Muslims in Europe

The Balkans became a significant center of Turkish culture beginning in the 13th century with the settlement of Oghuz Turks migrating from Anatolia. The language, culture, religion, and music carried into the region by the Turks continue to be represented today. North Macedonia is one of the Balkan homelands where both Sunni and Bektashi interpretations of Turkish-Islamic tradition are present, and the relationship of these traditions with music remains a valuable source for musicological inquiry. The Halveti order, an Islamic Sufi order that emerged in Baku in the 14th century, spread across Anatolia and the Balkans. It later gained a following not only among the Turkish population but also among Muslim Albanians and Torbeš communities in cities such as Ohrid, Kičevo, and Struga. This study focuses specifically on the religious practices observed at the Struga Halveti Lodge, one of the active Halveti institutions in North Macedonia. Religious music, which occupies a vast corpus within the broader framework of Turkish music, is categorized under separate headings based on its performance contexts in mosques and Sufi lodges. The musical structures accompanying the religious practices at the still-active Struga Halveti Lodge are examined and interpreted in relation to language, identity, ethnicity, and cultural interaction. The study further explores concepts such as the migration of music, claims of multiple identities, and performative ownership. It offers a comparative sociological analysis of Halvetism and Bektashismseen here as differing interpretations of Turkish-Islamic traditions-particularly within the context of Macedonia, using categories such as urban and rural religious expression. The findings and observations presented in this article are primarily based on data collected during fieldwork conducted in 2022.

Ever since the fall of Milošević's ideologically hybrid regime in 2000, and the final disintegration of Yugoslavia, postsocialist, post-Yugoslav, post-Non-Aligned Serbia has been in the process of negotiating and shaping its modern national identity. This has often included fierce symbolic struggles, especially in terms of ownership over public space and, most notably, surrounding Gay Pride Parades: an early response was a prayer procession organized to 'purge' the streets after the first successful manifestation of this sort. This article strives to offer a brief overview of the developments in the use of prayer processions over the past decade. These processions have been politically charged religious rituals performed in the public space with specific demands posed to the state, but rarely have they been directly organized by the official church. Special attention will be accorded to the (increasingly explicit) geopolitical implications of this phenomenon.

The history of the Santa Maria di Campogrosso monastery, founded by Norman rulers in the 11 th century, is poorly documented in written sources. Between 2015 and 2023, the ruins of the church were the subject of archaeological research by the Institute of Ar chaeology and Ethnology of the Polish Academy of Sciences. Burials dating from the 12 th to 14 th centuries were discovered, including the remains of people from continental Europe. In the church's nave, remains of an older building dating back to a period from the 11 th to the 12 th century were encountered. By means of carbon14 dating of mortar and human remains in correlation with coin finds, the younger church was determined to have been constructed between the second half of the 12 th century and the first half of the 13 th century. Based on historians' descriptions of the 16 th and 17 th centuries, the monastery is considered Basilian. The results of the archaeological survey suggest that it was Latinised in the first half of the 12 th century. GPR surveys revealed the outlines of the monastery walls, which are typical of Benedictine monasteries. The authors examine historical studies related to medieval Poland and Sicily, highlighting the impact of 19 th century interpretations and overinterpretations on 20 th century historiography. They assert that, in addition to the prevailing paradigms of the era, the scarcity of systematic excavations and challenges in accurately dating archaeological findings significantly influenced research outcomes. The emergence of new archaeological and historical theories in Poland and Sicily, and the reevaluation of established paradigms became feasible due to advancements in dating methods for archaeological sources that occurred at the turn of the 21 st century.

Κείμενο για τη συζήτηση που διοργάνωσε ο Δημήτρης Τρίκας (27 Σεπτεμβρίου 2025 / Ωδείο Αθηνών) με γενικό τίτλο: «Για την πόλη. Αρχιτεκτονική, πολεοδομία, αρχαιολογία, σύγχρονος πολιτισμός, ετεροτοπίες, κινήματα», και κεντρικό ερώτημα «τι πόλη θέλουμε;»

Deniz Greschner beleuchtet in ihrem Beitrag, wie die Islamische Gemeinde Herne-Röhlinghausen inmitten gesellschaftlicher Polarisierung emanzipatorische Bildungsarbeit leistet. Bildung wird hier als Mittel verstanden, um Jugendlichen Räume für kritische Reflexion, Dialog und gesellschaftliche Teilhabe zu eröffnen. In Anlehnung an die Theorien Paulo Freires und Henry Giroux’ stärkt die Gemeinde junge Menschen darin, Zuschreibungen zu hinterfragen und Verantwortung im demokratischen Miteinander zu übernehmen. Im Zentrum stehen dabei Herausforderungen wie Radikalisierungsprävention nach dem 7. Oktober 2023, der Umgang mit Antisemitismus sowie strukturelle Barrieren für muslimische Träger. Der Beitrag ordnet ein Interview mit Vertreterinnen der Gemeinde in einen größeren gesellschaftlichen Kontext ein und versteht sich als Beitrag zur Sichtbarmachung zivilgesellschaftlichen Engagements muslimischer Akteur:innen.

Die Islamische Gemeinde Herne-Röhlinghausen versteht sich als offen für Menschen aller Religionen und Herkünfte, nicht nur für Muslim:innen. Wie die Interviewpartner:innen betonen, sind in den Angeboten der Gemeinde, wie Kochkursen und der Jugendarbeit, Nichtmuslim:innen stark vertreten, teilweise sogar in der Mehrheit. Die Gemeinde sieht es als ihre Aufgabe an, den interreligiösen Dialog zu fördern und Brücken zwischen den Glaubensrichtungen zu bauen. Dabei grenzt sie sich klar von Menschenfeindlichkeit ab und betont, dass es Verantwortung aller ist aufeinander zuzugehen. Insgesamt zeigt sich, dass die Offenheit und Vielfalt der Gemeinde ein zentraler Bestandteil ihres Selbstverständnisses sind. "(…) Sich näher kennenzulernen und gegenseitig zu akzeptieren ist eine gemeinsame Aufgabe. Wir möchten diese Verantwortung niemandem übertragen, wir gehören dazu und leisten unseren Beitrag. Unsere Fähigkeit dazuzugehören, darf die Mehrheitsgesellschaft aber nicht in Frage stellen." Gemeinschaft: Nicht nur für Muslim:innen Deniz Greschner: Herzlichen Dank für die Möglichkeit, mit Ihnen ein Interview führen zu dürfen. Können Sie bitte Ihre Gemeinde und die aus Ihrer Sicht wichtigen Aspekte, die Ihre Arbeit auszeichnen, vorstellen?

This contribution investigates how people in Northern Nigeria appropriated and converted digital technology into the Islamic infrastructure. Using ethnographic and netnographic methods, I examine three 'infrastructural outcomes' or 'infrastructural components' of Salafi digital practices: the cyber imam figure; new notions of Islamic community (cyber ummah); and the notion of algorithmic religiosity. I propose the term 'cyber imams' to describe a set of Salafi scholars who use digital infrastructure to engage in digital da'wah, attract followers, and cultivate religious authority online. The cyber ummah is a dynamic cluster of different types of social media formations that have become a palpable and tangible community of believers through online interactivity and the experience of presence. I define algorithmic religiosity as the ability of social media algorithms to be used to shape certain religious subjectivities, build religious collectivity, and cultivate discrete religious authority. These tropes are enabled and afforded by the emergence of Islamic digital infrastructure.

ΖΗΤΗΜΑΤΑ ΕΡΕΥΝΑΣ  1. Εισαγωγή Ο Χριστιανισμός γεννήθηκε και άνθισε στο γεωγραφικό και πολιτισμικό χώρο της σημερινής Μέσης Ανατολής. Παρά την αριθμητική του μείωση, που οφείλεται στις ποικίλες ιστορικές περιπέτειες που πέρασε κατά τη διάρκεια των αιώνων, παραμένει διάσπαρτος στην Παλαιστίνη, την Αίγυπτο, τη Συρία, την Ιορδανία, το Λίβανο και το Ιράκ. Η διαρκής και αδιάλειπτη παρουσία των χριστιανών στην περιοχή αυτή, η συνύπαρξή τους με τους μουσουλμάνους συμπατριώτες τους για πάνω από δεκατέσσερις αιώνες, αλλά και η συμβολή τους στη διαμόρφωση του μεσαιωνικού και του νεότερου αραβικού πολιτισμού, τους αποδίδουν δικαιωματικά μια ιδιαίτερα σημαντική θέση στο σύγχρονο αραβικό κόσμο. Παρόλο που τα αριθμητικά τους μεγέθη είναι σήμερα περιορισμένα, λόγω των ποικίλων περιπετειών που βίωσαν κατά τη διάρκεια των αιώνων, οι ίδιοι αποτελούν την επιτομή μιας  Το άρθρο αυτό αφιερώνεται στον καθηγητή κ. Βασίλειο Γιούλτση, o οποίος με τον κοσμοπολιτισμό της σκέψης του και την «οικουμενικότητα» της δράσης του διεύρυνε τους ορίζοντες όλων όσοι είχαμε την τύχη να μαθητεύσουμε κοντά του. Η δημοσίευσή του είχε προβλεφθεί για τον τελευταίο έντυπο τόμο της Επιστημονικής Επετηρίδας του Τμήματος Θεολογίας Α.Π.Θ. (τ. 18/2009-2010) που είναι αφιερωμένος στον καθηγητή κ. Γιούλτση, αλλά ο «δαίμων του τυπογραφείου» το «αφαίρεσε» από την τελική έκδοση. Αφιερώνεται επίσης στους χριστιανούς της Μέσης Ανατολής οι οποίοι αγωνίζονται να επιβιώσουν στις πατρογονικές τους εστίες.

This contribution investigates how people in Northern Nigeria appropriated and converted digital technology into the Islamic infrastructure. Using ethnographic and netnographic methods, I examine three 'infrastructural outcomes' or 'infrastructural components' of Salafi digital practices: the cyber imam figure; new notions of Islamic community (cyber ummah); and the notion of algorithmic religiosity. I propose the term 'cyber imams' to describe a set of Salafi scholars who use digital infrastructure to engage in digital da'wah, attract followers, and cultivate religious authority online. The cyber ummah is a dynamic cluster of different types of social media formations that have become a palpable and tangible community of believers through online interactivity and the experience of presence. I define algorithmic religiosity as the ability of social media algorithms to be used to shape certain religious subjectivities, build religious collectivity, and cultivate discrete religious authority. These tropes are enabled and afforded by the emergence of Islamic digital infrastructure.

Πιστεύω – και εδώ θα μιλήσω πιο προσωπικά, και χωρίς να επικαλούμαι την αυθεντία των Καντ και Πλάτωνα – ότι η Ελλάδα πρέπει να επανιδρύσει και να μείνει πιστή στην συμμαχία και την φιλία με το μοναδικό έθνος της Δύσης που κρατάει πάντοτε ζωντανή την φλόγα του ελληνισμού και των αξιών της ελευθερίας και της ισότητας, και μιλάω φυσικά για την Γαλλία. Πρέπει να ξεχάσουμε κάθε ψευδεπίγραφο ρεαλισμό που θέλει την Ελλάδα μια αδύναμη χώρα η οποία πρέπει να υποκύψει σε μια νέα συμμαχία με τον έναν ή τον άλλον ισχυρό. Ο μόνος πραγματικός και πιστός σύμμαχος είναι η Γαλλία – και κατά δεύτερον, η Αγγλία – και πρέπει αναγκαία και οπωσδήποτε να κρατήσουμε αυτή την φιλία ζωντανή. Με αυτόν τον τρόπο η Ελλάδα θα μείνει σταθερή στην οδό της αρετής για την οποία αυτή η ίδια είναι ικανή ως το πραγματικό λίκνο του ευρωπαϊκού πολιτισμού. Η υποτιθέμενη άλλη οδός είναι το αδιέξοδο της αδικίας και της βαρβαρότητας η οποία οδηγεί σε μια βέβαιη και αναπόδραστη εθνική καταστροφή. Πιστεύω ότι η πολιτική τάξη της χώρας θα πράξει σωστά, και θα κρατήσει μια μετρημένη και ισορροπημένη στάση με πίστη στον ελληνισμό, τις ευρωπαϊκές αξίες αλλά και στο ανώτερο πολιτικό αγαθό που είναι φυσικά η ειρήνη.

Dieser Beitrag schlägt einen interdisziplinären Ansatz innerhalb der Komparativen Theologie zur Thematisierung von kulturellem Rassismus in der Religionspädagogik (RP) vor. Dabei wird die nuancierte Dynamik des religiösen Ausdrucks hervorgehoben, die in multikulturellen und antirassistischen Pädagogiken oft übersehen wird. Anhand von Fallstudien aus Deutschland, England und den USA wird die Analyse von zwei Kernannahmen geleitet: erstens von der anhaltenden Dominanz des christlichen Privilegs und der Christonormativität und zweitens von der Prävalenz von Mikroaggressionen, die von Fürsprecherinnen und Fürsprechern ausgehen und denen Schülerinnen und Schüler aus religiösen Minderheiten ausgesetzt sind. Unter Zuhilfenahme von Tariq Modoods Konzept des kulturellen Rassismus, von Gerd Baumanns Unterscheidung zwischen dominanten und demotischen Diskursen und von Reinhold Boschkis pädagogischem Rahmen des Erinnerungslernens kritisiert der Beitrag die stark vereinfachten rassischen Binaritäten, die in der antirassistischen und multikulturellen Bildung vorherrschen. Diese Binaritäten marginalisieren oft den religiösen und kulturellen Pluralismus und führen zu einer unbeabsichtigten Kulturalisierung, die Stereotype und Mikroaggressionen aufrechterhält. Wenn sich die RP von ihrem rassifizierten und kulturellen Kontext distanziert, neigt sie dazu, eine losgelöste Form der religiösen Bildung zu produzieren, die ihre Verstrickungen mit der Geschichte des Kolonialismus, mit der christonormativen, weißen Identitätspolitik und mit sozialen Konflikten vernachlässigt. Die RP muss sich ihrer Mitschuld an der Aufrechterhaltung systemischer Ungleichheiten stellen, indem sie hinterfragt, wie der interreligiöse Dialog unbewusst kulturellen Rassismus reproduziert. Damit die RP zu einem konstruktiven sozialen Wandel in einer pluraler werdenden deutschen Gesellschaft beitragen kann, muss sie ausdrücklich interdisziplinär, vergleichend und epistemisch offen werden. Dieser Wandel erfordert pädagogische und curriculare Reformen, die darauf abzielen, Mikroaggressionen abzubauen und integrative, kritisch vergleichende Lernumgebungen zu fördern, in denen sich Lernende unabhängig von ihren Familien- und Herkunftsgeschichten gleichberechtigt engagieren können.

This book argues that literary and historiographical works written by Iberian Christians between the twelfth and sixteenth centuries promoted contradictory representations of Muslims in order to advocate for their colonization through the affirmation of Christian supremacy. Ambivalent depictions of cultural difference are essential for colonizers to promote their own superiority, as explained by postcolonial critics and observed in medieval and early modern texts in Castilian, Catalan, and Portuguese, such as the Cantar de mio Cid, Cantigas de Santa Maria, Llibre dels fets, Estoria de España, Crónica geral de 1344, Tirant lo Blanch, and Os Lusíadas. In all these works, the contradictions of Muslim enemies, allies, and subjects allow Christian leaders to prevail and profit through their opposition and collaboration with them. Such colonial dynamics of simultaneous belligerence and assimilation determined the ways in which Portugal, Spain, and later European powers interacted with non-Christians in Africa, Asia, and even the Americas.

ABSTRACT
The process of colonization developed by France over North Africa in 1830 turned into
one of the most terrible and bloody pages in world history. The people of the Maghreb
resisted fiercely, putting forward several outstanding fighters and leaders. France has
not yet returned several territories subject to decolonization to their legal owners and is
pursuing a policy of annexing these territories in the spirit of neo-colonial policy. Europe
today experiencing a crisis of pluralism and multiculturalism, presents a contradictory
picture. Western countries, including France, use Islamophobia as leverage to regulate
public perception. Although “Islamophobia” as both a term and a phenomenon is now
widely accepted, its definition and use remain a matter of controversy and debate.
In this article, the author attempts to consider the preconditions for the emergence
of the phenomenon of Islamophobia in France, the history of the origin of the term
“Islamophobia”, the features of its various interpretations in the scientific literature, as
well as to highlight the current state, forecasts, and prospects on the issue in general.
Keywords: France, Islamophobia, Muslims, colonialism, racism, religious discrimination

Die bundesdeutsche Neue Rechte muss als intellektuelle Strömung der extremen Rechten begriffen werden, die beharrlich an das konservative Milieu anzudocken versuchte. Im Bestreben, unter die Aufarbeitung der nationalsozialistischen Verbrechen einen Schlussstrich zu ziehen, gab es wesentliche Berührungspunkte. Fabian Weber zeigt anhand von Armin Mohler und weiteren Akteuren auf, dass in der ungleich aggressiveren Schuldabwehr dieses „Brückenspektrums“ (Armin Pfahl-Traughber) im Hintergrund auch antisemitische Topoi wirkten, die strategisch versteckt wurden. Über Bezüge auf einzelne Jüdinnen und Juden wurden diese jedoch auch gezielt eingesetzt.

Charlie Kirk, a well-known political activists subscribing to far-right ideology, a close friend of American president Donald Trump highly influential amongst the right-wing American students was short dead as he was addressing the students in one of the university campuses.

New Book Uncovers the Ideology Behind the Dutch Party for Freedom (PVV)

Tilburg-Utrecht, Netherlands – September 2025 – This book, 'The Ideology of the Dutch Party for Freedom – Geert Wilders Explained', by Dr. Jan Jaap de Ruiter, and published by Rozenberg Publishers (Amsterdam) provides an in-depth analysis of the core beliefs and principles driving one of the Netherlands’ most influential political parties today. The book dissects the writings of party leader Mr. Geert Wilders and his second man Mr. Martin Bosma, to expose their views on critical issues.

Key areas explored in the book include:

*  Islam
*  Christianity
*  Immigration
*  Multiculturalism
*  The European Union

Key Findings from the Analysis:

*  Selective History: Mr. Wilders and Mr. Bosma selectively interpret historical events and religious texts, presenting biased perspectives.
*  Us vs. Them: The PVV fosters a sharp division between ‘the West’ and ‘Islam’, potentially leading to exclusion.
*  Ideological Contradictions: The study reveals inconsistencies in the PVV’s stance on freedom of speech and cultural relativism.
*  Rejection of Enlightenment: The PVV’s ideology is rooted in a rejection of key Enlightenment principles.

De Ruiter's book is a crucial resource for anyone seeking to understand the dynamics of contemporary Dutch politics, the rise of the PVV, and the broader trends of populism and nationalism in Europe.

'The Ideology of the Dutch Party for Freedom - Geert Wilders Explained' is essential reading for anyone seeking to understand the dynamics of contemporary Dutch politics and the broader trends of populism and nationalism in Europe.

Availability
The book can be freely downloaded and shared from the website of Rozenberg Publishers, the website of Jan Jaap de Ruiter, from th
e present website of Academia and from Research Gate. Hard copies are available upon request (contact details below).

About the Author
Dr. Jan Jaap de Ruiter (1959) is a renowned Arabist and scholar at Tilburg University, specializing in issues related to Islam and populism. He is a frequent commentator on Dutch politics and society. More information can be found at www.janjaapderuiter.eu

Contact:
Jan Jaap de Ruiter
jj.deruiter@tilburguniversity.edu
radjc5719@gmail.com
+31-6-22994258
www.janjaapderuiter.eu

André Dias de Escobar (c. 1357-1448) was a central figure in the history of the Church during the fifteenth century. While his life in the service of various popes reflects the turmoil of the Western Schism, his works and his engagement-as a participant and a theoretician-in the major councils of his day clearly express his determination to contribute to a reform of the Church. This article focuses on a neglected work of his, to wit, the anti-Jewish treatise De publicatione haeresum contentarum in Talmud, which André wrote after spending time at the court of the (anti) pope Benedict XIII in Tortosa (1414). During his sojourn, André attended the last sessions of the so-called Disputation of Tortosa, a Christian-Jewish debate on the Talmud convened by Benedict XIII. As we show by means of philological analysis, De publicatione, which has not yet been edited, turns out to be something of a treasure trove for scholars of anti-Talmudic Christian polemic literature. Compiling a wide range of both known and unknown sources, it seems to draw to a large extent on Pope Benedict's rich anti-heretical and, more specifically, anti-Jewish library. The article thus contributes to our understanding of the textual and doctrinal context of one of the major anti-Jewish disputations of the Middle Ages, while it also sheds new light on the history of Benedict's anti-heretical library.

Interest in Islam and how Muslims organise themselves within the so-called Western world has largely stemmed from the flow of Muslim immigration since the 1960s and the 1970s . Many of these immigrants have come to these new lands in the hope of making a better life for themselves economically, or to escape the political or religious pressures of their homeland . Initially, deeming the influx of these foreigners to be largely irrelevant, there was little interest in their presence by the different governments across many jurisdictions. Typically, scant interest was shown towards entering into dialogue with the Muslim immigrant community. Indeed, until the 1990s, it was not uncommon for Islam to be perceived as a strange, foreign religion that was best managed through outsourcing to respective consulates ). Yet, migration and work-based mobility has a significant influence on the world of work and societies in which organisations are embedded. Many individuals migrate for better employment perspectives, as well as due to chain migration, betterment in the quality of life and based on fleeing famine, war and terror zones globally . Migration could involve upward as well as downward mobility/ wages, depending on the country and organisation. For example, minimum wages differ from € 184 in Bulgaria up to € 1923 in Luxembourg . Migration also contributes to the lived religion of diasporic communities as they navigate their faith at work . Coupled with migration, immigrants bring their faith with then and these faiths may stem from religions such as Islam, Hinduism and Buddhism. In fact, religion at work is increasingly an area of importance in research. Organisations today have to contend with a pluri-religious workforce and hence there is a need to enhance and expand knowledge, understanding and managerial practices in dealing with religion at work. Such augmentation of knowledge and practices generally falls within the domain of human resource management and when we consider diasporic realities, this knowledge is within the realm of international human resource management. For example, the faith and work organisational framework discusses faith-friendly workplaces . These authors identify four distinct organisational approaches to religion and spirituality at work: faith avoiding, faith-based, faith-safe and faith-friendly. The faith-avoiding organisation chooses to suppress personal/community expressions of faith and employees may perceive that the organisation is acting unjustly with regard to religious accommodation. The faith-based organisations are generally grounded in one particular faith tradition, often reflecting the faith traditions of the founder and/or top management team. However, those outside the dominant faith tradition may feel marginalised and excluded. The faith-safe organisation tolerates faith at work, ensures compliance with basic legal requirements but does not necessarily embrace or encourage its expression. The faith-friendly organisation goes beyond minimum legal requirements and welcomes manifestations of faith at work, with all faith traditions treated at par and with respect.

André Dias de Escobar (c. 1357-1448) was a central figure in the history of the Church during the fifteenth century. While his life in the service of various popes reflects the turmoil of the Western Schism, his works and his engagement-as a participant and a theoretician-in the major councils of his day clearly express his determination to contribute to a reform of the Church. This article focuses on a neglected work of his, to wit, the anti-Jewish treatise De publicatione haeresum contentarum in Talmud, which André wrote after spending time at the court of the (anti) pope Benedict XIII in Tortosa (1414). During his sojourn, André attended the last sessions of the so-called Disputation of Tortosa, a Christian-Jewish debate on the Talmud convened by Benedict XIII. As we show by means of philological analysis, De publicatione, which has not yet been edited, turns out to be something of a treasure trove for scholars of anti-Talmudic Christian polemic literature. Compiling a wide range of both known and unknown sources, it seems to draw to a large extent on Pope Benedict's rich anti-heretical and, more specifically, anti-Jewish library. The article thus contributes to our understanding of the textual and doctrinal context of one of the major anti-Jewish disputations of the Middle Ages, while it also sheds new light on the history of Benedict's anti-heretical library.

The Centre for European Policy Studies (CEPS) is an independent policy research institute based in Brussels. Its mission is to produce sound analytical research leading to constructive solutions to the challenges facing Europe today. The views expressed in this report are those of the authors writing in a personal capacity and do not necessarily reflect those of CEPS or any other institution with which the authors are associated.

Antisemitismus drückt sich auf emotionaler Ebene nicht primär in „unbegründetem“ Hass aus. Er ist vor allem eine intersubjektive Praxis verfolgender, sich moralisch gerierender Empörung, die mit einer vermeintlich legitimen Verweigerung von Mitgefühl gegenüber jüdischem Leid einhergeht. Diese emotionale Dynamik ließ sich nach dem 7. Oktober 2023 in der sich formierenden antiisraelischen Protestbewegung beobachten, die ihre ausbleibende Solidarität mit Jüdinnen und Juden im Namen der „Menschlichkeit“ zu rechtfertigen suchte. Der Beitrag beleuchtet den Zusammenhang von Empörung und Empörungsabwehr im antiisraelischen
Gefühlsregime der Protestbewegung und den Lustgewinn des moralischen Manichäismus ihres Antisemitismus.

In 1717, an anonymous petition to the king of Spain expressed concern about the excessive number of Muslims living in Cartagena (Murcia). This complaint prompted the Council of Castile to launch a survey of the Muslim population with the aim of clarifying their status. In addition to galley slaves, the inquiry focused in particular on libertinos, a little-known category of slaves who lived and worked freely in the city but were heavily indebted to their masters due to the sums owed for their ransom. This article reconstructs the condition of these unbound slaves, who lived apart from their masters’ households, and the tensions this provoked between competing systems of norms. On the one hand, the right of slaves to work to finance their own redemption, and that of their masters to live off the rents imposed on them, were deeply rooted in local custom. On the other, rising insecurity along the coast prompted local authorities and the Crown to restrict these overlapping rights by forcing masters to keep their slaves at home. At stake in this conflict between different slavery regimes, the one based on local law and the other on royal jurisdiction, were slaves’ access to the labor market and their right to free residency and the protections afforded by contract law. Finally, by placing the inquiry itself at the heart of the study, the article investigates the meaning of a procedure that was less a demographic enumeration of slaves than a redistribution of rights to the city among its Muslim inhabitants.

Nell'articolo si censisce la presenza degli schiavi musulmani a Otranto tra XVI e XVIII secolo mediante gli atti battesimali conservati presso l'Archivio parrocchiale della città, unica documentazione superstite del periodo moderno. L'analisi dei dati viene confrontata con le previsioni e tendenze di mercato individuate in altri casi studio riguardanti la Puglia moderna, mostrando come il porto di Otranto e i suoi mercanti costituissero un importante snodo per le vendite degli schiavi musulmani nel basso Salento.

Xenophobia, defined as the fear or prejudice against people from other countries or cultures, represents one of the most pressing challenges facing contemporary multicultural societies. This paper examines why xenophobia matters by analyzing its profound impacts across three interconnected dimensions: social, economic, and political. Through a comprehensive review of empirical research and theoretical frameworks, this study demonstrates that xenophobia is not merely an individual psychological phenomenon but a systemic issue that undermines social cohesion, economic prosperity, and democratic governance. The analysis reveals that xenophobic attitudes create cascading effects that erode community trust, limit economic growth potential, and threaten democratic institutions. Understanding these multidimensional impacts is crucial for developing effective interventions and policies that promote inclusive societies. The paper concludes that addressing xenophobia requires coordinated efforts across all three dimensions, emphasizing the need for evidence-based approaches that recognize the complex interplay between social attitudes, economic structures, and political processes.

This thesis explores the Italian resilience to large-scale Islamic terrorism despite sharing many socio-political and demographic features with other Western European nations that have experienced significant numbers of jihadi attacks. A mixed-methods approach, consisting of historical analysis, policy review, interviews and comparative case studies with France and Belgium, is utilized in this research in order to identify which combination of legal, institutional, social, and geopolitical factors that have contributed to Italy’s particular security outcome. Italy’s own experience with domestic terrorism during the “Years of Lead” bolstered the development of a robust counterterrorism infrastructure including proactive legislation, centralized intelligence and preventative policing practices. Additionally, the fragmented nature of Italy’s Muslim population, lack of a formalized Islamic religious structure, limited colonial legacy with the Islamic world as well as lack of ghettoization have all contributed to mitigating radicalization in the country. Interviews including policymakers and religious leaders, offer valuable insight into the Italian success story. The findings suggest that Italy’s case offers relevant lessons for counterterrorism frameworks across Europe and beyond.

To unravel the complex history of the Albanians, the so-called Pandora's Box has been opened, not to be closed again until the truth is revealed. From the Ottoman Empire's invasion of Albania in 1478 until approximately 1660-1703, alongside the military and political occupation, new strata began to emerge within the population. These were strata that spoke Albanian or were Albanian-speaking, comprising colonists brought from other regions of the Ottoman Empire who were Muslim, as well as natives who converted to Islam to gain military-political positions. They were followed by mass conversions of peasants. However, the majority remained Orthodox Christians, whether in the northern, central, or southern Albanian lands.

What happened in World War 11 and what is happening in Gaza presently be termed as holocausts? I would say without any hesitation and doubt what happened then and now are holocausts. Many tend to argue that what happened in WW11 under Hitler was definitely a holocaust, but what is happening in Gaza now is not holocaust because of the fact that how can famine be termed as 'holocaust'-absurd and ridiculous. They say that we should compare these two, as they are different that undermines the very notion of holocaust. Nonetheless, the holocausts will continue to happen in different forms as long as we endorse this kind of behaviour which is evil. We should not endorse those who are culpable in this type of actions and make them as 'holy cows', but be considered as diabolical. Holocausts have happened in the past, and now are happening. Holocaust has both qualitative and quantitative dimensions. Exterminating a mass of a community/race instantaneously or prolonged with an intent of liquidation in large numbers who are not civilians and non-combatants. We know from history that holocausts did happen in gas chambers, labor camps, weaponizing starvation and many other forms and formats. Hitler and SS used multiple modes to exterminating those he hatted in huge numbers in 20 th Century, and now, in the 21 st Century, given the nature of the landscape of the Gaza Strip where the Palestinians live 'open prison' , the occupying power viz Israel has devised a number of modes/strategies to annihilate the Palestinians. Those who support Israel's actions are wrong and by all means be condemned.

Particulieren spelen een steeds grotere rol in de ntwikkeling van de fysieke omgeving. Ondernemers, bewoners en anderen nemen vanuit hun eigen belang en met eigen middelen initiatief en dragen daarmee bij aan de verbetering van stedelijke kwaliteit. Dit betekent een significante trendbreuk met stedelijke ontwikkeling waarbij gemeenten, Rijk, woningcorporaties en ontwikkelaars leidend zijn. Er is dan ook nog weinig ervaring met planologische werkwijzen die inspelen op deze trend. Gemeente Almere brengt wel al sinds enige jaren werkwijzen in praktijk die op deze trend lijken aan te sluiten. Dit artikel analyseert de interactie tussen de gemeente Almere en burgerinitiatieven. Daarin worden vier rollen onderscheiden: de disciplinair, de wegbereider, de navigator en de initiator. In de conclusies argumenteren de auteurs waarop er specifiek aandacht zou moeten komen voor de rol van navigator, als gemeenten hun interacties met burgerinitiatieven willen verbeteren.

Перевод повести "Тексты пирамид" (متون الأهرام) египетского прозаика Гамаля аль-Гитани (1945–2015), опубликованный на портале katab.asia. Повесть сочетает в себе мусульманские и особенно суфийские воззрения с идеями египтизма и содержит эзотерическое и философское размышление на тему мира, судьбы и жизни человека. Состоит из 14 глав, расположенных по убыванию объёма: первая глава самая большая, а в последней лишь трижды повторяется слово «ничто». Такая композиция отсылает к Священному Корану и одновременно напоминает форму пирамиды – от широкого основания к верхушке. Название «Тексты пирамид» отсылает к одному из самых ранних текстов, найденных в египетских пирамидах. События романа неизменно возвращаются к пирамидам Гизы.

Reviews of: Endresen, Cecilie. ``Is the Albanian's religion really `Albanianism'?: Religion and nation according to Muslim and Christian leaders in Albania.'' Vol. 31. Harrassowitz Verlag, 2013.

Endresen, Cecilie. ``A Fantastic People and Its Enemies: An Analysis of an Emerging Albanian Mythology.'' Handbook of Conspiracy Theory and Contemporary Religion. Brill, 2018. 343-360.

Yorubaland has a rich history of cultural and religious diversity, with Islam being a significant religious presence in the region. Therefore, Muslim organisations have been the engine pivoting the growth, spread and development of Islam in Yorubaland. However, Muslim organisations and Daᶜwah activities in Yorubaland, Nigeria, encounter a myriad of challenges that can significantly impact their ability to fulfill their missions and contribute effectively to the community. Hence, this paper aims at exposing these challenges and analysing the potential for growth and impact of Muslim organisations and Daᶜwah activities in Yorubaland. This paper used historical, descriptive and analytical methods of research. The historical method was used to render the historical background of Daᶜwah activities in Yorubaland while brief history of Yorubaland was also accounted for. Moreover, the descriptive method was used to describe the activities, challenges and prospects of Daᶜwah activities in Yorubaland. While analytical method was used to analyse the prospects. This paper revealed that the main causes of the challenges facing Muslim organisations and their Da'wah activities are majorly found within Muslims themselves while external forces such as blackmailing from other religion adherents in Yorubaland also contributes to the challenges. Hence, this paper concluded that Muslim organisations and Daᶜwah activities in Yorubaland have promising prospects for advancement and positive influence on the region's social and religious dynamics. By addressing challenges and capitalizing on opportunities, these organisations can play a pivotal role in promoting peace, understanding, and socioeconomic development in Yorubaland. Thereby, this paper recommended that Daᶜwah activities in Yorubaland through Muslim organisations can only attain its goals if Duᶜāt are Sharīᶜah compliant. Hence, the Duᶜāt are encouraged to preach with sincerity.

Der in den Moscheegemeinden erteilte Religionsunterricht wird in der Forschung und Gesellschaft in Deutschland seit langem kritisch begleitet. In der vorliegenden Untersuchung wird daher der Gemeindliche Religionsunterricht (GRU) in den Moscheen in Deutschland analysiert. Einer historischen Skizze folgt eine ausführliche Darstellung des Forschungsstandes zum Religionsunterricht in Moscheegemeinden mit seinen Curricula und Lehrwerken. Besonders ob und wie gemeindliche Curricula und Lehrwerke allgemein und besonders auch in der islamisch-religionspädagogischen Forschung adäquat berücksichtigt werden, ist hier zu lesen.
In Bezug auf die rechtlichen Rahmenbedingungen werden die diesbezüglichen Regelungen für den GRU auf bundesdeutscher Ebene im Grundgesetz sowie beispielhaft für die Bundesländer mit dem Fokus auf die Verfassung in Nordrhein-Westfalen dargestellt. Im Rahmen dessen werden den GRU betreffende Freiheiten und Regelungen herausgearbeitet sowie gesetzliche Bestimmungen zum Religionsunterricht als Recht der Religionsgemeinschaften wie auch als Eltern- und Kinderrechte erörtert.
Die Türkisch-Islamische Union der Anstalt für Religion (DITIB) e.V. als ein relevanter Träger des GRU sowie als Mitverantwortlicher des schulischen IRU in Nordrhein-Westfalen wird in der vorliegenden Arbeit geschichtlich skizziert und mit ihren Bildungszielen, Aufgaben und ihrer Organisationsstrukturen dargestellt. Im Rahmen der vorliegenden Untersuchung erfolgt daher eine Analyse des Religionsunterrichts in den Moscheegemeinden der DITIB in NRW, wo die Lehrwerkreihe Camiye Gidiyorum/Ich gehe in die Moschee zum Einsatz kommt.
Im Rahmen der allgemeinen Analyse zu dieser eingesetzten Lehrwerksreihe werden die Rahmenbedingungen der Entstehung des Lehrwerks skizziert. Dabei erfolgt die Analyse anhand des Aufbaus und der Struktur, der Inhalte, der Darstellungsweisen sowie der Arbeitsanregungen und Aktivitätsmöglichkeiten. Auf welche Weise die Vermittlung des Korans im GRU erfolgt, wird mit der Forschungsfrage, ob beispielsweise der Koran nur auswendig gelernt, mit seiner Bedeutung oder gar interpretierend thematisiert wird, beantwortet. Die Inhalte zum Koran in den Lehrmaterialien werden analysiert, nachdem dieses zunächst gemäß Curriculum untersucht wird. Die in den curricularen Bestimmungen vorgesehenen Ebenen und Kompetenzen zum Koran im GRU werden erforscht.
Die als Prämissen der Koranhermeneutik genannten vier Prinzipien Kontextualität, Dialogizität, Intertextualität und Kohärenz werden einer Überprüfung unterzogen, um zu ermitteln, ob und inwiefern sie im Lehrwerk in der praktischen Anwendung berücksichtigt werden. Die Prämissen werden daher jeweils theoretisch erörtert und anschließend folgt die Darstellung der empirischen Ergebnisse, die mittels einer induktiv durchgeführten qualitativen Inhaltsanalyse in den Lehrmaterialien gewonnen wurden. Die Analyse der Prämissen wird schließlich interpretiert und eingeordnet.
Die Studie gewährt erstmalig Einblicke in dieser Ausführlichkeit in bisher in deutscher Sprache größtenteils nicht vorhandenes Textmaterial aus den Lehrmaterialien des GRU. An geeigneten Stellen stellt die Studie auch quantitative Analyseergebnisse zur Verfügung und verbindet so den theoretischen Teil mit dem empirischen Teil. Die vorliegende Untersuchung demonstriert, dass der renommierte Korankommentar von aṭ-Ṭabarī (gest. 910), der im Rahmen des Projektes Linked Open Tafsīr digitalisiert und in der Datenbank auf https://tafsirtabari.com verfügbar gemacht wurde, für den GRU sowie IRU nutzbar ist.
Im Ausblick werden auf Desiderate, mögliche Aufgaben von Religionsgemeinschaften und die potenzielle Rolle der Islamisch-Theologischen Standorte an den deutschen Universitäten und Pädagogischen Hochschulen hinsichtlich Gemeindepädagogik hingewiesen. Darüber hinaus werden weitere interessanten Einblicke als Ergebnisse, die der Serendipität zuzuordnen sind, gewährt.

The historical ties between Islam and Nigeria predate the current episodes of violence that, to some extent, now define the Nigerian Muslim community. This relationship is complex, rooted in acceptance, endurance, and integration. The community is notable not only for its large population but also for its intellectual and cultural contributions, despite internal divisions. Its role in religious and political discourse remains significant within Nigeria's ostensibly secular framework. However, the global war on terror has fuelled anti-Muslim sentiment in Nigeria, turning the public sphere into a battleground where Muslims face religious discrimination, media dehumanisation, and ethno-religious stereotypes. Using a mixed-methods approach, combining open-source literature and expert interviews, this study examines Christian-Muslim relations in Nigeria. A total of 42 interviews were conducted with academics, professionals, and religious leaders (Imams and Pastors) selected for their expertise. The findings highlight the multifaceted challenges Nigerian Muslims face, from internal divisions to external marginalisation. The study also explores how Nigerian Christian elites use visibility politics and dehumanisation strategies to undermine Muslim representation and visibility in public discourse. It concludes that Nigeria's socio-religious sphere will remain contested, driven by struggles for power, visibility, and resources, ensuring that accusation and counteraccusation persist as defining features of Christian-Muslim relations.

What is our impression left of Fethullah Gülen upon his death? What does he leave behind him? How could we describe and understand his legacy? Did he just bequeath us a decaying empire-as some imply? Or could we be talking about a flourishing multimillion-dollar estate that will turn out to be the apple of discord between different factions and sects? Some journalists are talking Article 18/4/25, 8:48 μ.μ.

The mass influx of refugees to Europe in 2015/2016 created the opportunity for a meaningful and rational debate in Poland concerning the presence of the representatives of other ethnic groups, cultures, and religions in the country. Yet, that chance was wasted as the dominant, strategic position in public discourse was seized by politically motivated antirefugee rhetoric based on fearmongering and hate speech. The crisis of public debate since 2015 compels a question about other forms of art’s social engagement in public discourse. An example of such engagement is Jana Shostak’s project ”Nowak / Nowaczka / Nowacy” (2017–), which consists of an attempt to replace the word “refugee” in common usage with the word “nowak,” a common noun that happens to be the homonym of the most popular surname in Poland, “Nowak.” Toward this end, the artist has consistently used it in interviews and promoted it on social media, seeking to build a community of users of the word “nowak” in order to give ...

The current rise in the numbers of young British Muslims travelling from the UK to Syria has raised a number of questions about the UK Government’s counter-terrorism strategy and policy. Within the current discourse on radicalisation and Syria, listening to the voices of young British Muslims is crucial, if the UK Government, the police and other key stakeholders are serious about preventing the escalation of young people going out to fight in Syria. This article makes an important contribution to helping us better understand young British Muslims’ perceptions of the crisis in Syria and offers policy makers some thoughts on how best to engage young people in the debate on Syria without demonising them or stereotyping them as ‘suspects’.

The UK Government has recently announced a new Counter-Terrorism and Security Act 2015 to facilitate tackling the threat of violent extremism. In light of this and previous initiatives, this paper provides a critical assessment of UK counterterrorism policy. This policy has created a notion of ‘suspect communities’ such that it has alienated young Muslims at the community engagement level, conceivably and empirically, potentially further exacerbating concerns government and communities have over questions of radicalisation, extremism, and the associated political and criminal violence. This paper argues that such policies can lead to the institutionalisation of Islamophobia, acting as an echo chamber for far right extremism to flourish. Significant gaps in government policy in this area can only be addressed by fostering effective relations between communities and policy makers, with enablers such as police officers, youth workers, activists and faith leaders empowered to formulate ...

pag. 5 Capitolo Primo: La comunità arabo-musulmana in Italia 1. Premessa 2. La distribuzione sul territorio italiano 3. L'evoluzione dei rapporti tra comunità e Stato italiano 4. Le associazioni religiose e le Bozze di intesa con lo Stato italiano 5. Conclusioni: la difficile integrazione Capitolo Secondo: Il diritto alla libertà religiosa 1. La libertà religiosa nel diritto internazionale 2. La diversità culturale e i diritti dell'uomo nell'islam 3. La libertà religiosa nella Convenzione Europea dei Diritti dell'Uomo 4. La libertà religiosa in Italia Capitolo Terzo: Il diritto a manifestare le proprie convinzioni: i simboli religiosi e il velo islamico 1. La richiesta di un "nuovo" diritto: alla diversità culturale 2. Il velo islamico all'esame della Corte europea dei Diritti dell'Uomo 3. Esperienze nazionali 4. La realtà italiana, tra tolleranza ed indecisione 5. Conclusioni: il necessario dialogo interculturale Capitolo Quarto: La libertà religiosa e l'osservanza della preghiera islamica a scuola e al lavoro 1. Le prescrizioni islamiche 2. La libertà religiosa e il diritto alla festività religiosa 3. Le esperienze europee 4. La normativa italiana in relazione alla realtà arabo-musulmana 5. Alcune ipotesi risolutive 6. Conclusioni: se gli accordi non dovessero bastare Capitolo Quinto: Case study: L'esperienza del Trentino Alto Adige nei confronti della diversità culturale islamica 1. Premessa: la realtà trentina 2. Premessa: la realtà altoatesina 3. La questione dei simboli religiosi 4. La questione delle pratiche religiose 5. Conclusioni: l'integrazione è un impegno di tutti Conclusione Bibliografia Sitografia

Die Frage nach einer islamischen Ethik stellt sich in Bezug auf die Moral und auf die grundlegenden moralischen Prinzipien, welche sich aus dem Quraan, der Sunnah und der Geschichte der islamischen Zivilisation ergeben. Kann man im Islam von einer Ethik sprechen? Ergibt sich aus den islamischen Quellen eine Morallehre? Ist Moral etwas Menschengemachtes oder gibt es eine numinose Moral? Ist Moral etwas Universelles, etwas, was jedem Menschen in die Wiege gelegt wird oder ist Moral eine soziale Konditionierung. Ist Moral notwendig für den Menschen oder ist sie ein gesellschaftliches Konstrukt. Nimmt man das Wort Moral so kann man diese wie folgt definieren: Moral ist ein System von ethischen und sittlichen Grundsätzen und Normen, welche auf Werten basieren, die innerhalb einer Gesellschaft regulierend wirken und als allgemein gültig akzeptiert werden, wobei es keinen fixierten Rahmen dieser Werte gibt. Betrachtet man diese Definitionen von Moral so kann man auch im Islam von einer gemeingültigen Moral sprechen, welche die Muslime betrifft und durch ihr Verhalten verkörpert wird. Die sich aus den moralischen bzw. sittlichen Vorgaben ergebende Ethik stellt somit das Bezugssystem dar, welches durch einen Muslim / eine Muslimah vertreten werden und ein Teil der religiösen Lebenspraxis sind. Sieht man Ethik nun als Ausführung von moralischen bzw. sittlichen Standards, so lassen sich im Islam einige ethische Prinzipien herleiten. Die folgende Arbeit soll einen Einblick in eine mögliche Definition einer islamischen Ethik im Allgemeinen und einer Arbeitsethik im Speziellen geben. Da das Thema mehr als umfangreich ist, werden hier nur Bezugsrahmen hergestellt ohne die einzelnen Felder abschließend zu beurteilen oder alle möglichen Implikationen darzustellen. Zur Vereinfachung der Lesbarkeit wird für Muslime, sowohl Frauen als auch Männer im Folgenden das generische Maskulin verwendet. Umschriften von arabischen Wörtern werden nach den üblichen Buchstaben des deutschen Alphabets transkribiert.

This article considers that the failure of France to reconcile Islam in Algeria with both its assimilationist and associationist policies critically undermined the L'Algérie Française colonial project. It argues that France's inability to either destroy or appropriate Islam was as significant a factor in the collapse of its rule as any other political, economic or social issue.

While the moral disarmament of Empire, France's postwar bankruptcy and the success of anti-colonial groups have been studied extensively by historians of French Algeria, this article emphasises how the resolute influence of Islam continually challenged the metropole and colonial administration.

This argument will be developed by chronologically exploring how France's internal political turmoil throughout 1830-1945, combined with the entrenched Islamophobic attitudes of the pied-noirs settlers, ensured that L'Algérie Française would remain a reality in name only.

Finally, it will assess the significance of the repression of Islam in the build-up to the 1945 Sétif Massacre, which would be instrumental in provoking one of the bloodiest wars of decolonisation that would culminate in Algeria's liberation.