Intelligence and security studies

Spam has become a major issue in computer security because it is a channel for threats such as computer viruses, worms and phishing. Many solutions feature machine-learning algorithms trained using statistical representations of the terms that usually appear in the e-mails. Still, these methods require a training step with labelled data. Dealing with the situation where the availability of labelled training instances is limited slows down the progress of filtering systems and offers advantages to spammers. Currently, many approaches direct their efforts into Semi-Supervised Learning (SSL). SSL is a halfway method between supervised and unsupervised learning, which, in addition to unlabelled data, receives some supervision information such as the association of the targets with some of the examples. Collective Classification for Text Classification poses as an interesting method for optimising the classification of partially-labelled data. In this way, we propose here, for the first time, Collective Classification algorithms for spam filtering to overcome the amount of unclassified e-mails that are sent every day.

La literatura especializada sobre el gobierno político de la seguridad
y la policía en la provincia de Buenos Aires, Argentina, señala que el
desempeño de las administraciones gubernamentales recientes osciló
entre iniciativas de carácter reformista, orientadas a modernizar
el funcionamiento del sistema de seguridad y la policía, e iniciativas
conservadoras o regresivas, signadas por la búsqueda de desarticular
los lineamientos impulsados por otros gobiernos. Sin embargo,
poco se conoce sobre el impacto de estas cuestiones en el plano
de la institucionalidad política. Desde el enfoque de las estructuras
organizativas y el gobierno de la seguridad, y por medio de la aplicación
de un estudio de caso, el presente trabajo analiza la institucionalidad
política del Ministerio de Seguridad de la provincia de Buenos Aires
destinada al gobierno de la seguridad y la policía durante los años
2015 y 2023, es decir, durante la gestión de María Eugenia Vidal y Axel
Kicillof al frente de la gobernación provincial. Los resultados muestran
cuáles fueron los ejes principales que orientaron la gestión de ambos
mandatarios en los aspectos señalados. El trabajo contribuye a la
indagación científica y la reflexión sobre cuestiones poco abordadas
por las ciencias sociales.

Dr. Damodar Dharmananda Kosambi (1907-1966) was an Indian polymath best known for his intellectual contributions in a dizzyingly wide range of fields: mathematics, statistics, genetics, numismatics, history, and literature. His enduring reputation seems to have been posthumously sealed as the father of Marxist historiography in India. What has received scant scholarly attention, however, is his role as a key voice of the Indian peace movement after Independence and a crucial liaison between Indian peace activists and the Soviet-aligned world peace movement in the 1950s. Kosambi's politics, characterized both by his association with the undivided Communist Party of India and his arm's-length collaboration with the Government of India, afforded him a unique semi-official, fellow-traveling position to argue for nuclear disarmament and protest wars of aggression. This paper would argue that he consciously refused to be co-opted by either post-colonial nationalism or conformist international communism to advance an Asia-centric perspective on world peace that has now been largely occluded from mainstream accounts of postwar pacifism. This paper would also argue that by leveraging a now-forgotten infrastructure of transnational peace advocacy and interlocking circuits of activism at the local and national levels, Kosambi effectively foregrounded and vernacularized his own ideas of world peace premised on principled non-interventionism. Through a close reading of his extant essays, reports, speeches, and correspondence throughout the 1950s, I would posit that Kosambi's vision for world peace was imbued with a third-world internationalist sensibility that squarely located the roots of warfare in world hunger and structures of imperialism. In so doing, he went far beyond the Afro-Asian promise of the Bandung Conference (1955) when it came to arguing for what is now called 'South-South solidarity.' I further contend that, through his dutiful and maverick peace activism (prior to disillusionment in the 1960s) and increasingly radical critique of nuclear energy, Kosambi also anticipated several talking points of the Non-Aligned Movement, especially those that would only come to the fore in the Belgrade Summit (1961).

Las excepciones al derecho de acceso a la información pública comprenden información secreta, reservada y confidencial. Estas limitaciones, basadas en seguridad nacional, defensa democrática, negociaciones internacionales, secreto bancario y protección de datos personales, se interpretan restrictivamente. Su finalidad es resguardar la seguridad del Estado, derechos individuales y la integridad institucional. "Porque al servir a los demás seremos libres" (José María Pacori Cari).

The contemporary Sino-Russian partnership represents the most significant challenge to the U.S.-led international order since the Cold War, with far-reaching implications extending from the Arctic to Latin America, from BRICS expansion to North Korean nuclear proliferation. This paper employs a realist, Kissingerian framework to analyze what is fundamentally not an ideological alliance but a tactical entente, forged in the crucible of mutual antagonism towards American hegemony. Through systematic examination of structural foundations, inherent limitations, global implications, and regional penetration strategies, this analysis reveals an asymmetrical relationship with China as the senior partner, leveraging Russia's desperation following its invasion of Ukraine to expand influence across multiple theaters simultaneously. The partnership's influence now extends through BRICS expansion into Latin America, technological penetration in Mexico and Central America, military cooperation with North Korea, and the creation of alternative governance models that challenge liberal democratic norms across the Global South. While the partnership appears durable in the short-to-medium term due to shared tactical objectives against Western dominance, it remains inherently unstable due to historical mistrust, competing spheres of influence, and the fundamental dynamics between a rising power and a declining one. The paper concludes that American statecraft must abandon the counterproductive strategy of simultaneous confrontation, instead employing sophisticated balance-of-power politics to exploit the inherent contradictions within this "no-limits" partnership while simultaneously addressing its expanding technological, military, and institutional challenges across multiple regional theaters.

Paweł Skubisz, Most Jedności - Most Wolności! Wielka wymiana szpiegów z czerwca 1985 r., portal: przystanekhistoria.pl , 10 VI 2025 r.

Artykuł popularnonaukowy omawia problem przygotowań do wielkiej wymiany szpiegów z czerwca 1985 r. pomiędzy państwami bloku wschodniego a Zachodem. Władze USA zdecydowały się uwolnić szpiegów komunistycznych z PRL, NRD i LRB. Byli to Marian Zacharski, Penyu Kostadinov, Alfred Zehe i Alice Michelson. W zamian więzienia w PRL, NRD i prawdopodobnie LRB opuściło 25 agentów państw NATO. Niestety nie znamy pełnej listy uwolnionych, poza osobami z Polski. W artykule poruszono zagadnienie długotrwałych rozmów prowadzonych z Departamentem Stanu USA przy udziale niemieckiego adwokata Wolfganga Vogla.

https://przystanekhistoria.pl/pa2/teksty/116796,Most-Jednosci-Most-Wolnosci-Wielka-wymiana-szpiegow-z-czerwca-1985-r.html

This thesis aims to analyze the activities of Greece during the occupation of Anatolia from the perspective of strategic intelligence. The real motivation behind the military and political moves of the Greek authorities in Anatolia was attempted to be revealed and Greek massacres against the Turks were analyzed in detail. Whether Greek politicians acted according to the elements of strategic intelligence was examined. This thesis also analyzes developments before, during and after the occupation in the light of Ottoman, Greek, British, American and League of Nations archival documents, many of which are being used for the first time. It is emphasized how the events, which have not been uncovered until today or which have never been revealed before, were handled in intelligence reports. Most of the archival documents have not been used in other studies and offer new perspectives for researchers. Thanks to the archival documents, the course of Turkish-Greek relations during and after the occupation, the perspectives of Greek politicians towards Anatolia and the course of the relationship between politicians and intelligence officers have been tried to be revealed in an unbiased manner. The struggles of the intelligence organizations of the Allied states to be effective in Anatolia and similarly the role of Greek intelligence during the occupation of Anatolia are included. At the end of the war, Greece, which did not act within the framework of strategic intelligence and failed, what kind of a policy followed in the Lausanne Peace Negotiations and whether it applied the elements of strategic intelligence or not, is once again discussed in the light of archival documents. After the occupation, the developments in the population exchange process between Turks and Greeks were based on the archive documents of the League of Nations.

Paweł Skubisz, Lizboński łącznik. Rzecz o nawiązaniu polsko-amerykańskiej współpracy wywiadowczej, portal: przystanekhistoria.pl , 28 I 2025 r.

Artykuł popularnonaukowy na temat nawiązania współpracy wywiadowczej pomiędzy USA a Polską w 1990 r. Opowiada o pierwszym nieoficjalnym spotkaniu z 1 marca 1990 r., kiedy do recepcji Ambasady RP w Lizbonie zgłosił Amerykanin o polskich korzeniach John Edward Palevich, szef Wydziału Polskiego w CIA i poprosił o spotkanie z radcą ambasady Ryszardem Tomaszewskim, szefem tutejszej ekspozytury wywiadu w randze pułkownika SB, pracującym na niejawnym etacie Departamentu I MSW pod dyplomatycznym przykryciem i posługującym się pseudonimem „Altan”. Ich rozmowy doprowadziły do ponownego, oficjalnego już spotkania 2 maja 1990 w ekskluzywnym pięciogwiazdkowym Hotelu Tivoli Lisboa, gdzie omówiono wzajemne oczekiwania dotyczące współpracy wywiadowczej między USA a Polską.

https://przystanekhistoria.pl/pa2/teksty/112907,Lizbonski-lacznik-Rzecz-o-nawiazaniu-polsko-amerykanskiej-wspolpracy-wywiadowcze.html

This essay delves into the dystopian socio-technical apparatus being constructed in the People's Republic of China: the Social Credit System (SCS). We contend that the SCS embodies the Chinese Communist Party's (CCP) vision of absolute totalitarian control, transforming citizens into algorithmically disciplined subjects reminiscent of George Orwell's 1984. Far from a benign tool for fostering trust, it is a pervasive mechanism of repression that quantifies human behavior, enforces ideological conformity, and eradicates individual autonomy under the guise of social harmony. Drawing on historical precedents, technological architectures, and societal impacts, this paper exposes the SCS as a fusion of ancient authoritarian traditions with modern surveillance technologies, creating a panopticon state where Big Brother-embodied by the CCP-watches, judges, and punishes every aspect of life. We argue that this system not only solves purported issues like corruption through coercive datafication but also entrenches the Party's dominance, stifling dissent and breeding a culture of feardriven compliance. Contrasted with Western ideals of liberty, the SCS emerges as a chilling blueprint for global authoritarianism, raising urgent alarms about privacy, freedom, and the erosion of human dignity in an era of hyper-surveillance. Recent empirical research confirms our theoretical framework: A recent survey experiment involving elite college students in China shows that revealing the repressive potential of China's social credit system (SCS), which digitally monitors, rewards, and punishes citizens, lowered support for the system by 12%. This finding underscores the manufactured consent underlying the SCS's apparent popular support, achieved through information control rather than genuine approval of surveillance measures.

Paweł Skubisz, Wiadukt, knebel i biszkoptowy labrador, czyli (nie)codzienna praca funkcjonariuszy Biura "B" MSW w PRL, Kurier Historyczny IPN Bezpłatny dodatek do "Kuriera Szczecińskiego" nr 5 (25), "Kurier Szczeciński", 12 IX 2025 r.

Artykuł popularnonaukowy poświęcony historii Biura "B" MSW w PRL w latach 1956 - 1990. Przybliża genezę powstania tak zwanej "obserwacji zewnętrznej", czyli nowoczesnych rozwiązań związanych z działalnością policji i służb specjalnych w Europie Środkowej, Europie Zachodniej i w USA, a następnie recepcji tych rozwiązań w Rosji Carskiej i ZSRS, a stamtąd w Polsce ludowej i PRL. W artykule została omówiona struktura, organizacja, zasady doboru i szkolenia kadr Biura "B", a także główne ich zadania i sposób ich realizacji. Omówiono też największe sukcesy Biura "b", takie jak zatrzymanie pracowników i agentów wywiadu Zenona Celegrata, Petera Burke, czy Alberta Mullera.

https://24kurier.pl/akcje-kuriera/kurier-historyczny-ipn/wiadukt-knebel-i-biszkoptowy-labrador-czyli-nie-codzienna-praca-funkcjonariuszy-biura-b-msw-w-prl/

Harisch und den zwei anonymen Reviewer:innen für konstruktive Rückmeldungen zu diesem Text. 2 Gespräch mit afrikanischen Freunden, Arbeit & Wirtschaft (A&W) 7-8, 1962, 24. Anm.: Die Zeitschriften sind nicht immer mit einer Nummer versehen und unterschiedlich datiert (Tag, Monat bzw. Jahr); unsere Angaben zielen daher nicht auf Kohärenz ab, sondern darauf, dass die Ausgaben zweifelsfrei identifiziert werden können.

Kalter Krieg, Befreiungsbewegungen im Globalen Süden, Bürgerrechtsbewegungen in den USA und die Entwicklungspolitik als neues weltumspannendes Handlungsfeld: All das sind Bezugspunkte inter-und transnationaler Politiken im Österreich der späten 1950er-und 1960er-Jahre. Es entstanden entwicklungspolitisch orientierte ministerielle Gremien und staatsnahe Institutionen ebenso wie eine ganze Reihe an vielfach kirchlich getragenen Nicht-Regierungsorganisationen, die sich mit Entwicklungszusammenarbeit befassten. Teilweise in einem Spannungsverhältnis dazu entfalteten sich Kooperationen zwischen Aktivist:innen beispielsweise der panafrikanischen Schwarzen Diaspora und solchen der sich als kosmopolitisch verstehenden Linken. Das vorliegende Themenheft geht der Frage nach, wie sich Akteur:innen, die der Sozialdemokratie zugerechnet werden können, im Feld dieser neuen Beziehungsmuster verorteten und welche Handlungsentwürfe damit einhergingen. Die Beiträge eröffnen Perspektiven zu globalen und post/kolonialen Dimensionen der österreichischen Zeitgeschichte.

Scharakteryzowano akty prawne dotyczące ochrony informacji, obowiązujące przedsiębiorstwa. Przeprowadzono badania aktów prawnych celem określenia odpowiedzialności i obowiązków przedsiębiorców przetwarzających informacje chronione na podstawie przepisów prawa. Podjęto próbę określenia działań niezbędnych do zaimplementowania w przedsiębiorstwach dokumentacji dotyczącej ochrony informacji prawnie chronionych oraz próbę przedstawiania skutków dla przedsiębiorstwa spowodowanych niewłaściwą ochroną tych informacji. Słowa kluczowe: informacja, ochrona informacji, przetwarzanie informacji, ochrona prawna.

În peisajul digital contemporan, guvernele se confruntă cu provocări fără precedent în securizarea infrastructurii lor cibernetice împotriva atacurilor avansate. Proliferarea amenințărilor cibernetice sofisticate prezintă riscuri semnificative pentru securitatea națională, stabilitatea economică și încrederea publicului. Tacticile atacurilor cibernetice avansate continuă să evolueze, necesitând o adaptare continuă a strategiilor de securitate cibernetică. Integrarea inteligenței artificiale și a învățării automate în soluțiile de securitate cibernetică devine din ce în ce mai vitală în lupta împotriva atacurilor cibernetice avansate.
Acest eseu examinează natura atacurilor cibernetice avansate care vizează guvernele, factorii care contribuie la proliferarea acestora și propune soluții pentru a atenua aceste amenințări.

INTELLIGENCE INFO, Volumul 3, Numărul 1, Martie 2024, pp. 3-10
ISSN 2821 - 8159, ISSN – L 2821 – 8159, DOI: 10.58679/II77703
URL: https://www.intelligenceinfo.org/atacurile-cibernetice-avansate-care-vizeaza-guvernele-provocari-si-solutii/

A Dallam csoport Magyarországon * Kovács Pált, az amerikai Stratégiai Szolgálatok Hivatala (Office of Strategic Services, OSS) "Stephen Cora" 1 fedőnevű ügynökét 1944. december 5-én délután őrizetbe vették a budapesti Csengery utca 6. szám egyik harmadik emeleti lakásában. A negyvenes éveiben járó férfi letartóztatásához az a légyott vezetett, amit a lakás tulajdonosa, Révész Sándorné Bényi Mária, aza z Manyi, a pesti éjszakában és a hatóságok előtt is ismert kéjnő kínált fel neki. A Rómában élő Kovács 1944 nyarán, az "örök város" felszabadítását követően került kapcsolatba az amerikai hírszerzéssel, és október derekán, egy titkos művelet keretében érkezett Budapestre, hogy információkat gyűjtsön és ellenállást szervezzen. Felkereste ismerősét, Kertész Géza labdarúgóedzőt, akinek a segítségével kapcsolatba lépett a sportéletben szerveződő, német-és nyilasellenes mozgalom tagjaival. Összefogásuk utólag Dallam csoportként vált ismertté. Az embermentéstől a fegyveres szervezkedésig eljutó társaság magja egykori válogatott futballistákból és ismert edzőkből állt, közülük Jánosi Bélát, 2 a Gamma sportigazgatóját, Kertész Gézát, az Újpest trénerét és Tóth Potya Istvánt, 3 a Ferencváros legendáját aligha kellett volna akkoriban bemutatni. A csoport egyik legfontosabb ellenállási kapcsolatát Kudar Lajos csendőr ezredes, az Államvédelmi Központ (ÁVK) helyettes vezetője jelentette, aki ugyancsak december elején került őrizetbe. Kovács Csengery utcai találkája tragikus következményekkel járt: a magyar kémelhárítók 24 órán belül letartóztatták a Dallam csoport legfontosabb tagjait, majd egy hét után átadták őket a német biztonsági szolgálatnak (Sicherheitsdienst, SD). Többük sorsa a főváros ostromának utolsó napjaiban * A témára vonatkozó kutatást a Ferencvárosi Torna Club felkérésére, a Nemzeti Emlékezet Bizottságának (a továbbiakban: NEB) megbízásából a NEB Hivatalának tudományos munkatársaként végeztem. A tanulmányhoz felhasznált, a U. S National Archives and Records Administration (Washington) [Amerikai Egyesült Államok Nemzeti Levéltára és Irattára] (a továbbiakban: NARA) gyűjteményéből származó iratok feltárását a NEB megbízásából Duncan Bare végezte, az iratanyagba a kutatás érdekében betekinthettem. Külön köszönettel tartozom Bare-nek a témával kapcsolatos meglátásaiért és levélváltásainkért, valamint György Sándornak, Török Ádámnak, Hollósi Dániel Józsefnek és Andreides Gábornak, amiért segítségemre voltak a kutatásban, és tanácsaikkal érdemben bővítették a látókörömet. 1 További névváltozatai a forrásokban: Steven, Stephan, Stefan, István, Francis Cora és Kora. 2 Jánosi vezetékneve a forrásokban előfordul még Jánosik, Jánosy és Jánossy formában is. 3 Tóth István nevével olyan mértékben összeforrt a Potya becenév, hogy Tóth Potyaként való említése olykor még hivatalos iratokban is előfordul.

This research paper addresses a critical yet vastly underexplored intersection between psycholinguistics and intelligence interrogation: the cognitive-linguistic patterns exhibited by high-level anti-national operatives and foreign agents during interrogative engagements. By integrating advanced psycholinguistic theories with established operational frameworks utilized by leading intelligence agencies globally, this study forges innovative and scientifically rigorous interrogation methodologies firmly rooted in sophisticated language analysis. Central themes include the intricate dynamics of multilingual deception, the strategic deployment of code-switching as a form of resistance, the phenomenon of linguistic regression under duress, and the identification of prosodic signatures indicative of ideological allegiance and indoctrination. This paper proposes a transformative framework that systematically operationalizes these psycholinguistic markers within real-time interrogation contexts, thereby significantly enhancing the precision, effectiveness, and ethical standards of intelligence gathering. The implications extend beyond tactical interrogation, offering profound advancements in national security, counterterrorism, and hybrid warfare in an increasingly complex global landscape.

This paper is the first to map the role of anti-communism and communism in Dutch postwar cultural policies. We study the networks and relations between governmental cultural policymakers, the Dutch domestic security agency (Binnenlandse Veiligheidsdienst or BVD), and artists in the realm of culture and cultural policy. Citing policy documents, intelligence reports and correspondence between various government agencies, we aim to show how anti-communism, more than previously assumed, influenced the debate in the Netherlands on a (visual) arts policy between 1945 and 1952. The BVD reviewed the relations between artists, artist organizations and the Communist Party, but seemed reluctant to advise ministries directly. Instead, the agency was used as an instrument by anti-communist artists and informants to lobby for direct anti-communist action or better cultural policies. We discuss two cases in more detail: the attempt by the Dutch Federation of Visual Arts Organizations to leak incriminating facts about alleged communist artists to the BVD and the ministries, and the case of a journalist who used his position as a BVD informant to advise both the BVD and the ministries on cultural policy.

W latach 50-tych peerelowskie służby specjalne poniosły wiele dotkliwych strat związanych z ucieczką na Zachód kilku wysokich rangą oficerów wywiadu. 23 czerwca 1959 r., pod pretekstem wyjazdu urlopowego do Bułgarii i Jugosławii, zbiegł pułkownik Paweł Monat, szef Wydziału Attachatów Wojskowych w Zarządzie II Sztabu Generalnego.
Jego dezercja stała się prawdziwym ciosem dla wywiadu PRL. Jako jeden z najważniejszych oficerów w wywiadzie wojskowym był w posiadaniu wielu tajemnic państwowych oraz wywiadowczych. Po jego ucieczce wojskowe służby zostały zmuszone do zmiany sposobów łączności z rezydenturami oraz siatkami wywiadowczymi na terenie Europy Zachodniej.

Zmiana globalnego układu sił oraz pojawienie się nowych technologii sprawiły, że rywalizacja gospodarcza stała się integralnym elementem rywalizacji politycznej. Zachowaniu suwerenności gospodarczej nie służy bowiem odtwórcze aplikowanie zastanych wyobrażeń o państwie prawa. Pewne elementy podejścia do polityki legislacyjnej i stosowania prawa powinny brać pod uwagę instrumentalne, wręcz nieuczciwe stosowanie prawa przez niektóre państwa. Należy optymalizować stosowanie istniejącego prawa w duchu realizacji interesów gospodarczych państwa oraz dokonać aktualizacji zastanych koncepcji z uwzględnieniem nowych zagrożeń dla suwerenności gospodarczej. Wymaga to swoistej przedsiębiorczości aksjologicznej w tworzeniu i stosowaniu prawa.

نسعى في هذه الورقة البحثية إلى تناول بعض الإشكالات القانونية والأخلاقية التي تطرحها البيوتكنولوجيا، والتي لم تعد خاصة بالمجتمعات و"الديمقراطيات" الغربية، بل صار لها طابع عالمي بفضل سيرورة العولمة التي تشمل كل المجالات، وخاصة المجال التقني والمجال الثقافي المصاحب له. وقد تناونا تلك الإشكالات من خلال أمثلة كل من الإنجاب والإجهاض وزراعة الأعضاء لنبين أهمية المقاربة الفلسفية الأخلاقية لتأسيس منظور قانوني-حقوقي يتلاءم مع قيمة الحياة وغائيتها، مبرزين راهنية إتيقا المسؤولية؛ بما هي إتيقا للحياة، في معالجة إشكالات البيوتكنولوجيا.

The Tyrolian journalist Norbert Hölzl published a book on Brasil's role in Austria's struggle for independence after World War II. The "smoking gun" of his unknown story was the interview with the Austrian consul Otto Heller, but Austria's mentor, the Brazilian president Getúlio Vargas died 1 year before the Austrian state treaty was eventually signed. Menawhile Indonesia organized together with India the Bandung conference of recently decolonized country BEFORE the State Treaty was signed and ths made the process of Austria's liberation irreversible

This study elucidate the causes, prevalence and ravaging corollaries of Illegal Cross Border Trades ( ICBTs ) on the Nigerian economy with a view to proffering workable solutions. The study is anchored on the broken window theory. A sample size of 75 respondents was arrived at using Taro Yamane’s formula and to ensure greater representation of the sample relative to the population, proportionate stratified random sampling technique was used for the selection of respondents. Quantitative data were obtained from the 75 selected respondents who were Nigeria Customs Service staff and who resides in Illela and Sabon-Birni border areas. These areas are in Sokoto State of Nigeria but share boundary with Niger Republic. Data collected were analyzed in line with study objectives and research hypotheses, using descriptive and inferential statistics at 0.05 level of significance. Findings revealed that though policies and programmes tailored along the line of curbing and ameliorating smuggling...

The evolving landscape of national security, characterized by complex, multi-domain hybrid threats, demands adaptive and integrated frameworks to ensure resilience. This dissertation develops a universal adaptive national security ecosystem framework, integrating six components-Military, Economic, Cyber, Societal, Environmental, and Psychological-to address the limitations of traditional, state-centric security models. Grounded in systems theory and resilience literature, the framework emphasizes feedback loops, inter-domain coordination, and scalability to create a flexible, resilient defense architecture. Using a qualitative systems analysis and a single case study of Singapore's Total Defence model, the study validates the framework's applicability, mapping its components and principles onto Singapore's holistic security strategy, which integrates Military, Civil, Economic, Social, Psychological, and Digital Defence pillars. The analysis highlights Singapore's adaptive mechanisms, such as policy flexibility, technology integration, and public engagement, while identifying gaps like scalability and resource dependence. To operationalize the framework, the dissertation proposes a prototype for an elite adaptive security team, designed as the ecosystem's operational core with multi-domain expertise, flat hierarchies, and AI-driven analytics for early warning, rapid response, and innovation. Findings confirm the framework's theoretical robustness and practical feasibility, offering policy recommendations for small and large nations to enhance cross-domain integration, public engagement, and technological innovation. The study contributes to national security scholarship by providing a scalable, universal model and an operational prototype, with implications for addressing global hybrid threats. Future research directions include testing the framework in diverse geopolitical contexts and exploring AI-driven adaptability, ensuring its relevance in an evolving security landscape.

This paper presents a comparative analysis of the national security ecosystems of the United States and China, focusing on leadership structures, technological innovation, and civil-military integration. Through a structured, focused comparison, the study examines how institutional frameworks, innovation systems, and integration models shape each nation's strategic competitiveness. The analysis reveals that the U.S. excels in foundational research and global innovation networks, driven by a decentralized, civilian-led model, while China prioritizes speed in technology deployment and large-scale resource mobilization through a centralized, Party-led approach. Key vulnerabilities identified include bureaucratic inefficiencies in the U.S. and quality control issues in China. Case studies on artificial intelligence and quantum technology illustrate these dynamics, highlighting the strategic implications for both nations. The paper contributes to the understanding of great-power competition by providing a framework for analyzing national security ecosystems and offering insights for policymakers navigating the complexities of U.S.-China relations. It concludes with policy recommendations for enhancing competitiveness and outlines directions for future research, including longitudinal studies on technology adoption and comparative analyses of emerging technologies.

The rapid advancement of Artificial Intelligence (AI) is transforming numerous sectors, especially in defense. Nations are actively exploring ways to utilize AI to strengthen their military capabilities, improve cybersecurity, and protect their citizens. The importance of AI in national security has become even more pronounced due to the challenges of modern warfare, including the rise of cyber threats, hybrid warfare strategies, and the increasing deployment of autonomous systems. Ministries of Defense play a crucial role in ensuring national security by overseeing military operations, shaping defense strategies, and fostering collaboration with international partners. In this context, Artificial Intelligence (AI) technologies present opportunities to enhance operational efficiency, improve decision-making, and increase preparedness for the increasingly complex security challenges we face. This article explores the potential of AI in national security, emphasizing how the defense sector can leverage AI to tackle both traditional and emerging threats. It examines the worldwide application of Artificial Intelligence (AI) in the defense sector, highlighting crucial areas where AI technologies can be adapted and integrated into defense systems. The primary aim is to underscore the potential benefits of AI in improving existing national defense structures, as well as the challenges that must be addressed for the successful deployment of AI-driven systems.

Throughout recorded history, the human response to adult sexual attraction toward children has followed a predictable arc: denial, suppression, and retroactive punishment. This response has not only failed to protect children-it has created ideal conditions for industrial-scale abuse. From the pederastic rituals of Ancient Greece to the Catholic Church's decades-long concealment of clergy rape, and from the silencing of child actors in Hollywood to the systemic exploitation orchestrated by political and intelligence elites, society has repeatedly chosen institutional comfort over protection of the most vulnerable. Now, the emergence of artificial intelligence presents an existential shift. Generative AI technologies are capable of producing infinite volumes of hyperrealistic child abuse simulations-images, narratives, and immersive environments that blur the line between thought and action, fantasy and rehearsal, simulation and intent.

Paweł Skubisz, „Z całą surowością prawa…”. Historia Leszka Chrósta – współpracownika wywiadu amerykańskiego [w:] Studia nad wywiadem i kontrwywiadem Polski w XX wieku, t. 2, red. Wojciech Skóra i Paweł Skubisz, Szczecin 2015, s. 631–672.

Artykuł omawia przebieg kariery i działalność szpiegowską na rzecz wywiadu amerykańskiego  Leszka Chrósta, dyrektora pionu w Ministerstwie Przemyślu Cieżkiego i Maszyn Rolniczych w Warszawie. Został on zwerbowany w trakcie pracy w zagranicznym przedstawicielstwie "Metalexportu" w Bangkoku. Zatrzymano go na podstawie wykrytego listu z instrukcjami szpiegowskimi w 1979 r. w Warszawie i skazano na karę śmierci, zamienioną na 25 lat więzienia. W śledztwie Leszek Chróst ujawnił szczegóły współpracy agenturalnej i zainteresowania wywiadu amerykańskiego produkcja zbrojeniową w PRL. Został wymieniony na moście Glienicke pomiędzy Berlinem Zachodnim a Poczdamem na Mariana Zacharskiego w 1985 r. w czasie tak zwanej wielkiej wymiany szpiegów.

difícil encontrar una batalla en la que no esté involucrada una localidad de cierta entidad y, con frecuencia, esa zona urbana ha sido el principal objetivo de la misma. El presente trabajo trata de analizar, en términos generales, los aspectos tácticos de las principales batallas de esta guerra, generalmente batallas en zona urbana, empezando por la gran ciudad de Kiev, principal objetivo ruso de la «operación militar especial» que se malogró y, con ella la guerra corta que los rusos pretendían. Haremos unos esquemas de las formas de ataque y defensa de las ciudades y pasaremos a ver ejemplos como las batallas por Kiev y Járkov, Sievierodonetsk-Lysychiansk y Mariúpol. En los dos primeros casos, el lector deberá tener en cuenta que: 1) si Kiev hubiera caído, la guerra probablemente se hubiera ganado para Rusia en un mes; 2) si, al menos, se hubiera ocupado Járkov, Rusia no hubiera sufrido el fracaso estratégico tan humillante que supuso su retirada del norte y noreste de Ucrania en abril de 2022. Dicho esto, es necesaria una aclaración adicional antes de pasar al análisis de las batallas: se tardará un tiempo, quizás años, en conocer los planes reales y la ejecución de los mismos por parte de los contendientes. Es por ello que forzosamente tenemos que partir de hipótesis que, en este trabajo, tienen como base informaciones en fuentes abiertas imposibles de contrastar y, en muchos casos, probablemente contaminadas por la propaganda de ambos bandos. A grandes rasgos, la guerra de Ucrania la inició Rusia con el n de controlar el país para consolidarlo dentro de su área de in uencia, con la nalidad última de que fuera un colchón estratégico frente a la OTAN. Todo eso se malogró al no caer Kiev en las primeras horas de la guerra. Realmente fue una «operación militar especial», no se trató de un eufemismo. Los rusos la emprendieron con la idea de que fuera una suerte de liberación, suponiéndose apoyos de sectores de la población ucraniana en ciudades claves como Kiev y Jarkov, cosa que no ocurrió en la medida que se esperaba. La evaluación de la Inteligencia rusa en este asunto fue un absoluto fracaso. Quizás esa idea de «operación militar especial» libertadora, justi có los cortos y limitadísimos fuegos de preparación previos a la invasión, donde intervienen solo unos 100 misiles sobre objetivos militares[2] o claves. Esta insu ciencia nos hace pensar que solo se quería destruir lo imprescindible, no fue una preparación de fuegos al uso para la invasión de un país; también, resulta curiosa la inclusión, en varios de los once ejes de invasión, de unidades policiales para control de la población, como si se previeran solo algunas protestas y no un levantamiento ciudadano como el que ocurrió. Por último, decir que, quizás, la idea de una «operación militar especial» rápida y con pocas perdidas, es lo que motivó las escasas fuerzas empleadas para la invasión. En buena lógica debieron ser hasta tres veces más. El carro de combate está preparado principalmente para batir a otros carros, aunque esto está cambiando. No se puede decir que el cambio llegará a ser muy profundo, pero los escenarios en los que se están dando actualmente los combates y en los que probablemente se darán en el futuro están plagados de zonas urbanizadas y, en consecuencia, el carro de combate debe adaptarse en lo que pueda a la guerra urbana. La razón fundamental es que no hay otra plataforma que se pueda utilizar con la misma o mejor eficacia, porque es imposible disponer de un tipo de vehículo de combate que opere para cada situación que se pueda dar en la batalla. No hay ejército que se lo pueda permitir. A las razones económicas, suficientes ya de por sí, hay que añadir las organizativas. Cada vehículo blindado está pensado para ser empleado por un tipo de unidad que … Sigue leyendo

My thesis statement for this bibliography is: what events caused Cold War Revisionist historians to blame the United States. Traditionally, we are taught the Cold War from the time of Junior High all the way to High School that Soviet expansion and aggression were the causes of the Cold War. We, as American students, we were led to believe the United States did no harm during this period. We were taught that the United States did what it took to keep the world from devolving into World War Three. Then we get to college and our professors start to peel the layers back as to how complicated the Cold War got. With KGB spies and our CIA agents using any means necessary to one-up the dynamics of the Soviet vs. USA conflict, there ended up being a significant gray area that saw both sides bending the rules of the Geneva Convention. Events like the United States interfering in Chile’s government when the people elected a Marxist-leaning leader, Salvador Allende, and replacing him with the even more ruthless Augusto Pinochet. Even worse, the Soviet Union tried to overthrow Afghanistan to undermine the Muslim majority there,

Stanowi ona swoiste podsumowanie wieloletnich badań Autorki prowadzonych nad powojennymi dziejami weteranów Zgrupowania AK "Radosław", ze szczególnym uwzględnienie represji, jakim byli oni poddawani w okresie stalinowskim 2 . Rozpoczynając omawianie recenzowanej publikacji, warto nieco miejsca poświęcić jej strukturze. Książka składa się: ze słowa wstępnego do drugiego wydania, które zostało przygotowane przez dr. Andrzeja Chmielarza; słowa wstępnego do pierwszego wydania autorstwa Anny Jakubowskiej "Paulinki"; wstępu; pięciu rozdziałów; krótkiego zakończenia; słownika biograficznego członków batalionu więzionych w latach 1945-1956 (zawarto w nim 41 haseł opatrzonych zdjęciami z lat czterdziestych i bibliografią); obszernego aneksu (połowa objętości pracy) oraz bibliografii i indeksu osobowego. Książka pod względem edytorskim prezentuje się niezwykle starannie. W rozdziale pierwszym (Powstanie i działalność Batalionu "Zośka" w czasie okupacji i Powstania Warszawskiego) znalazły się podstawowe informacje na temat genezy oddziału, przeprowadzonych przez jego członków działań dywersyjnych oraz opis walk w Powstaniu Warszawskim. W rozdziale drugim (Żołnierze Batalionu AK "Zośka" po Powstaniu Warszawskim) Agnieszka Pietrzak ukazała dalsze losy członków oddziału, którzy dostali się do niewoli niemieckiej lub po przepłynięciu Wisły znaleźli się na Pradze. W tej części książki zawarto także opis pierwszych represji, jakim byli oni poddawani przez żołnierzy Armii Czerwonej, jak również omówiono działalność części weteranów batalionu w ramach tzw. drugiej konspiracji, akcję ujawnienia przed komunistycznymi władzami oraz repatriację z obozów jenieckich. Rozdział drugi zwieńczony został ukazaniem prób powrotu "zośkowców" do "normalnego życia" po ujawnieniu się, a także opisano w nim aresztowania weteranów 1

This paper identifies best practices for the selection and delivery of historical cases for use in intelligence studies education. These pedagogical imperatives (and avoidable pitfalls) apply to different levels of instruction and are relevant both for public and classified instruction. Drawing upon relevant social science scholarship on the use of historical case studies, the authors propose methods to select appropriate cases tailoured to achieve desired learning outcomes, to promote active learning and to avoid common problems such as hindsight bias, oversimplified single-narrative interpretations and prepackaged 'lessons learned' devoid of historical context.

Największe kłamstwo to nie wymysł. To prawda, która nie została powiedziana w całości". -słowa Churchilla, które dość trafnie opisują stan postsowieckiej historiografii. Minęło ponad trzydzieści lat od upadku ZSRR. Przez cały ten czas w przestrzeni akademickiej, dyplomatycznej i publicznej Ukrainy i Polski panuje milczenie. Milczeniejako forma niewidzialnej cenzury. Bo są tematy, których lepiej nie dostrzegać, są fakty, które wygodniej jest uważać za "nieciekawe", i są postaci, o których zbrodniach "nie ma potwierdzenia", bo potwierdzenia… nie szuka się. Poniżejtrzy plamy lakmusowe. Trzy pytania do tych, którzy nazywają siebie historykami, ale nie widzą tego, co jaśnieje przez archiwa jaśniej niż odłamkowy błysk.

This study investigates the psychological dynamics of trust and deception in Human Intelligence (HUMINT) operations, focusing on how operatives balance the principles of "need to know" and "right to know" in security information management. The "need to know" principle restricts information to those with an operational requirement, while "right to know" demands arise from assets, allied agencies, or oversight bodies seeking transparency based on trust, role, or legal/ethical mandates. Using a mixed-methods approach-combining semi-structured interviews, quantitative surveys, and case studies-the research explores operatives' trust-building behaviors (e.g., emotional intelligence, selective disclosure), deceptive practices (e.g., strategic misdirection, risk assessment), and cognitive biases (e.g., confirmation bias, ingroup/out-group dynamics). Findings highlight the psychological challenges of stress, trust erosion, and moral injury, particularly in asset management, inter-agency collaboration, and oversight contexts. The study proposes strategies such as targeted training for selective disclosure, standardized oversight protocols, and psychological support to mitigate these challenges. Theoretical contributions refine Social Exchange Theory, Cognitive Load Theory, and ethical decision-making models for HUMINT contexts, while practical implications include improved training, policy development, and mental health interventions. Future research directions emphasize cross-cultural differences, technological impacts, and longitudinal studies. This study underscores the critical role of psychology in enhancing HUMINT effectiveness and operative well-being, offering actionable insights for intelligence agencies navigating the complex interplay of trust, deception, and information control.

Paweł Skubisz, Ministerstwo Bezpieczeństwa Publicznego a rok 1948 [w:] Zwrot polityczny '48. Między polską drogą a projektem uniwersalnym, red. Marek Jabłonowski, Wojciech Jakubowski, Tadeusz Krawczak, Warszawa 2013, s. 169-184.

Artykuł dotyczy zmian jakie nastąpiły w komunistycznym aparacie bezpieczeństwa w 1948 r. Były one pochodną reorganizacji do jakich doszło w tym czasie w Polsce ludowej i zaostrzającego sie terroru Ministerstwa Bezpieczeństwa Wewnętrznego. Funkcjonariusze MBP nadal bezwzględnie zwalczali opozycję polityczną oraz oddziały Podziemia Niepodleglosciowego. Równocześnie rozpoczęło proces poszukiwania wroga wewnętrznego w partii, bezpiece (UB, MO, WOP), wojsku (LWP) czy różnych sektorach uspołecznianej i kolektywizowanej intensywnie gospodarki.

Background.-Franklin Delano Roosevelt's fatal brain hemorrhage on April 12, 1945 provides an excellent platform for the study of the potential causes of one of the most famous headaches in history. Impression.-The differential diagnosis of thunderclap headache, including hypertension and melanoma, is discussed, as are Roosevelt's health problems in the context of how serious diseases of our leaders can have a tangible effect upon historical interpretation. Discussion.-A large body of evidence is presented in support of a probable cover-up of Roosevelt's health problems, perpetrated by his doctors and close confidantes. The necessity of challenging conventional thinking about the health of our leaders and the fundamental importance of understanding their health issues is also emphasized.

In general, the ill health of elderly inmates can contribute to and represent an enormous burden of disease in society. In addition, if the elderly inmates do not have proper healthpromoting habits, they will always suffer from health problems and this may shorten their lives in correctional institutions. Lack of health promoting habit of the geriatric inmates predisposes them to diseases and health problems especially mental problems. This can seriously strain available healthcare facilities and frustrate available resources that could have been directed in other productive directions. This study identified health-promoting habits of geriatric inmates in southwest Nigeria; examined the socioeconomic characteristics influencing the health behaviours of geriatric inmates in southwestern Nigeria and; examined the challenges faced by geriatric inmates in their attempt to obtain health care in the selected correctional facilities in the study area. A cross-sectional study using questionnaire and in-depth-interview showed that geriatric inmates observed moment of rest, engaged in athletics, go for medical checkups and eating balance diets as their health-promoting habits. Logistic regression showed influence of family support on health promoting habits of the geriatric inmates in the institution (OR: 2.046; P< 0.05; 95% CI1.053-3.976) and lack of fund for health care was the major challenge that geriatric inmates face in accessing health care in the institution. The paper concluded that health promoting-habits of the geriatric inmate were poor and this called for attention from government and correctional staff in Nigeria.

In general, the ill health of elderly inmates can contribute to and represent an enormous burden of disease in society. In addition, if the elderly inmates do not have proper healthpromoting habits, they will always suffer from health problems and this may shorten their lives in correctional institutions. Lack of health promoting habit of the geriatric inmates predisposes them to diseases and health problems especially mental problems. This can seriously strain available healthcare facilities and frustrate available resources that could have been directed in other productive directions. This study identified health-promoting habits of geriatric inmates in southwest Nigeria; examined the socioeconomic characteristics influencing the health behaviours of geriatric inmates in southwestern Nigeria and; examined the challenges faced by geriatric inmates in their attempt to obtain health care in the selected correctional facilities in the study area. A cross-sectional study using questionnaire and in-depth-interview showed that geriatric inmates observed moment of rest, engaged in athletics, go for medical checkups and eating balance diets as their health-promoting habits. Logistic regression showed influence of family support on health promoting habits of the geriatric inmates in the institution (OR: 2.046; P< 0.05; 95% CI1.053-3.976) and lack of fund for health care was the major challenge that geriatric inmates face in accessing health care in the institution. The paper concluded that health promoting-habits of the geriatric inmate were poor and this called for attention from government and correctional staff in Nigeria.

Before and after Pearl Harbor, the United States Navy's Office of Naval Intelligence established several counterespionage schemes to prevent the Axis powers from infiltrating the United States with saboteurs and spies. The State of Florida fell under the auspices of three different naval districts. U.S. Navy intelligence officers and the U.S. Coast Guard collaborated with the Federal Bureau of Investigation and other agencies to prevent individuals from aiding and abetting the enemy. The navy utilized the services of paid civilian agents and volunteer confidential informants on land and sea not only to alert the navy of enemy activity but to report any unpatriotic activity on the part of anyone including people in various ethnic and religious communities. Simultaneously, naval intelligence officers screened survivors of U-boat attacks and people entering the U.S. The surveillance measures imposed on Florida were unprecedented. However, the U.S. Navy created them with the intent of defending the country against subversion and preventing enemy operations and not to engage in enhanced domestic spying.

Liberal democracy as a current and dominant political model in the world represents a kind of equilibrium of a multitude of social relations and connections between the people who make up the society. Democracy as a form of political arrangement has freedom and equality in its essence.In order to enable or realize these two main postulates, society creates a system based on norms and institutions, which in turn model the citizenship of man today. Part of the institutions of the system are the security institutions, whose main mission is the guarantor of one of the basic human motives, security. The security services, like no other institution, in the realization of their mission use means and methods whose possible abuse devastates the entire political system and society in general. This is the foundation of the need for adequate control that will ensure their legal operation. Legality in the operation of the security services is imperative because their work methodology encroaches on the most basic human rights, they have information whose misuse is a flagrant violation of human freedom and rights. A fact that is established in the history of mankind. The world, the region and our country are witnessing the abuse of these institutions, which created great consequences for the future. Macedonia has witnessed several abuses of these institutions since independence until now. The last abuse that was discovered in 2015, with the illegal wiretapping, is the largest so far in terms of its scope and substance. From it, materials were illegally created for a large part of the political and media public, the business community, the judiciary, the prosecutor's office as well as other segments of society. Even today, the dilemma about the integrity of the persons and the institutions managed by them, for which there is material from the illegal wiretapping, is still relevant. It is legitimate to question whether we can call ourselves a free society if a large part of the elite daily performs important duties aware that someone owns a part of their privacy. Therefore, it is quite natural that the quality of the control of the security services rises to the rank of an indicator of the degree of democracy in a society. Macedonia has entered the fourth decade of liberal democratic life, from a legal and normative point of view it is creating a model of parliamentary and civil control of services, but the practice is disappointing, confronting us with the fact that the form has no substance, that the declarative differs from the real.

Este analisis es la segunda parte de una serie de trabajos de orientacion didactica sobre la Inteligencia en seguridad y defensa. Centra su atencion en el estudio critico de las cuatro fases tradicionales del ciclo de inteligencia: direccion, obtencion, elaboracion y difusion.

One of the socio-political conditions affecting the African society right from the twilight of the twentieth century is the overwhelming widespread of terrorism. Nigeria too has been on the front page of world news due to the irascible activities of the notorious sect called Boko Haram. This research therefore investigates how Ebi Yeibo, a contemporary Nigerian poet, in his collection The Fourth Masquerade, has portrayed and reacted to the nefarious ordeals of this sect. The theoretical framework intended for the analysis of this collection a sub-tenet of postcolonialism, which is colonial mentality. While the proponents of this critical perspective argue that a homogenous group of people often associate themselves with foreign ways, this paper examines the anti-colonial mentality attributes that the Boko Haram sect claims to promote to the world as one of its key creeds, arguing that the sect exhibits principle of colonialism, such as control, power, and so on. An overview of the different perspectives of the poet's portrayal of the Boko Haram sect will certainly be the thrust of this research. The study focuses on the dissent and denunciative voice of the poet expressed in viciously stem tone through which the poet questions, ridicules and eventually castigates the very identity of the sect.

The aim of this study is to make a bibliometric analysis of scientific studies on "VUCA" in the fields of business and management for the period of 2013-2023. In this context, data was obtained from the Web of Science (WoS) database and the VOSviewer programme is applied to analyze. The results showed that it was determined that there were 393 studies on the concept of VUCA, and it was found that 154 of these studies were in the business and management category. The findings of the analysis indicate that the highest number of studies on VUCA were conducted in the management category and the most studied document type was the article. According to the results of the analysis, which revealed that the interest in the subject had been increasing, especially after 2016, the most cited author was "Bennett and Lemoine ( )"; the most productive country was the USA and the most used keyword besides "VUCA" was "leadership". It is belived that the findings obtained from this study will insight into the studies to be carried out on the subject and contribute to the researchers about the research areas that are growing in the field of VUCA and the topics that will be the focus of research activities in the near future.