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Figure 14 – uploaded by Center for International Media Assistance (CIMA) at the National Endowment for Democracy

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Turkey has reached a position where the press has assumed the function of p ropaganda—which in the context of this paper has a very specific meaning of giving no or scant market value to integrity or reputation. Media adjusts (in cases, literally photoshopping *°) reality to its perceptior and political exigency rather than the other way round. This, in turn, leads to what one could call a “Midas touch” syndrome in which the government’s desire for control is ultimately too successful and ends up des limi troying the value of media on which it relies. A partisan media is of ed use when its audience reads too deeply between its lines.

Figure 14 Turkey has reached a position where the press has assumed the function of p ropaganda—which in the context of this paper has a very specific meaning of giving no or scant market value to integrity or reputation. Media adjusts (in cases, literally photoshopping *°) reality to its perceptior and political exigency rather than the other way round. This, in turn, leads to what one could call a “Midas touch” syndrome in which the government’s desire for control is ultimately too successful and ends up des limi troying the value of media on which it relies. A partisan media is of ed use when its audience reads too deeply between its lines.

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sex scandals, and melod ramatic sports. It behaves much the same as hyper- competitive, commercia ized media, though it operates on a fundamentally different economic model. Indeed , in many countries with a high degree of capture, profitability of the news media is no aim. Instead, the ability even the principle o influence large numbers of people and maintain the favor of government is enough. Profits come from elsewhere.
sex scandals, and melod ramatic sports. It behaves much the same as hyper- competitive, commercia ized media, though it operates on a fundamentally different economic model. Indeed , in many countries with a high degree of capture, profitability of the news media is no aim. Instead, the ability even the principle o influence large numbers of people and maintain the favor of government is enough. Profits come from elsewhere.
The imposition of martial law was always justified as the need to impose stability on an inchoate and anarchic civil society, but it also served to legitimize the spoils distributed during the “chaos” of democratic rule. he history of the Turkish media, unsurprisingly, parallels many of t economy. That history is of a clos post-war Cc hanges in politica economy—based on import tegrated into global markets. This in ovement of pop ulation from the co as 75 percent rural after World Wa etamorphosis c reated social strain 960-61, 1971-73, and 1330-83) an political life we | into the 2000s. -Substituting ind untryside to the ci r Il is nearly 75 pe , leading to three tegration was accompanied by amass ustrialization—bei ties. A population tt rcent urban now. TI periods of martial |: d the continued presence of the militz
The imposition of martial law was always justified as the need to impose stability on an inchoate and anarchic civil society, but it also served to legitimize the spoils distributed during the “chaos” of democratic rule. he history of the Turkish media, unsurprisingly, parallels many of t economy. That history is of a clos post-war Cc hanges in politica economy—based on import tegrated into global markets. This in ovement of pop ulation from the co as 75 percent rural after World Wa etamorphosis c reated social strain 960-61, 1971-73, and 1330-83) an political life we | into the 2000s. -Substituting ind untryside to the ci r Il is nearly 75 pe , leading to three tegration was accompanied by amass ustrialization—bei ties. A population tt rcent urban now. TI periods of martial |: d the continued presence of the militz
Then, in February 2014, just weeks before nationwide municipal elections, a series of police phone taps began to leak onto the Internet that seemed to confirm the very worst of the corruption allegations.
Then, in February 2014, just weeks before nationwide municipal elections, a series of police phone taps began to leak onto the Internet that seemed to confirm the very worst of the corruption allegations.
apture suggests a process of deterioration. This is not to posit a golden age of the Turkish press. If the newspapers of the 1960s earned their keep through sales and ads, many of those ads were provided by the government agencies or state economic enterprises under political Supervision. An unexpected instrument with which the government attempted to control printed media was the pricing and allocation of newsprint itself, produced by the state paper factory or subject to import controls.’ Even so, one could at least make the case that newspaper proprietors understood how to operate in a rough market but were also sympathetic to journalism itself.
apture suggests a process of deterioration. This is not to posit a golden age of the Turkish press. If the newspapers of the 1960s earned their keep through sales and ads, many of those ads were provided by the government agencies or state economic enterprises under political Supervision. An unexpected instrument with which the government attempted to control printed media was the pricing and allocation of newsprint itself, produced by the state paper factory or subject to import controls.’ Even so, one could at least make the case that newspaper proprietors understood how to operate in a rough market but were also sympathetic to journalism itself.
emphasis on human rights and women’s issues, it was obliged to fire the columnist Yalcin Peksen who had offended President Ozal. Behind closed doors, the Demirel government of the early the 1990s called to heel Sabah—then a social democrat-leaning broadsheet, after its leading columnists criticized a prominent minister. The paper printed a full retraction under the implicit threat of tax inspectors turning over the books.?? It was an open secret in newsrooms well before the AKP party came to power that certain colleagues took instructions from national intelligence. Among the most notorious incidents were the front pages in the national press that served as justification for a military operation to en a hunger strike in Turkish prisons in 2000 during which 29 people died. Th following year, four people died in a police operation to end a hunger strike in an Istanbul neighborhood—an event preceded by much exaggerated haadlinesc of an intifada-ctvle rehellion in the heart of the city 23
emphasis on human rights and women’s issues, it was obliged to fire the columnist Yalcin Peksen who had offended President Ozal. Behind closed doors, the Demirel government of the early the 1990s called to heel Sabah—then a social democrat-leaning broadsheet, after its leading columnists criticized a prominent minister. The paper printed a full retraction under the implicit threat of tax inspectors turning over the books.?? It was an open secret in newsrooms well before the AKP party came to power that certain colleagues took instructions from national intelligence. Among the most notorious incidents were the front pages in the national press that served as justification for a military operation to en a hunger strike in Turkish prisons in 2000 during which 29 people died. Th following year, four people died in a police operation to end a hunger strike in an Istanbul neighborhood—an event preceded by much exaggerated haadlinesc of an intifada-ctvle rehellion in the heart of the city 23
to an illegally constructed home once the rights to settle were politically negotiated. The station served out a diet of popular foreign series but also had a news operation.
to an illegally constructed home once the rights to settle were politically negotiated. The station served out a diet of popular foreign series but also had a news operation.
Business Interests of Two Leading Media Houses
Business Interests of Two Leading Media Houses
Taksim Square during protests in Turkey in June 2013 in Istanbul. onsider the dilemma of the Media Association, set up in 2010 as a on- profit organization with a mission to “foster, support and elevate” ress standards that would render Turkey a more democratic society. did hho so with the backing of the emerging pro-government media groups had banded together in reaction to bodies like the Turkish Press ouncil,°° an organization which Media Association members regarded Sid ap dog for Turkey's secular old guard. By June 2013 these same lvembers were facing a major crisis of credibility.
Taksim Square during protests in Turkey in June 2013 in Istanbul. onsider the dilemma of the Media Association, set up in 2010 as a on- profit organization with a mission to “foster, support and elevate” ress standards that would render Turkey a more democratic society. did hho so with the backing of the emerging pro-government media groups had banded together in reaction to bodies like the Turkish Press ouncil,°° an organization which Media Association members regarded Sid ap dog for Turkey's secular old guard. By June 2013 these same lvembers were facing a major crisis of credibility.
Riots in Istanbul in 2013 were triggered by an environmental protest to prevent Gezi Park from being turned into a shopping mall.
Riots in Istanbul in 2013 were triggered by an environmental protest to prevent Gezi Park from being turned into a shopping mall.
broadcast media and the constant vig agal surr gua mar ow can so damaged a national media be repaired? In theory, at least, it is market forces that help guard the press from capture or the abuse of its own powers. The competition between the variety of pub nst the abuses (or timidity) of any particu fina ilance of social media serves as lar individual press ender credibility undermines commercial viability. News organization rd their good names not for altruistic motives b ketplace.** “Accuracy” was the correct answer to the famous Bloom ished and protection organ. To s jealously ut to survive in a crowded berg News interview question where Editor-in-chief Mathew Winkler would reportedly ask all perspective employees to name the most important journalistic virtue.
broadcast media and the constant vig agal surr gua mar ow can so damaged a national media be repaired? In theory, at least, it is market forces that help guard the press from capture or the abuse of its own powers. The competition between the variety of pub nst the abuses (or timidity) of any particu fina ilance of social media serves as lar individual press ender credibility undermines commercial viability. News organization rd their good names not for altruistic motives b ketplace.** “Accuracy” was the correct answer to the famous Bloom ished and protection organ. To s jealously ut to survive in a crowded berg News interview question where Editor-in-chief Mathew Winkler would reportedly ask all perspective employees to name the most important journalistic virtue.
The value of a free press, aware of its own professional standards, requires no elaborate justification. A better-informed citizenry makes better collective decisions. Turkey is a society often depicted as languishing in the middle income with governments hard pressed to take the structural measures that would help raise per capita income from the $10,000 mark where it lingers. Turkish politicians speak of their country as becoming one of the 10 largest world economies without always setting out a roadmap to that destination. However, better education, improvement of human resources, and greater transparency as well as government accountability are often listed as a vital first steps. Less often is the case made that a pre-condition for all these reforms is a more responsive and responsible media.
The value of a free press, aware of its own professional standards, requires no elaborate justification. A better-informed citizenry makes better collective decisions. Turkey is a society often depicted as languishing in the middle income with governments hard pressed to take the structural measures that would help raise per capita income from the $10,000 mark where it lingers. Turkish politicians speak of their country as becoming one of the 10 largest world economies without always setting out a roadmap to that destination. However, better education, improvement of human resources, and greater transparency as well as government accountability are often listed as a vital first steps. Less often is the case made that a pre-condition for all these reforms is a more responsive and responsible media.
Related topics:
Media StudiesMedia and DemocracyPress FreedomDemocracy and Good GovernanceTurkish Media
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