Turkish Media

Bu çalışma Yeni Gün gazetesinin 3 Eylül 1918 ve 30 Ekim 1923 tarihleri arasında
yayınlanmış sayılarının, Mütareke Dönemi ve Cumhuriyet’in ilanı arasındaki süreç arka
planda olmak üzere, incelenmesine ve değerlendirilmesine dayanmaktadır. Bir dönemden
diğerine geçilen sancılı sürecin gazete sayfalarına ne şekilde yansıdığı, siyasi açıdan
nasıl bir bakış açısına ve duruşa sahip olduğu ve bu bakış açısından iç ve dış olayları
nasıl değerlendirdiği, Millî Mücadele karşısındaki tavrını ve sayfalarında hangi fikir
akımlarına ne şekilde yer vermiş olduğunu anlama çabası, çalışmanın hareket noktasını
oluşturmaktadır.

This study is based on the issues of Yeni Gün between September 3, 1918 and
October 30, 1923. The issues of the newspaper are analyzed and assessed by keeping
the period between Armistice Period and the proclaiming of republic in the background.
The study which is predicated on issues of Yeni Gün newspaper aims to understand the
function of the newspaper as a communication medium, its political stand, its attitude
towards Turkish National Struggle, and the ideas which took place in the context of the
paper.

The hugely popular proto-Ottoman television serial Resurrection Ertuğrul (Diriliş Ertuğrul, 2014-) is the culmination of a series of attempts by Turkish government broadcaster TRT to produce a historical drama in line with the values of the governing AKP. Far from being confined to the television screen, Resurrection is called upon by the government for multiple extra-textual engagements with the public. This essay traces some of the ways in which the serial has been used instrumentally by the AKP, blurring traditional distinctions between entertainment and official (state sanctioned) history and, ultimately, intervening in political discourse. It first introduces the notion of prescriptive activation to describe the extra-textual use of media texts by those in power for political ends. Next, it examines the trappings of death that surround Resurrection, suggesting that the serial partakes in a representational necropolitics that fetishize death for the nation. Finally, it explores the stakes of such representation, turning to a case in which text-inspired and literal necropolitics converge.

Jill Schostak and I wrote this book as part of our evolving interest in doing research radically.  By radically we mean engaging with people's voices to learn how to create the conditions for social justice and for democratising all the organisations of everyday life.  We draw on our own research but also on the ways in which the media is used to shaw people's voices and behaviours.  We explore all the ways in which the desires and demands of elites are inscribed upon minds and bodies as well as how writing may create the conditions for counter inscriptions.  Writing research is to engage politically.  Whether it is the Arab Spring re-inscribing hopes for freedom, the Occupy Movement or young people challenging orthodoxies at home or in classrooms through use of the media, it is the power of writing in its broadest sense that makes the difference.

Onlar AKP’nin havuz medyası…  ATV, A Haber, Kanal 7, 360 TV, TRT 1, TRT Haber, TRT Türk, TRT Spor, Ülke TV, TV Net, Kanal A ve Beyaz TV kanallarıyla, Sabah, Takvim, Habertürk, Akşam, Türkiye, Milliyet, Güneş, Vatan, Yeni Akit, Yeni Şafak ve Star gazetelerinden oluşan, tek parti hükümetinin kontrolünde, ona bağımlı, ondan beslenen, ona biat eden partizan bir medya ordusu. Tirajları ne kadar düşük olursa olsun, devlet kurumlarından en pahalı ilanları/reklamları onlar alıyor. Bu gazete ve televizyonlarda çalışan gazeteciler yüksek maaşlarla, havuzun değişik kurumlarında, farklı pozisyonlarda istihdam ediliyor. En çok izlenen tartışma programlarında hep onlar tartışmacı. Hep başbakanı ve AKP politikalarını övüyorlar. Kimin hangi kanalda çıkacağına, kimin hangi gazetede yazacağına Ankara karar veriyor. AKP havuzunda çalışan ve iktidara üstün hizmet veren gazetecilerin banka hesapları kabardıkça kabarıyor. 2002 öncesinde kooperatiften aldığı evinin borcunu ödemekte zorlanan bir yandaş gazetecinin 2014 yılındaki maaşının 100 milyon lira olduğu konuşuluyor.  Medya Patronları maaşları ödemekte zorlanıyor. Dert değil, nasıl olsa devlet bankaları havuz medyası çalışanlarının maaşlarını ödemek için kullanılıyor.  İşte böyle bir havuzdan bahsediyoruz.

Devlet yönetimindeki ve toplum hayatındaki işlevine vurgu yapmak için, medyaya sıklıkla, yasama, yürütme ve yargıyı denetleyen bir “dördüncü kuvvet” olduğu yakıştırması yapılsa da, hemen hemen her ülkede olduğu gibi, Türkiye’de de medya, kimi zaman denetleyicilik rolünü aşıp, bizzat karar alma sürecinin bir parçası olmakta ya da en azından süreci yönlendirmeye çalışmaktadır. Medyanın bu tavrı, Türk dış politikası söz konusu olduğunda da devreye girmektedir. Bu tebliğde, Türk dış politikasında yakın geçmişte yaşanan en büyük krizlerden biri olan Kardak Krizi’nde, Türkiye’nin ana akım medya organlarının krize nasıl dahil olduğu, krizi nasıl yönlendirdiği ve hatta krizi nasıl yarattığı üzerinde durulacaktır.

Günümüzde kitle iletişimi, kapitalist toplum koşullarında gerçekleşmektedir. Böylesi bir ortamda ana akım medya kuruluşları haber verme işlevinin ötesine geçmiş, ticari boyutu ve üstlendikleri ideolojik işlevden bağımsız düşünülemeyecek araçlar haline gelmiştir.

Contemporary Turkey is an example for the re-definition of history for political reasons during
the so-called process of "coming to grips with the past". The historical "apology" of Turkish
PM Erdogan of the ruling mildly Sunni Islamist Justice and Development Party (JDP or AKP)
for the Tunceli Incidents (former region of Dersim) in the late 1930s started a heated and
ideologically-motivated debate between different rival political, religious, sectarian and ethnic
factions in the media. This article analyses the debate on the Dersim Incidents between rival
political media actors and reveals their respective self-concepts, worldviews and political
interests and interpretations of the past and present in Turkey.

The relationship between Turkish media conglomerates and the Justice and Development Party (AKP) government has shown increased conflict since 2009. The AKP, under the leadership of Recep Tayyip Erdogan, has displayed increasing fear of and suspicion toward Turkey's liberal media. Censorship of the news in Turkey intensified after the failed coup attempt of July 2016. Media control tools used by business moguls were supported by the government and led the way to the creation of a corporatist media, which in turn has come under increased government pressure. This essay also highlights an ever-present tension within media and politics in Turkey. Turkish journalists tend to define themselves as liberals who historically assigned themselves the mission to inform the public and to raise public awareness on political issues independent of ruling governments. In contrast, successive Turkish governments, both conservative and liberal, have tended to view the media either as an ally or as an enemy to be feared.

Bu çalışmada Türk basınında Suriyeli sığınmacı temsilleri incelenmektedir. Örneklem için, en yüksek
tiraja sahip ilk beş gazetede (“Hürriyet”, “Sabah”, “Posta”, “Sözcü”, “Zaman”) 2014 yılında yayımlanan
ilgili tüm haberler, köşe yazıları ve görseller seçilmiştir. Mevcut çalışma, Suriyeli sığınmacıların Türk
basınında 2011-2015 yılları arasındaki temsillerini inceleyen (TÜBİTAK destekli) daha geniş çaplı
bir araştırma projesinin bir kısmını oluşturmaktadır. Mevcut literatürde sıkça ihmal edilen ya da ayrı
bir inceleme alanı olarak ele alınan haber görselleri, bu çalışmada haber metinleri ve köşe yazılarıyla
beraber incelenmektedir. Araştırma sonuçlarında görülmüştür ki, Türk gazetelerinde Suriyeli
sığınmacılarla ilgili haber ve görsellerin içerikleri çoğunlukla olumlu ya da yansız özelliklere sahiptir.
Temsil özelliklerine odaklandığımızda ise temsillerde bir ikilem olduğu görülmektedir. Temsiller
Suriyeli sığınmacıyı zorlu koşullar içinde “yoksul” ve “yardıma muhtaç” olarak gösterirken, aynı sıklıkta
toplum güvenliği için bir “tehdit” olarak da göstermektedir. Sıkça tekrarlanan bu temsiller ve ikilem
göstermektedir ki Türk basınının Suriyeli sığınmacı temsili, uluslararası çalışmalarda tanımlanan
stereotipik sığınmacı temsillerini yeniden üretmektedir.

This study which analyses the relation between the mainstream media and political power and its consequences on journalism in Turkey focuses on The Justice and Development Party (AKP) period started in 2002. How the mainstream media positioned against the political power, how AKP reorganized the media order, how these processes resulted in terms of journalism are questioned. In this study, AKP’s 13 years in power and the interventions they applied to media are analysed with critical political economy approach. In-depth interviews were made with 20 journalists whose majority was employed in the mainstream media in order to understand how journalism has changed during AKP period. The findings obtained from the research showed that the pressure on journalists increased in the last 13 years. Besides, the research gave a chance to discuss the interventions to the media with the examples inside.

Turkey has been undergoing a transition in governance over decades, most recently in
the sociopolitical transformation from Kemalist laicism to Islamic-dominated politics. The shifts have been uneven, with government frequently overtaken by military control, and then returned to some form of democratic functioning, with associated changes in the laws reflecting greater or lesser tolerance for multi-party politics, public religious practice, and EU-inspired civic liberties.
Throughout, the experience has engaged a tension between Western influences and Islamic norms as interpreted through processes of modernization and economic liberalization. The media’s role as a conveyor of cultural imaginaries and national identities has led it to play an important part in this trajectory. Yet, although its autonomy has varied depending on those in power—at times being a tool entirely controlled by government, at others operating with few fetters—the laws and regulations surrounding the media have varied much less, suggesting the legal structure defining Turkish media reflects in general terms the public’s view of its position and role in society. This is despite the fact that the media laws in Turkey have not been holistically forged, nor rigorously updated to accommodate technological change. What is suggested here is that the media’s status as a strategic circulator of ideas within social relations and as an ideological bellwether of public values, has been translated into the legal corpus, creating a uniquely Turkish interpretation of the media’s agency, and instrumentality, which we suggest is made comprehensible through Values and Status Negotiation Theory (VSN).

Bağımsız/Tarafsız/Muhalif bir yayın olan Haftalık Uykusuz Mizah Dergisi bu makalede Alternatif Medya tartışmaları çerçevesinde ele alınmıştır. Çalışmada öncelikle mizah ve muhalefet ilişkisi incelenmiş, sonrasında Türkiye'de mizah ve muhalefet meselelerine değinilmiştir. Türkiye'de mizah dergilerinin tarihsel serüvenini de ele aldığımız makalede, Gezi Direnişi'nin etkisiyle ve bu süreçte tüm itibarını yitiren ana akım karşısında mizah dergilerinin, örgütleme ve açık kanallara sahip olma bakımından alternatif bir mecraya döndüğü iddiası dile getirilmektedir. Bu bağlamda, Uykusuz'un eleştirel bir dil ve yaklaşım ile demokrasinin güçlenmesi için enformasyon verme görevini yerine getirdiğini de iddia etmek mümkündür.

In this study Turkish audiovisual media economics is examined via consideration of facts such as changing national and international conditions, national and foreign actors, legal regulations, ownership structure, developments in broadcasting technologies, as well as development and distribution of internet. In the study, historical development of the Turkish media in the last 50 years is examined with a special emphasis on its last 25 years during which the plural private media emerged actually (de facto) following the termination of the public monopoly in 1990. Today, impact of mass media on individuals and society, as well as on propoganda powers has altered structure and strength of communication in unprecedented way. Audiovisual media sector -as a news, idea and entertainment producer, which gains power to impact society with all these production- is indispensible participatory democracy actor, which has a key role in establishment of a modern society. A deep consideration of Turkey‟s demographic structure, education level, as well as daily radio listening and television watching times come up with the importance of audiovisual media on public approaches and decisions. This situation gives a hint on why the sector has been a charming issue.
In the study, spatial distribution of the sector incomes, namely commercial communication (advirtisement) incomes, and sponsorship incomes that arise latterly is investigated. Whether or not the sector is a productive investment tool is discussed with the interpreted output of the study. Besides, concentration in media ownership, which is in contrast with free media conditions necessary to ensure plurality is analyzed with investigation of economic activities of media owners in areas other than the media.

Turkey has been undergoing a transition in governance over decades, most recently in the sociopolitical transformation from Kemalist laicism to Islamic-dominated politics. The shifts have been uneven, with government frequently overtaken by military control, and then returned to some form of democratic functioning, with associated changes in the laws reflecting greater or lesser tolerance for multi-party politics, public religious practice, and EU-inspired civic liberties. Throughout, the experience has engaged a tension between Western influences and Islamic norms as interpreted through processes of modernization and economic liberalization. The media’s role as a conveyor of cultural imaginaries and national identities has led it to play an important part in this trajectory. Yet, although its autonomy has varied depending on those in power—at times being a tool
entirely controlled by government, at others operating with few fetters—the laws and regulations surrounding the media have varied much less, suggesting the legal structure defining Turkish media
reflects in general terms the public’s view of its position and role in society. This is despite the fact that the media laws in Turkey have not been holistically forged, nor rigorously updated to accommodate technological change. What is suggested here is that the media’s status as a strategic circulator of ideas within social relations and as an ideological bellwether of public values, has been translated into the legal corpus, creating a uniquely Turkish interpretation of the media’s agency, and instrumentality,
which we suggest is made comprehensible through Values and Status Negotiation Theory (VSN).

This study, titled ‘Digital labor quality and news quality in Turkish digital mainstream media,’ examines the concepts of ‘news quality’ and ‘digital labor,’ which has been a topic of discussion in digital mainstream media in Turkey in recent years. During the research, findings were obtained through in-depth interviews. This study also seeks to shed light on the attitudes of digital journalists producing news. How do journalists use multimedia tools, how do they see the design of news homepages, how do they evaluate fake news, how do they use social media for work, how they make certain their digital reports are up-to-date, how do they refer to other news organizations in their articles, how much do they care about impartiality, how much do they care about ratings, how do they produce exclusive news, what are their career expectations, when are their days off and breaks during a day, news publishing count and transportation to work issues of digital journalists tried to be understood. In this context, in depth interviews were conducted with ten journalists from five mainstream digital news organizations. The selection of digital journalists in this research was based on literature. In depth interviews were conducted under fifteen titles. On the other hand, at the end of this research, it observed that digital mainstream media in Turkey has some issues giving proper attribution to other news organizations for their work, exclusive news producing, clickbait headlines related to advertisement models and correcting mistakes in the fake news.

The foreign policy of the Justice and development Party (JDP) government towards the Arab uprisings in 2011 and 2012 have been narrated through divergent and even confronting views
in the Turkish media. These different narratives demonstrated that foreign policy could also be a matter of internal political fault lines, and the narratives in the media can be constructed to reflect ideological or power position of a particular media organ vis-à-vis with the government. These socially constructed different ideas, identities and interests based on the same material inputs constitute an example of Constructivism which envisages that material assets are meaningless without mental element. This article aims to reveal how mental elements, - ideas, identities and interests, on the foreign policy

Using a data set of 2,968 articles collected from 22 different newspapers in Turkey, this article maps media responses to the ongoing Gulf Crisis. In doing so, we deploy a pioneering methodology derived from natural language processing and correspondence analysis to test whether categorical variables such as political affiliation, ownership, and ideological outlook had any impact on how a news publication covered the Gulf Crisis. In the results and interpretation sections, we attempt to connect our findings to broader discussions on agenda setting, framing, and building consent. Based on our analysis, we propose the following conclusions: (a) Political affiliation, ownership structure, and the ideological outlook all had unique effects on how a publication covered the Gulf Crisis, (b) the progovernment press embarked on a campaign to sway public opinion about the government's decision to side with Qatar. The dimensions of this campaign strongly resembled an executive act of consent manufacturing, and (c) corporate-owned news organizations were the driving force shaping both the public agenda and the dominant framing of the Gulf Crisis in the Turkish mediascape.

France is known as the first country in which fundamental rights and freedoms have been progressed and a strong democracy tradition has been established during the history of world. If the basis of mass communication is regarded as the pluralism and democracy, the developments in the France have had a big impact on this.
France is one of the leader countries, in the field of broadcasting throughout Europe, in which private or independent radios have been founded by demolishing the government monopoly.  The radio broadcasts started with the pirate broadcasts in the second half of the 1970s created a de facto status and gained a legal status after being accepted by the French society. The social groups, worrying about not being represented enough in the government broadcasting organizations, established the subject stations in order to make their voice heard. Although the French government had not accepted those illegal radio broadcasts at the outset, the new governments came to power had legislative efforts on this issue. By the way, frequencies were assigned to the Non-governmental organizations and social groups that wanted to broadcast and they even were supported financially. These subject developments, started with pirate broadcasts and ended up with the demolishing of government monopoly, ensured the social groups make their voices heard which had been impossible through radios before and also reawakened the radios by democratizing.  This trend started in the second half of the 1970s in France has not only been restricted with to France but also affected the whole Europe. The radio, which had lost its effectiveness against to television many years ago and been near to be junked, gained its prestige back by this means. After this period, it can be said that mass media has started to utilize its educational and cultural functions which they’re accused with not to do so. The pirate radios in France were defined as local-private and foundational radios and categorized such as social communication radio, community radio stations, universities and schools, radio and rural radios with the legal regulations. The Turks living in France have started make their voices heard from the radios established at that period
This study, primarily states the developments that enabled the demolishment of the broadcast monopoly of the government, then mentions Turkish broadcasting community radios and lastly current Turkish broadcasting radios. The scope of the study is limited to the radios in France.

This study aims to examine the reflections of the incident of shooting down of the Russian attack aircraft on November 24 th , 2015 on the Syrian border of Turkey, and the discourse on the news coverage from the perspective of peace journalism. In the study, the internet pages of the newspaper, Hürriyet, from the Turkish press and those from the Komsomolskaya Pravda, the Russian press, were examined. The internet news from both newspapers have been reviewed about the plane shootdown crisis on November 24-26 th. The research focuses on how the issue is communicated in the press in both countries. While analyzing the news texts, Van Dijk's method of critical discourse analysis was used in the study. According to findings obtained from the critical discourse analysis, it has been observed that the two newspapers examined interpret the shootdown of the attack aircraft according to the official discourse of their own countries. The examined newspapers, by referring to a pro-war sense, have yielded different interpretations and different realities to the ideologies of their respective countries. It has been detected that, rather than reducing tension on the issue, both newspapers, contrary to peace journalism, released the news within the frame of a pro-war journalism which was formed by elements such as headings, comments from both parties and choices of word in the news texts.

Yerel medya organlarının, ticari medya şirketlerinden ve devletin medya kurumlarından farklı olarak konumlandıkları yerin ve sahip oldukları temel özelliklerin kuramsal olarak tespit edilmesi oldukça önemlidir. Ancak, bu konuda ortaya konan teorilerin yapılacak alan araştırmaları ile mevcut uygulamalarla olanla irtibatını ortaya koymak gerekmektedir. Medyanın küyerelleşmesi ise hem teorik, hem de pratik anlamda incelenmesi gereken bir konudur. Bu çerçevede yapılan araştırmada Trabzon’da yayıncılık yapan 16 farklı medya kurumunun temsilcileri ile mülakatlarda bulunulmuştur.  Özellikle yerel medyaların yerel kültür ve sermayeyle olan ilişkileri çerçevesinde yayın politikalarında hangi noktalarda süreklilik ve hangi noktalarda değişim gösterdikleri incelenmiştir. 

Anahtar Kelimeler: Yerel Medya, Anaakım Medya, Kamu Medyaları, Küyerelleşme, Yerel Kültür, Trabzon

As it is different from commercial media companies and public media corporations, the place where local media positions itself and it’s fundamental characteristics are important to detect theoricaly. However, the contacts between the detected teories and reality/practice have to be exhibited by field studies. Moreover, the glocalization of media is a notion which has to be examine both teoricaly and practicaly. On this freme, within the field study it has been interviewed with the representatives of 16 different media corparations in Trabzon. Especially, in the context of the relations of local media with the local culture and capital, it has been searched that which points of broadcasting policies processes continuity and which of them shows changes. 

Key Words: Local Media, Main Stream Media, Public Media, Glocalization, Local Culture, Trabzon

The improvements in radio and television technologies have made it necessary to carry out legal regulations both in national and international level. In this study, after examining the technological development in radio and television broadcasting, legal changes that are related to the new definitions and areas of activities that are emerged due to technological changes are examined.  Some countries have behaved urgently in making regulations that are in line with technological improvements and have updated the existing legislations. Whereas the other group which includes Türkiye, experienced de facto applications since the legal regulations could not keep up with technological advances. The study provides various views and suggestions for Türkiye to carry out regulations which are compatible with technological progress in radio and television broadcasting.

The increasing popularity of online news and social media sites has made it more difficult than ever to control the flow of information. However, governments across the world are successfully continuing to restrict access to content that adversely affects their interests. This study examines the determinants of public support for censorship, as public support is likely to influence governments' ability to regulate information. Using the Balance Theory and nationally representative survey data from Turkey, we analyze the support for censorship of both online and offline media. Our results suggest that pro-censorship attitudes are positively associated with peoples' sympathy for the censor.

We argue in this paper that the science reporting in Turkey, and particularly representations of evolutionary theory, mirrors ongoing political discussions, rather than exploring the economical, social or technological impact of the scientific developments.
We analyzed archival records of several Turkish newspapers to demonstrate the political fault-lines along which the evolutionary theory is discussed. Based on our analysis, we outlined the patterns, tactics and forces that form the representations of evolutionary theory in Turkish newspapers.

La historia reciente de Turquía la ha situado en el punto de mira tanto de la Unión Europea como de la prensa internacional. Desde los primeros acercamientos entre la Comunidad Europea y el estado mediterráneo, con la firma del Tratado de Ankara en 1950, pasando por el anuncio oficial de su candidatura a la Unión en el Consejo de Helsinki de 1999, los sucesivos ejecutivos del país han realizado diversos esfuerzos de adecuación a la normativa comunitaria. A pesar de ello, el cumplimiento del primero de los Criterios de Copenhague (Comisión Europea: 2010), el político, se presenta cada vez más problemático.

On the 50th anniversary of the labour recruitment agreement between Germany and Turkey, Turkish migrants in Germany continue to occupy a central position as the objects of the on-going public discussions on immigration and integration. This study explores, with a transnational perspective, how the discourses on migrant integration are formulated in the transnational Turkish language media in Germany, as well as, if and how those discourses differ from, comply with or resist the dominant integrationist discourse in Germany. To reach this aim, discourse analysis on empirical material consisting of 97 articles from the European editions of newspapers Zaman and Hürriyet, has been conducted within the theoretical perspective informed by the ideas of Michel Foucault. The study concludes that there are conflicting and overlapping discourses on integration manifested in the Turkish language media in Germany, which are in varying degrees resisting to and in conformity with the dominant integrationist discourse in Germany. The resistance and compliance occurs in a complex and transnational way, in the reflection of the political and ideological fault lines in Turkey.

Keywords: immigration, integration, media, discourse, Turkish, Germany, Zaman ,Hürriyet

This article analyzes political debates of the period on the ideas of Westernization, Kemalism and change through the works of Peyami Safa, which is considered as one of the most prominent intellectuals of the Early Republican period. The article summarizes the main characteristics of Turkish conservatism within the idea of fin de siècle in Europe. Then, the reflection of these characteristics on the thinking of Peyami Safa is illustrated within several differentiations over time, including the dichotomy of East and West and the place of women in this Westernization debate, which include several hesitations and efforts to find solution to these hesitations. Finally, it is argued that the idea of synthesis and mysticism will end this hesitation.

This research aims to understand how much influence the Turkish public had in the phase of the debates and the decisions related to religious issues taken in the Assembly by the Democratic Party during its first years of government. The opinions and the reactions of the public towards Democrat Party's secularist approaches are analyzed by means documents and articles extracted from printed media like Milliyet, Akşam, Cumhuriyet, Yeni Sabah1 and the religious sided magazine Sebilürreşad, all of which partly supported DP's policy, without internalizing it totally as their own. In order to give some factual evidence to our observations, we will report parlamentarians'  speeches and discussions held in the Assembly during the years of interest, and quote several articles published by the aforementioned newspapers.

Turkey's recent democratic backsliding has been profoundly reflected in the near-complete government control of mass media. Pro-government mainstream media, rather than pursuing truth, has engaged in systematic production and dissemination of simulacra. Developed by Baudrillard, the simulacrum concept can provide insights into Turkish voters' truth and reality perceptions. This has been a topic widely discussed, given that produced simulacra establish a legitimation framework for the Turkish government's domestic and foreign policy. Various print and electronic sources are studied to analyse the content of speeches and used techniques. In this study, Baudrillard's scheme will be applied for the analysis of three political narratives dominant in the Turkish public sphere: Turkey's 'struggle for survival (bekâ mücadelesi)', the projection of key opposition leaders as 'traitors,' and exemplary leadership and diplomacy from past to present through two popular television series, 'Diriliş Ertuğrul (Resurrection Ertuğrul)' and 'Payitaht Abdülhamit (Leader Abdülhamid).'

tarihinde Hrant Dink'in öldürülmesi ve ardından, benim de içinde olduğum belirli bir kesimde yaşanan travma; özellikle medyada ayrımcı dil, nefret söylemi, nefret suçu, vb. gibi konularda yoğun tartışmalara ve giderek düzenli medya-takibi (media watch) çalışmalarına ivme kazandırdı. Bu çalışmalarda benim için dikkat çekici ve rahatsız edici taraf, yöntemsel bir açıklığın ve dolayısıyla gerçeğin bilgisine ulaşmaya elverişli veri toplama tekniklerinin göz ardı edilmesi oldu. Rahatsızlığım bir "akademisyen kaygısı" olmaktan öte, politik bir özne olarak toplumsal gerçeklerle kurmaya çalıştığımız ilişkinin, toplumsal özgürleşmeye dair çabalarımızın daha sağlam bir zeminde kurulması ihtiyacını derinden hissetmemle alakalı. Bana göre toplumsal özgürlük adına toplumsal gerçekleri ortaya çıkarmak titiz bir yöntemsel uğraşı da zorunlu kılar. Söz konusu çalışmalar ise örneklem seçiminden başlayarak pek çok yöntemsel sorun barındırıyor ve gerçekliği anlamak, açıklamak ve değiştirmek için gereken lojistiği kanımca sağlamıyor.

Abstract

During the past twenty years, a new concept of security called "cybersecurity" has come to the fore. Despite having no totally agreed-upon definition, cyber-security refers to a different understanding of security. In other words, military measures are not the main instruments to provide that kind of security. In a similar vein, as a result of globalization and the developments in information technologies, cybersecurity has become more critical for both governments and international organizations. Not only in Turkey, but in many other countries, the more digitalized the world has become, the more popular and debated cybersecurity-related issues have become in media discourse. On the other hand, it is known that, recently critical discourse analysis has been a quite useful analytical tool for researchers to analyze news discourse. Discourse historical approach is a methodological tool in critical discourse studies which stresses the significance of historical context within which the discourse is embedded and the power relations can be analyzed. This article serves two purposes: First is to shed light on the concept of cybersecurity in general and the second is to analyze the state of cybersecurity in media of Turkey in particular. In this sense, cybersecurity-related news in Turkish print and online media play a key role in monitoring cybersecurity in Turkey. The news will be analyzed through applying Critical Discourse Analysis (Discourse Historical Approach in this study). The main conclusion of the study is that cybersecurity-related news cannot have a self-isolated nature like national security news and cyber threats are similar although the countries differ.

It took a long time for us appearing with the next issue of deScripto. The reason is very practical: for a magazine like this, done by volunteers and depending on sponsors, the conditions of surviving are not as stable as we would wish them to be. That means team changes but also it means the challenge to change the concept in order to meet the capacities of work and the interests of our addressees.

In every culture and society, rituals of marriage are changing depending on different traditions and customs. Modernization and the developments in the mass media, naturally changed or at least made these customs and traditions compatible with the changing situation. In Turkish culture, the first step of the arranged (family-initiated) marriages – asking a family to give their daughters as a bride (kız isteme)– is more invisible and " between the members of the two families " (aile arasında). Kız isteme ritual is also an important phase in the love marriages. Approbation of family and the society is important not only in arranged marriages, but also in love marriages. Although, the ceremony is mostly invisible and between the members of the families of the bride and the groom, it became an important " subject of rumor " especially among women. Neighbors of the bride and the groom and relatives always eager to learn the details about the groom and bride, as well as about the ceremony itself. Today, matrimonial shows on Turkish televisions arose from this curiosity and turning it into cash. At those matrimonial shows such as Esra Erol'da Evlen Benimle (Marry me at Esra Erol Show), Su Gibi (Pure as Water) and Ne Çıkarsa Bahtına (By Chance), candidates give information about themselves, express their criteria about marriage and trying to find their spouses in public, on television. If they get along with each other, their wedding ceremony also holds live on TV screens. As Andy Warhol predicted, every couple became famous at least for 15 minutes at those shows whether they got married or not. In this research, we will try to explain how the customs and traditions did become compatible with mass media and how mass media and its rules did changed those customs and traditions. We will use discourse analysis method in order to explain the subject.

This essay explores the applicability of the concept of capture to media integrity and regulation. The term is used to analyze the recent institutional history of the Turkish press and to depict how media has become the handmaiden of the very forces it is intended to hold accountable. More especially, capture is used to examine the media’s shifting role in a country where the relationship between political and economic interests is itself in a process of transformation.

Les séries télévisuelles turques rencontrent un succès florissant à l'international et notamment dans les pays arabes depuis la diffusion de Noor en 2008. Le genre le plus exporté est le soap opéra dont les populations du Moyen-Orient sont friandes. Les séries turques dépeignent une société musulmane en plein essor économique, naviguant entre le respect des valeurs traditionnelles et la modernité. Nous verrons comment les séries turques parviennent à influencer le paysage médiatique du monde arabe et quels sont les enjeux politiques qui en découlent. INTRODUCTION :

From the Young Filmmakers movement of the 70s, to Karahaber, Balıkbilir and Seyr-i Sokak, not to mention all the individual efforts in this respect, video activism in Turkey has been a key strategic tool to document social struggles ignored by mainstream culture. These images collected by activists and regular citizens alike serve both as proof of the abuse of power by agents of the state, and as a mean to form a visual memory of the reality of groups deemed ‘other’ by national discourse.
This paper will evaluate how video activists in Turkey have adapted their strategies to fight against state oppression and violence as well as censorship. The way they use media technologies to make visible struggles as well as the platforms available to them in order to make these images visible to the public will be examined. Furthermore, the distinction between “activist” and “eylemci” (meaning both activist and demonstrator) will be discussed to understand the perspective of the act of recording, which moves beyond the profession of the activist and becomes the very eye of the demonstrator.

The proclivity for conspiracy theories in the Middle East is universal. A cursory survey of any average media outlet presents a legion of examples of automatic assumption of a plot or some kind of conspiracy when attempting to make sense of any event of any import. The usual villains are the United States and Israel. The suspicion and hate towards these two countries are coupled with exaggerated view of their omnipotence. Anything happens because these two countries want it or things do not happen because these two countries have another agenda. This instinctual assumption is partially borne out of real experience. The United States has been at the center of almost all major developments -largely negative- in the Middle East. And equally Israel is not known for sitting on its hand when it comes to interference in issues it deems important for its national interest. Despite this fact, however, conspiracy theories are peddled in a place of serious and sober explications and they are cleverly used by every autocrat and demagogue in the region to manipulate public opinion and sentiments. Whenever popular uprising threatens their power, Middle Eastern autocrats come up with elaborate and sometimes ridiculous explanations. Mega-conspiracy theories are embraced and actively encouraged to displace attention from serious internal ailments and to misattribute them to a foreign bogeymen and/or domestic collaborators. This tendency has serious policy implications for the region and Turkey is not an exception to this rule.

Bu çalışmada amaç; “Kemalist”/“Eski Türkiye” yönetiminde gerçekleşmiş olan Dersim (Tunceli) Katliamı ile “Muhafazakâr”/“Yeni Türkiye” yönetiminde gerçekleşmiş olan Roboskî (Uludere) Katliamı’nın dönemin hükumetlerine yakın olan medya tarafından nasıl haberleştirildiğini karşılaştırarak medyanın her iki dönemde iktidar ile nasıl bir ilişki içinde olduğunu, dünden bugüne medya-iktidar ilişkilerinde değişen ve değişmeyen noktalarının olup olmadığını ve bu değişen-değişmeyen durumların neler olduğunu değerlendirmeye çalışmaktır.