Media regulation

This research paper is focused on examining the factors that determine the success of the British Broadcasting Corporation (BBC) in the digital realm. The success of the BBC was determined by the emphasis on universality and the quality of the production of journalism, therefore, by its commitment to mission and values during analog television broadcasting. Based on the above-mentioned, we assume that the BBC follows the same approach in implementing modern digital ways of distributing its content. The study's findings were derived from the description and analysis of strategic documents and the digital representation of the BBC, and it provides insight into the fundamentals of successful digital communication for traditional media, particularly public broadcasting.

This GMICP report details trends in media concentration in India over the period 2019-2021, and is the first of three reports. It details ownership, market share and concentration across two infrastructural domains (telecoms and Internet services) and two media content domains: (audiovisual media content and newspapers). The report highlights the increasing integration of the Indian media economy, arising from rapid
digitisation of media formats and processes and the increasing predominance of mobile internet as the primary media apparatus in India.

During the survey period of 2019-2021, the Indian media economy grew by 21% to reach gross revenues of $US 66.52bn (excluding publishing). The overall pattern of growth was unevenly distributed across four component divisions: telecoms and internet infrastructure with growth of 23% (2021 revenues of US$ 49.22bn), core internet services (including online advertising) with growth of 122% (2021 revenues of US$ 3.38bn), audiovisual media content (traditional and online) with growth of 22.5% (2021 revenues of US$ 12.38bn), and newspapers, with a 32% decline in revenues (2021
revenues of US$ 1.54bn for the ten leading firms). Within each of these divisions, there are disparities in revenue growth across sub-sectors, trending in favour of mobile digital formats. One consequence of these developments is a marked increase in the concentration of media infrastructure and distribution businesses, and another is an increase of cross-ownership across previously distinct areas of media content.

Trends towards monopoly and complex interactions between national and international interests in the media economy are mapped out in this report across different levels of the media stack. The survey period of this particular report also serves to illustrate the significant challenges
faced across the Indian media economy during the height of the global COVID-19 pandemic. Capturing both this period of crisis and underlying trends in the transformation of the media economy in India, this report also seeks to begin addressing the lack of systematic data driven accounts of developments in Indian media markets.

RESUMO: A liberdade de expressão constitui um dos fundamentos da democracia, mas enfrenta desafios inéditos na era digital. A disseminação de desinformação, a manipulação algorítmica e a concentração de poder nas plataformas digitais comprometem a integridade do espaço público e a confiança nas instituições democráticas. O problema central investigado refere-se ao equilíbrio entre a preservação da liberdade de expressão e a necessidade de combater as fake news, sem violar direitos fundamentais. A pesquisa adota uma abordagem qualitativa, com base em revisão bibliográfica de fontes físicas e digitais, privilegiando análises críticas interdisciplinares sobre direito, comunicação e ciência política. A investigação revelou que o combate à desinformação exige estratégias múltiplas, incluindo regulação responsável das plataformas, promoção da alfabetização digital, educação midiática e incentivo à transparência corporativa. Constatou-se que a regulação deve ser dinâmica, combinando instrumentos estatais, formas de autorregulação e co-regulação, a fim de se adaptar à evolução das práticas de disseminação da desinformação. Conclui-se que soluções isoladas são insuficientes, sendo imprescindível uma abordagem colaborativa entre governos, sociedade civil, empresas e academia para garantir um ambiente digital democrático, plural e seguro.

Research Brief for ‘The Future of Public Service Media in Northern Ireland: the Policy Implications of Research and Practice’, 9 May 2025.

Funded by Ulster University’s Research Impact Fund, and supported by the Centre for Communication, Media and Cultural Studies, within the School of Communication and Media.

The internet and its emerging technologies have expanded global communication landscape to the extent that citizens have unbridled access to social media, just as the mainstream media integrate them into their operations. Despite the productive and interactive potentials of social media, there has been a rise in the cases of hate expression as one of the pitfalls of the digital revolution. Nigeria has had her share of the menace of hate expressions among its citizens, prompting legal and regulatory measures to check the menace. This paper discusses the recent efforts of the Nigerian government in the areas of legislation and regulation in checking hate speech. It critically examines the extant Cybercrimes (Prohibition, Prevention, etc.) Act of 2015; the Independent National Commission for the Prohibition of Hate Speeches Bill introduced in the Nigerian Senate

The Internet and digital media technologies have opened a wide range of communication avenues and expanded the public sphere. Notable among these avenues which offer an alternative communication model are social media, with attendant merits of interactivity, increased participation in public discourse, open-source information dissemination, easy content generation and distribution, disintermediation, instantaneous transmission, low cost of usage and narrowness of information boundaries. Conversely, hate speech is one of the attendant ills of the social media, with far-reaching consequences on victims' rights and societal well-being. Due to its damaging effects, social media hate speech has generated controversies which have attracted legal and administrative regulations. The diversity in the socio-cultural composition of Nigeria makes what constitutes social media hate speech, the multiplicity of its effects and its regulation more controversial. Meanwhile, media education is crucial to shaping communication policies and giving direction to regulations. This study considered media scholars as crucial stakeholders in determining the direction of hate speech regulation. The study adopted descriptive survey research design and administered self-structured online questionnaire on 106 scholars drawn from 46 higher institutions offering communicationrelated courses in Southwest Nigeria. The study revealed that communication scholars had a high level of knowledge about the prevalence of social media hate speech and its regulations. They perceived political reasons and suppression of expression as the motivations for government regulation of social media hate speech in Nigeria. Results also showed that Nigeria's cultural diversity posed no challenge to social media hate speech regulation, and regulation had no implications on her unity. The study recommended government sincerity, sound legal framework, sites'

La présentation de la crise centrafricaine de 2012-2014 par certains comme ayant été un conflit religieux, une manipulation étrangère ou une scène d’affrontements ethniques, semble réductrice ; même si l’on ne peut nier le fait que des gens y ont été massacrés sur la base de leur appartenance religieuse. Questionnant l’animosité des Centrafricains présentés comme chrétiens envers leurs concitoyens dit musulmans, le présent article se veut un autre diagnostic de cette crise. Pour y parvenir, il mobilise la logique compréhensive, à travers des entretiens semi-directifs. Il recourt aux approches socio-historienne et interactionniste, pour démontrer que l’analyse de ce conflit passe avant tout, par la compréhension de l’idée que l’on se fait de l’identité nationale au Centrafrique. Il observe la gestion du pouvoir en RCA depuis l’accession du pays à l’indépendance, la question des identités en ses pendants ethnique et confessionnel dans leur complexité. Cette production met en exergue les variables et acteurs qui entretiennent la crise, la rendant ainsi permanente. Elle constate que les identités sont ici comme ailleurs, des produits du politique, changeant en fonction des rapports entre leaders politico-religieux et militaires. En effet, les causes religieuses de cette guerre civile, avec l’apparition d’une revendication de défense de la cause musulmane par l’un des groupes belligérants semblent ne représenter qu’une façade du conflit. Il en ressort que cette crise est d’avantage un antagonisme entre peuples de phénotype ou « race » sahélo-saharienne de la savane au Nord et ceux, autochtones de la forêt au Sud.

This study examines the legislative evolution of Section 230 of the Communications Act of 1934, a widely discussed and frequently misunderstood dimension of American telecommunications policy that provides a “safe harbor” provisionally shielding internet companies from liability for law-breaking content published by third parties who use their platforms and networks. Though this provision originated in the mid-1990s as an effort to minimize the legal and economic risks facing fledgling internet startups, we argue that efforts to reform it during the Trump era reflected an unprecedented transformation of an arcane policy point into a highly public subject for “messaging bills” intended principally to signal political loyalty to the president.

Purpose: This research examines the role of social media as a tool for political engagement, focusing on its impact on women politicians. It aims to explore how women in politics use social media to enhance visibility, overcome gender biases, and influence public opinion.
Methodology: A qualitative research design is employed, utilizing an in-depth study of various documents of women politicians from various political backgrounds. Content analysis of their social media posts is also conducted to assess engagement strategies and public reception.
Findings: The study finds that social media significantly amplifies women’s political voices, allowing them to reach broader audiences and challenge traditional gender barriers. However, it also highlights ongoing challenges such as online harassment and gendered stereotypes, which persist despite the potential for empowerment.
Research Limitation: The study is limited by its geographic scope and the focus on a select group of women politicians, which may not fully represent the broader population of women in politics.
Practical Implication: Women politicians can use social media more effectively for political engagement, while political organizations must develop strategies to counter online harassment and support women’s digital empowerment.
Social Implication: This research underscores the transformative power of digital platforms in promoting gender equality in politics, highlighting the importance of an inclusive online environment.
Originality: This study contributes to the understanding of how social media can serve as a transformative tool for women in politics, filling a gap in the literature on digital engagement and political participation.

Die medienökonomische Betrachtung der kapitalistischen Transformation der DDR-Presse ist stark ideologisch geprägt.

Kurz nach der Wende erblühte in der DDR kurzzeitig ein Pressefrühling, der nach der Wiedervereinigung ein schnelles Ende fand. Die ehemals führenden SED-Bezirkszeitungen erlangten einen Monopolstatus, indem sie weitgehend sowohl die alteingesessene Lokalpresse der kleinen DDR-Blockparteien als auch die jungen Zeitungsgründungen hinwegfegten. Die Medienwissenschaft wies die Schuld an der geschwundenen Pressevielfalt einer verfehlten Privatisierungspolitik der Treuhandanstalt zu, die die SED-Presse – ohne auf den Erhalt der Pressevielfalt zu achten – an die führenden westdeutschen Zeitungsverlage verkaufte.

Bei dieser einseitigen medienwissenschaftlichen Schuldzuweisung stand jedoch nicht die geschwundene Pressevielfalt im Fokus. Stattdessen diente die Forschung lediglich dem Ziel, der Treuhand Mittelstandsfeindlichkeit nachzuweisen. Um dieses Narrativ begründen zu können, unterblieb eine tiefergehende Analyse der tatsächlichen damaligen Konkurrenzverhältnisse.
So unterschlug diese ideologisch geprägte Geschichtsschreibung, dass sowohl einige kleinere Blockparteizeitungen als auch lokale Neugründungen trotz der Treuhandpolitik bis heute das Überleben schafften.

Dass Zeitungen in nachrangiger Wettbewerbsposition Schwierigkeiten haben, sich am Markt zu behaupten, ist eine medienökonomische Binsenweisheit. Die Forschung missachtete jedoch, dass viele kleine Zeitungen ungeachtet der schwierigen Bedingungen nicht nur überlebten, sondern sogar die führende Marktpositionen gewannen.

Die Analyse des tatsächlichen Marktgeschehens belegt, dass es vor allem die fehlenden medienökonomischen Fähigkeiten der in Ostdeutschland aktiven Verlage waren, die zum Tod kleiner Zeitungen führten.

Retour sur la Situation des médias français en 1944 ? Le Gouvernement provisoire de la République française (GPRF) est le nom donné au régime politique et aux institutionscorrespondantes qui, succédant le 3 juin 1944 au Comité français de libération nationale (CFLN), ont dirigé pendant deux ans l'ensemble du territoire de la France métropolitaine et de son empire jusqu'au 27 octobre 1946, date de l'entrée en vigueur de la Quatrième République. Ce gouvernement provisoire va légiférer par ordonnances pour épurer la presse collaborationniste en mettant en œuvre des garde-fous pour empêcher la concentration avec la domination médiatique par des groupes puissants d’intérêts contraire à la liberté des médias. Pourtant cette concentration n’a cessé depuis de s’accentuer avec la constitution d’empires médiatiques dont le 1er fut celui de Robert Hersant dans les années 1960/1990. Depuis, cette concentration s’est aggravée avec la constitution de trusts médiatiques aux mains de milliardaires comme Vincent Bollore et Cie qui mettent en danger le pluralisme et la liberté médiatiques. Quelle serait la solution pour lutter contre cette mainmise ?

Zeitungen haben als Produkt in einer Marktwirtschaft die Aufgabe, ihren Eigentümern einen Mehrwert zu schaffen. Ziel des Verlagsgeschäftes sind die Maximierung von Umsatz, Gewinn oder Marktanteilen. Da sie jedoch auch wichtige gesellschaftliche Funktionen erfüllen, entstanden immer wieder auch Medien, die gesellschaftspolitischen sozialen Reformvorstellungen dienten und damit keinen finanziellen sondern ethischen Kriterien folgten.
Zeitungsverlage, die ethische Kriterien zum Maßstab des Handels haben, sind anders als die konventionellen kapitalistisch orientierten Verlagsbetriebe durch eine größere Zahl von unterschiedlichen, teilweise divergierenden Zielvorstellungen bestimmt. Diese können im Widerspruch zu den Anforderungen des kapitalistischen Massenmarktes stehen. In wirtschaftlichen Krisenzeiten standen die Verlage so immer wieder vor dem Problem, entweder den sozialreformerischen Charakter ihrer Zeitungen aufgeben zu müssen oder Wege zur Verbesserung der wirtschaftlichen Grundlage zu finden.
Auch die Berliner „Tageszeitung“ (taz), die 1979 im Ergebnis der neuen sozialen Bewegungen
Entstand, geriet wegen ihrer geringer Auflage und Anzeigenerlöse sowie der vergleichsweise hohen Kosten immer wieder an den Rand des wirtschaftlichen Aus‘. Dies führte dazu, dass es hausintern zum Widerstreit der verlegerischen Konzepte kam, die sich zwischen der Fortführung als antikapitalistisches Reformprojekt und der Hereinnahme eines bzw. des (Teil-) Verkaufs an einen externen Medieninvestors bewegten. Der Aufsatz untersucht, wie es die taz schaffte, ihren Status als Unternehmen der moralischen Ökonomie zu bewahren.

This article examines the economic crisis' impact on labor relations and working conditions of Greek journalists. It points out that the special features of Greek media system played a critical role in the way that the crisis hit this industry and affected labour relations. The article analyses the massive consequences of the crisis using, inter alia, unpublished data from the insurance fund of journalists and other media employees as well as the results of quantitative research which took place in June and July 2019.

This study papers focuses on freedom of expression and press in Bangladesh, with a particular
emphasis on freedom of expression in the UK and the USA. The paper is written from the
perspective of Bangladesh. Following gaining independence in 1971, the media in Bangladesh
has developed in line with worldwide patterns and advancements in technology, as well as the
strategies employed to oppress journalists and manipulate the press. The state has gradually
and possibly permanently eliminated press freedom by closing off crucial channels for honesty,
dissent, and resistance. As a result, it has established rigid boundaries for what may be
considered the objective truth. The right to freedom of expression is widely acknowledged as a
crucial human right by the global community, recognizing its significance in safeguarding
democratic principles. The study demonstrates that the presence of an institutional
constitutional framework imposes a structured limitation on both freedom of expression and
freedom of the press. The orientation of the constraints, which is determined by practicality
and essentiality, emphasizes the concept of relativism.
The study also investigates the safeguarding of press freedom and freedom of expression in the
UK and USA. The progress in press freedom in the UK and USA, where there is a growing
acceptance of press and speech freedom as a fundamental right, could serve as a blueprint for
the development of legal frameworks in Bangladesh.

The broadcast industry often finds itself caught between maintaining professional standards and adhering to government-imposed regulations. With the ongoing transformation in traditional broadcasting, it has become necessary to review existing regulatory frameworks implemented by statutory agencies and professional bodies. This paper reports on the state of broadcast media regulation and highlights the challenges of enforcement in the face of media convergence. It adopts both self-regulatory and statutory models as its analytical framework. Findings indicate that the digitisation of broadcasting has broadened media operations, resulting in increasing breaches of regulatory guidelines. A notable example is campus radio stations, which are authorised to serve their respective institutions and host communities but often operate beyond these limits. The paper concludes that regulating broadcast media in the digital age presents significant difficulties and recommends a review of existing regulatory approaches to reflect contemporary realities.

The broadcast industry often finds itself caught between maintaining professional standards and adhering to government-imposed regulations. With the ongoing transformation in traditional broadcasting, it has become necessary to review existing regulatory frameworks implemented by statutory agencies and professional bodies. This paper reports on the state of broadcast media regulation and highlights the challenges of enforcement in the face of media convergence. It adopts both self-regulatory and statutory models as its analytical framework. Findings indicate that the digitisation of broadcasting has broadened media operations, resulting in increasing breaches of regulatory guidelines. A notable example is campus radio stations, which are authorised to serve their respective institutions and host communities but often operate beyond these limits. The paper concludes that regulating broadcast media in the digital age presents significant difficulties and recommends a review of existing regulatory approaches to reflect contemporary realities.

In this article, we propose a new theoretical account of mental autonomy through which policymakers can develop new legal instruments to mitigate the harms caused by propaganda. We argue for a renewed understanding of mental autonomy, informed by relational autonomy, highlighting its interdependent nature, shaped by technological mediation and social structures in the digital public sphere. We begin by defining propaganda and discussing its potential to inflict harm through the transformational forces of datafication, algorithmization, and plaformization. A historical review of legal approaches to propaganda reveals critical gaps in existing frameworks, which continue to rely on outdated perceptions of autonomy that assume the mind is largely immune to external influences. To address these inadequacies, we build upon the novel concept of epistemic welfare-societal structures and conditions to ensure epistemic agency-and extend it to mental autonomy, which we argue is a necessary precursor to such welfare. Finally, while recognizing the challenges of implementing legal protections against propaganda, we advocate for a governance approach that balances protection and freedom within the broader notions of free thought and expression.

This study examines Facebook's role in the Rohingya genocide in Myanmar, highlighting regulatory gaps that enable social media misuse. Using a qualitative case study approach, it explores how Facebook's algorithm, prioritizing user engagement, amplifies misinformation and hate speech, fueling ethnic violence. Key regulatory gaps include Facebook's inadequate local content moderation, Myanmar's weak legal oversight, and the absence of robust international regulations. Despite civil society's watchdog role, limited resources hinder effectiveness. The study underscores the urgent need for digital governance reforms to address these gaps, curb hate speech, and protect vulnerable communities from social media's harmful impacts.

The proposed study examines the complex and multifaceted communication process, as well as the role of the media in shaping public perception, values, and beliefs. Recognizing the power and responsibility of the mass media for percepting the environment, emphasizing the importance of media literacy and critical thinking of information consumers, we propose to comprehend the key functional of specialists who dramatically influence the media landscape development, agenda molding, as well as "information bubbles" creating that can be as favorable for the further development of the society, as inhibiting it. In our opinion guidekeepers, spin-doctors and news-ombudsmen play the key roles among communication specialists. They influence not only the control and filters of the content broadcast, but also the formation of moral principles of media workers in general and the creation of professional ethical codes. Considering, that modern media platforms serve as the means of spreading social, political, cultural ideas, as well as public discourse of various orientations, it is worth actualizing functions of the media (both individual representatives and platforms in general) such as: conscious design and dissemination of information; management of public perception in order to prevent political and economic crises; ensuring honesty, accountability and transparency between the public and representatives of the media community. Particularly these functions the mentioned media persons are able to provide, as despite the different contextual bases, they all play an important role in the process, management and development of ethical principles of communication.

Media law is known to protect the freedom of expression and the press. It is a branch of law that deals with the flow of information and the public's overall interest, where anything published and distributed falls under its rules and restrictions. Media direction is especially significant because of how media affects and influences society. People learn about what is happening through the media and tend to form their own opinion of the matter in question, which may lead to more significant consequences such as mass social debates, social movements, and segregation. With such significance comes the need to oversee and regulate media and the quality and flow of information. Hence, media law and laws of printing and publishing came to exist. Media laws and regulations came into existence as media progressed and became the primary way information is disclosed and shared in today's business environment. The flow and quality of information are often associated with the medium by which they are distributed, their source, and the supervisory body of rules they are subjected to. Therefore, this article aims to analyze the extent to which the quality of information and media are affected by these variables. The paper will also dive into media laws and the quality of information, the supervision imposed on media on different platforms, and media laws across borders.

With technological advances and the ease in spreading information, a real problem directly affects the most diverse sectors of communication, the so-called 'Fake News' directly violates the guarantee of the right to freedom of information, which is a way of ensuring that the freedom of opinion and expression. When observing the reatment given by the Federal Supreme Court -STF, through the theoretical framework and pertinent jurisprudence, a parallel is sought for the solution of conflicts between freedom of expression and personality rights. It is also worth analyzing whether these parameters used have been sufficient to intrinsically analyze cases of 'fake news'. The research pointed out the conceptualization and presented the characteristics of fake news, in addition to approaching the relevant legislation, analyzing some essential points to ensure understanding of the proposals, such as restrictions on the right to freedom of expression, the effectiveness of ADPF 130 and the techniques of relevance that are usually used for its application. When dealing with the jurisprudence of the Federal Supreme Court, based on ADPF 130, the points and parameters were analyzed and the judgments were organized quantitatively and qualitatively, noting the need for the STF to delve deeper and directly address the subject, mainly to have a real approach to the points open, which have not yet been explained and addressed by jurisprudence when dealing with freedom of expression, since in much of what is discussed, the relevant legislation makes explicit the approach of removing content from social networks, which can often be understood as a form of censorship, as there is no in-depth and necessary discussion of the topic.

With technological advances and the ease in spreading information, a real problem directly affects the most diverse sectors of communication, the so-called 'Fake News' directly violates the guarantee of the right to freedom of information, which is a way of ensuring that the freedom of opinion and expression. When observing the reatment given by the Federal Supreme Court -STF, through the theoretical framework and pertinent jurisprudence, a parallel is sought for the solution of conflicts between freedom of expression and personality rights. It is also worth analyzing whether these parameters used have been sufficient to intrinsically analyze cases of 'fake news'. The research pointed out the conceptualization and presented the characteristics of fake news, in addition to approaching the relevant legislation, analyzing some essential points to ensure understanding of the proposals, such as restrictions on the right to freedom of expression, the effectiveness of ADPF 130 and the techniques of relevance that are usually used for its application. When dealing with the jurisprudence of the Federal Supreme Court, based on ADPF 130, the points and parameters were analyzed and the judgments were organized quantitatively and qualitatively, noting the need for the STF to delve deeper and directly address the subject, mainly to have a real approach to the points open, which have not yet been explained and addressed by jurisprudence when dealing with freedom of expression, since in much of what is discussed, the relevant legislation makes explicit the approach of removing content from social networks, which can often be understood as a form of censorship, as there is no in-depth and necessary discussion of the topic.

With technological advances and the ease in spreading information, a real problem directly affects the most diverse sectors of communication, the so-called 'Fake News' directly violates the guarantee of the right to freedom of information, which is a way of ensuring that the freedom of opinion and expression. When observing the reatment given by the Federal Supreme Court -STF, through the theoretical framework and pertinent jurisprudence, a parallel is sought for the solution of conflicts between freedom of expression and personality rights. It is also worth analyzing whether these parameters used have been sufficient to intrinsically analyze cases of 'fake news'. The research pointed out the conceptualization and presented the characteristics of fake news, in addition to approaching the relevant legislation, analyzing some essential points to ensure understanding of the proposals, such as restrictions on the right to freedom of expression, the effectiveness of ADPF 130 and the techniques of relevance that are usually used for its application. When dealing with the jurisprudence of the Federal Supreme Court, based on ADPF 130, the points and parameters were analyzed and the judgments were organized quantitatively and qualitatively, noting the need for the STF to delve deeper and directly address the subject, mainly to have a real approach to the points open, which have not yet been explained and addressed by jurisprudence when dealing with freedom of expression, since in much of what is discussed, the relevant legislation makes explicit the approach of removing content from social networks, which can often be understood as a form of censorship, as there is no in-depth and necessary discussion of the topic.

With technological advances and the ease in spreading information, a real problem directly affects the most diverse sectors of communication, the so-called 'Fake News' directly violates the guarantee of the right to freedom of information, which is a way of ensuring that the freedom of opinion and expression. When observing the reatment given by the Federal Supreme Court -STF, through the theoretical framework and pertinent jurisprudence, a parallel is sought for the solution of conflicts between freedom of expression and personality rights. It is also worth analyzing whether these parameters used have been sufficient to intrinsically analyze cases of 'fake news'. The research pointed out the conceptualization and presented the characteristics of fake news, in addition to approaching the relevant legislation, analyzing some essential points to ensure understanding of the proposals, such as restrictions on the right to freedom of expression, the effectiveness of ADPF 130 and the techniques of relevance that are usually used for its application. When dealing with the jurisprudence of the Federal Supreme Court, based on ADPF 130, the points and parameters were analyzed and the judgments were organized quantitatively and qualitatively, noting the need for the STF to delve deeper and directly address the subject, mainly to have a real approach to the points open, which have not yet been explained and addressed by jurisprudence when dealing with freedom of expression, since in much of what is discussed, the relevant legislation makes explicit the approach of removing content from social networks, which can often be understood as a form of censorship, as there is no in-depth and necessary discussion of the topic.

Generative AI systems are increasingly being employed globally, bringing with them both tremendous promise and substantial potential for harm. As is often the case, governance initiatives are lagging behind technological diffusion. This article looks to the very recent pastthe rise of social media platforms and their associated algorithmic systemsas a guide for ongoing and future conversations about the governance of generative AI. Specifically, this article identifies a set of missteps that have characterized social media governance that have direct applicability to the generative AI context. In addressing this topic, this paper will explore issues such as the valorization of innovation as a guiding governance principle, the limitations of self-regulation, and the need for a dedicated regulatory body. All of these key components of the failure of social media governance have clear applications to, and lessons for, the governance of generative AIa context in which the stakes may be even higher.

Es indudable que la actual sociedad del conocimiento, basada en el desarrollo constante y espectacular de las tecnologías de la información y las comunicaciones (TIC), es ahora la gran fuente de desarrollo económico, social y cultural en el mundo, sin embargo no de manera equitativa. La desigualdad no sólo es de orden tecnológico en cuanto contar con la infraestructura tecnológica, conocida como la brecha digital, menos accesible por los países de menos desarrollo, sino además de otra más inquietante, la brecha cognitiva. Es decir, contar además con el acceso a la información y el conocimiento que se está creando y constantemente aumentando de manera exponencial por todas las sociedades que sin embargo no está al alcance para todas. Es indudable que estas
brechas son producto del modelo neoliberal que impera en casi todo el mundo. Es este modelo económico, donde se privilegia la competencia lucrativa en detrimento de un desarrollo democrático, social y cultural, es la que ha provocado las grandes crisis que actualmente estamos viviendo en todo el mundo incluso en las clases menos favorecidas de los países desarrollados. De esta realidad la UNESCO ha sido consciente. En el marco de la Cumbre del Milenio celebrada el año 2000 en Nueva York, planteó los
objetivos de desarrollo para que «las nuevas tecnologías se conviertan en una promesa de desarrollo para todos mediante una alianza de la libertad de expresión, el conocimiento, los principios democráticos y el ideal de justicia, que son los cimientos de la Constitución de la UNESCO» (UNESCO 2005). Iniciativa que fue retomada en la Cumbre Mundial sobre la Sociedad de la Información en Ginebra los líderes mundiales declararon: «Estamos plenamente comprometidos a convertir la brecha digital en una oportunidad digital para todos, especialmente aquellos que corren peligro de quedar
rezagados y aún más marginados

The regulation of online platforms and broadcasting services lies at the heart of contemporary debates on democratic governance, free expression, and state control. While the independence of digital broadcasting is often framed as essential to fostering an informed citizenry and safeguarding pluralism, the rapid expansion of online content and the growing influence of digital media have intensified calls for regulatory intervention. Governments worldwide face the challenge of maintaining this equilibrium-curbing misinformation and harmful content while preserving the foundational principles of free speech. This article critically examines India's Broadcasting Services (Regulation) Bill, 2024, situating it within broader legal and policy frameworks governing digital media. It analyses how the Bill navigates the competing imperatives of content regulation and freedom of expression, assessing its implications for social media platforms and Over-The-Top (OTT) services. The article further investigates whether the Bill constitutes a measured response to the challenges of the digital age or an overreach that risks constraining independent media and online discourse. It offers a broader reflection on the evolving nature of digital governance in India and its alignment with constitutional and international standards.

Media laws play a critical role in shaping the landscape of public discourse, balancing the constitutional right to freedom of expression with the need to protect public order, national security, and individual rights. In Egypt, the media operates within a structured legal framework derived from the Constitution, statutory legislation, and professional codes of conduct. This framework governs the rights and responsibilities of media professionals, establishes regulatory bodies, and outlines specific legal liabilities for media-related offenses.
Since the adoption of the 2014 Constitution, Egypt has made significant efforts to modernize its media legislation, most notably through Law No. 180 of 2018 on Press, Media, and the Supreme Council for Media Regulation. This law aims to ensure the independence and pluralism of the media, regulate the activities of state-owned and private media institutions, and uphold journalistic standards while holding media actors accountable for violations such as defamation, incitement, and the spread of false information.
This research provides a comprehensive analysis of Egypt’s media laws, examining their constitutional foundations, regulatory mechanisms, and the legal provisions concerning journalistic rights, duties, and penalties. Through this exploration, the paper highlights the delicate balance between media freedom and legal accountability in Egypt’s evolving media environment.

Yoğunlaşma, ekonomiyi ya da belirli bir sanayi dalını oluşturan firmalar arasında çeşitli şekillerde ortaya çıkan ve haksız rekabeti ölçmede başvurulan önemli bir pazar yapısı analiz aracıdır. Pazar yoğunlaşması kavramı, ürün pazarında alıcı ve satıcıların sayı ve büyüklük bakımından dağılımı olarak ifade edilmektedir. Piyasadaki firma sayısı ile yoğunlaşma derecesi arasında ters yönlü bir ilişki vardır. Yoğunlaşma arttıkça pazardaki rekabet şansı da o ölçüde azalmaktadır. Bu çalışmada, Türkiye'de telekomünikasyon sektöründe mobil telekomünikasyon ve genişbant internet hizmetleri pazarlarının yapıları, yoğunlaşma oranları 2000 sonrası yıllar verileri incelenerek Herfindahl-Hirschman Endeksi analiz yöntemi kullanılarak karşılaştırmalı belirlenmeye çalışılmıştır.

Yoğunlaşma, ekonomiyi ya da belirli bir sanayi dalını oluşturan firmalar arasında çeşitli şekillerde ortaya çıkan ve haksız rekabeti ölçmede başvurulan önemli bir pazar yapısı analiz aracıdır. Pazar yoğunlaşması kavramı, ürün pazarında alıcı ve satıcıların sayı ve büyüklük bakımından dağılımı olarak ifade edilmektedir. Piyasadaki firma sayısı ile yoğunlaşma derecesi arasında ters yönlü bir ilişki vardır. Yoğunlaşma arttıkça pazardaki rekabet şansı da o ölçüde azalmaktadır. Bu çalışmada, Türkiye'de telekomünikasyon sektöründe mobil telekomünikasyon ve genişbant internet hizmetleri pazarlarının yapıları, yoğunlaşma oranları 2000 sonrası yıllar verileri incelenerek Herfindahl-Hirschman Endeksi analiz yöntemi kullanılarak karşılaştırmalı belirlenmeye çalışılmıştır.

Yogunlasma, ekonomiyi ya da belirli bir sanayi dalini olusturan firmalar arasinda cesitli sekillerde ortaya cikan ve haksiz rekabeti olcmede basvurulan onemli bir pazar yapisi analiz aracidir. Pazar yogunlasmasi kavrami, urun pazarinda alici ve saticilarin sayi ve buyukluk bakimindan dagilimi olarak ifade edilmektedir. Piyasadaki firma sayisi ile yogunlasma derecesi arasinda ters yonlu bir iliski vardir. Yogunlasma arttikca pazardaki rekabet sansi da o olcude azalmaktadir. Bu calismada, Turkiye’de telekomunikasyon sektorunde mobil telekomunikasyon ve genisbant internet hizmetleri pazarlarinin yapilari, yogunlasma oranlari 2000 sonrasi yillar verileri incelenerek Herfindahl-Hirschman Endeksi analiz yontemi kullanilarak karsilastirmali belirlenmeye calisilmistir

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Jurnal Dewan Pers ini edisi membahas evaluasi atas situasi pers Indonesia setelah 25 tahun pasca kelahiran Undang Undang Nomor 40 tahun 1999 tentang Pers. Selain aspek sejarah, yang juga diulas adalah bagaimana trend kasus kekerasan terhadap jurnalis dalam periode seperempat abad ini.

This research paper endeavors to tackle the relationship of translation with media discourse. Through this article, we will answer the following queries : - What do we mean by media discourse, and what are its characteristics ? - How can we define media translation? - What are the regulations, the criteria, and the steps of media translation ? - What is the importance of translation in news agencies since they are the authoritative sources of news ?

Version digitale complète de mon essai pour le dernier numéro des Cahiers Protagoras 11 intitulé "Les Big Tech, prédateurs ou arbitres du jeu démocratique ?".  Encore augmenté au vu de soubresauts récents survenus depuis l'accession de Donald Trump et JD Vance à la présidence US, mon article met notamment la généalogie du secteur des « Big Tech » en parallèle avec l’histoire intellectuelle du néolibéralisme et ses rapports avec la propriété intellectuelle pour tenter un état des lieux (très très) pluridisciplinaire et critique du nouvel ordre mondial du capitalisme de plateforme, avec un focus sur les enjeux démocratiques du "web social" et un pan consacré au modèle régulatoire européen.
      De la division du savoir à la division de la société et loin de toute forme de dépolitisation, il piste des alternatives potentielles à l'extraction de valeur de Big Techs hégémoniques et conclut à la nécessité d'urgemment traiter la question de la marchandisation totale de la vie privée.
      Le tout est éclairé (notamment) par les travaux de Quinn Slobodian, Dieter Phlewe, Philip Mirowski, dana Boyd, Cecilia Rikap & Bengt-Åke Lundvall, Tim Wu, Shoshana Zuboff, Nick Scrnicek, Bernard Harcourt, Anu Bradford, Christian Fuchs, Estevao Bosco & Wagner Costa Ribeiro, Laeticia Cesarino, Ico Maly, Dominique Cardon, Clément Mabi, Arnaud Esquerre, Pierre Henrichon, Antoinette Rouvroy, Gilles Jeannot & Simon Cottin-Marx et (toujours) Mark Fisher.

The paper summarizes and comments on the basic topics related to using artificial intelligence in political communication and journalism. Initially it presents the areas of risk and conflict, as they were identified by
journalists in newsrooms and the professional public and authors looking into the ethics of journalism and, in particular, communications. It then goes on to give an overview of the first normative and regulatory initiatives,
that being at both the international level and within the news organizations of states. It provides a case study of those Czech media houses (both public and private) that have already reflected the risks of AI in their ethical codes, the issues and problems that were focussed on and how detailed this reflection was (as of September 2024). The second part looks at (potentially) positive areas where AI can improve the quality of journalistic practice and outputs or even the quality of the public sphere overall. It concludes by opening the question of using artificial intelligence to analyse objectivity and balance in political coverage and journalism, as required by the Czech Republic’s legislation concerning radio and television broadcasting.

This study explores how the emergence of legal distribution channels affects digital piracy. We use online video-on-demand services as a proxy for legal distribution channels and investigate how increased satisfaction with this service influences the consumption of pirated content. Data for this study were collected through an online survey of a representative sample of 332 participants and analyzed using the Structural Equation Modeling approach. The findings indicate that greater use of subscription-based video-on-demand services significantly reduces the consumption of pirated video content. Additionally, system features such as content richness, system quality, and recommendation mechanisms are crucial in shaping user satisfaction with such services. Based on these findings, this study recommends streaming service providers and policymakers to further promote legal digital consumption and reduce piracy.

New Zealand's Ministry of Business, Innovation and Employment's Review of the Telecommunications Act 2001, released in 2013, highlighted an increased demand for mobile broadband service, particularly in relation to the 700 MHz spectrum auction of 14 January 2014 -space ideal for next-generation 4G or Long Term Evolution (LTE) mobile services. The government seemingly adopted a 'wait and see' approach to mobile broadband regulation, however, delaying its development until 2020 when there will be 'a clearer sense of the impact of new networks and technology'. One can look to Canada to see the need for robust mobile broadband policies. Like New Zealand, Canada has relied primarily upon spectrum auctions to stimulate market competition. The spectrum auction frameworks used there, however, have done little to promote market competition. Applying the lessons learned from Canada to a New Zealand context, this article argues for a more assertive regulatory framework sooner rather than later.