tiempo que contribuyen a perfilar la cosmovisión ligada a este territorio.

The vases which are painted with black figured technique firstly appeared in 7th century B.C in Corinth. The works which were produced by Corinthian craftsmen were commonly in Mediterranean region on the first half of 6th century. After that the red figured ceramics which were emerged in 520 B.C in Athenian, replaced the black figured technique and continued to be used until the end of 3th century B.C. Contrary to black figured technique which was painted black figures on the red ground, the red figured technique took its name from the paintings that was made red figures on the black ground. The most important development of ship making was happened in warships. The pentacontors are warships which have 25 oarsmen at one side, in both side totally 50 oarsmen. In 8th century B.C. Athenian vases has depicted the same ships as that. After that pentacontors were strongly build with putting ram on the bow of the ships. According to Thucydides before the Persian invasions the Greek fleet had lots of pentacontors. Triremes were emerged by multiplying the numbers of oarsmen in one line, double to triple in pentacontors. It was learned the triremes were first used from Corinth’s colonization process in 7th century B.C. there are a few written documents left from that time about triremes. The trireme actually takes its name from 3 lined oarsmen shaped warships. The ship accommodates not only 170 oarsmen and deck crews but also 30 seamen in the same place. It has been a center of a lifelong
arguable problem for scientists how 3 persona groups are placed at the same ground. Nevertheless, with the help of painting ceramics depictions have showed important clues about triremes. The depictions are playing the most important role while understanding triremes, because there are no real models which dated back from that time. It is understandable that the triremes which were build to defuse the enemy ships with its eyed figured spur, were light and fast.
On the other hand, in Aegean region had a dense commercial movement in 5 century B.C.the merchant ships which were carrying olive oil and vine filled amphorae, were sailing every corner of Mediterranean Sea. The merchant ships of that era were known with the depictions of vase paintings and some various carvings, no matter how they had not technological improvements as warships. These ships are generally one sailed small and annular shaped ships which carry loads
from one harbor to another.
Therefore, the technological changes of the ships are noted with the lights of ancient age vase paintings. The painters of vases are depicting the exact mythological action or a scene of
diurnal life in their works. While doing this, perhaps without realizing, they are keeping successfully the secrets of the fashion and technology of that era.

This is an updated version of my ‘Bibliography on Ancient Egyptian Shipbuilding, Seafaring, Harbours, and Navigation.’ The previous version was published in July 2022, and some two hundred entries were added to this list. I apologize if any significant works are missing from this list. This is almost inevitable, as this bibliography is only my working tool, and thus it remains very subjective and incomplete. Even if some of the colleagues find here a couple of references that may interest them, I will be completely satisfied.

Oared warships dominated the Mediterranean from the Bronze Age down to the development of cannon. Purpose-built warships were specifically designed to withstand the stresses of ramming tactics and high intensity impacts. Propelled by the oars of skilled rowing crews, squadrons of these ships could work in unison to outmaneuver and attack enemy ships. In 241 B.C. off the northwestern coast of Sicily, a Roman fleet of fast ramming warships intercepted a Carthaginian warship convoy attempting to relieve Hamilcar Barca’s besieged troops atop Mount Eryx (modern day Erice). The ensuing naval battle led to the ultimate defeat of the Carthaginian forces and an end to the First Punic War (264–241 B.C.). Over the course of the past 12 years, the Egadi Islands Archaeological Site has been under investigation producing new insights into the warships that once patrolled the wine dark sea. The ongoing archaeological investigation has located Carthaginian helmets, hundreds of amphora, and 11 rams that sank during the course of the battle. This research uses the recovered Egadi 10 ram to attempt a conjectural reconstruction of a warship that took part in the battle. It analyzes historical accounts of naval engagements during the First Punic War in order to produce a narrative of warship innovation throughout the course of the war. It employs experimental three-dimensional reconstructions in the Rhinoceros and Orca 3D software based on archaeological evidence in order to determine basic hull dimensions and fundamental characteristics of the Egadi 10 warship’s design. Finally, it compares the resulting reconstruction to Polybius’ accounts of the warships that sank at the site.

Il volume, attraverso l'analisi dei dati archeologici, ricostruisce le trasformazioni della città a partire dall'Altomedieoevo, quando pisa si contra e della città romana non rimangono che resti abbandonati; racconta la presenza longobarda e la precoce ripartenza economica tra IX e X secolo, favorita da una fitta rete di porti marittimi e fluviali e dalle relazioni commerciali: la città diventa un importante centro di crescita economica, che porterà allo sviluppo di una classe mercantile sempre più intraprendente e alla conseguente trasformazione urbanistica avvenuta tra XI e XIII secolo con la costruzione delle case-torri, delle mura comunali e dei grandi edifici religiosi.

Ancient and medieval harbours connected via navigable and terrestrial routes could be interpreted as elements of complex traffic networks. Based on evidence from three projects in Priority Programme 1630 (Fossa Carolina, Inland harbours in Central Europe and Byzantine harbours on the Balkan coasts) we present a pioneer study to apply concepts and tools of network theory on archaeological and on written evidence as well as to integrate this data into different network models. Our diachronic approach allows for an analysis of the temporal and spatial dynamics of webs of connectivity with a focus on the 1st millennium AD. The combination of case studies on various spatial scales as well as from regions of inland and maritime navigation (Central Europe respectively the Seas around the Balkans) allows for the identification of structural similarities respectively difference between pre-modern traffic systems across Europe. The contribution is a first step towards further adaptions of tools of network analysis as an instrument for the connection and comparison of data across the projects of Priority Programme 1630.