National Security (Intelligence)

This work examines the problem of the international consequences of the pragmatic model of American foreign relations currently in application worldwide. As a guiding principle the pragmatically inclined US foreign policy suggests the belief in rule of the strong and might is right as determinants of US relations in the world order. We find that this situation triggers a crisis of turbulent and disruptive global relations between North and South, East and West, that has brought the problem of world peace to the front burner. Wars, conflicts and uprisings in different regions specifically the Middle East, Asia and Africa arouse reflections on our international relations models. Hence the quest for peace understood as creating enduring atmosphere of social justice, negotiation for all in the world. We recommend a more ethical or moral foundations of the present and future role of America as a global player in the search for peace. As such we are concerned with the international aspects especially the ethical dimensions of US leadership features that could enhance world peace.

At the end of 2020, the European Commission published a new European data strategy, which aims to create a new legal framework to promote the development of a single European data market. In the scope of the new strategy the European Commission has already proposed the Data Governance Act proposal (hereinafter-the "DGA"), which aims to strengthen the mechanism to facilitate data exchange. The proposal of the new legislative act has raised the question about the right balance between it and the existing EU legislative acts, which were adopted in the key of personal data protection, especially with the General Data Protection Regulation (hereinafter-the "GDPR"). We argue that there are a number of inconsistencies between the DGA proposal and the GDPR that may prevent the full implementation of mechanisms that allow achieving the EU's intended goals in this field within the framework of the new European strategy. The interaction of the DGA with the GDPR is characterized by conflict of laws and legal uncertainty, which can jeopardize the achievement of the objectives of the DGA itself and can reduce the level of personal data protection in the EU, compared to the GDPR. Besides, the examination of the relevant case-law of the Court of Justice of the European Union (hereinafter-the "CJEU" or the "Court") regarding the implementation of the GDPR identifies approaches that prevent the opening of data exchange as the DGA proposal requires.

This research paper addresses a critical yet vastly underexplored intersection between psycholinguistics and intelligence interrogation: the cognitive-linguistic patterns exhibited by high-level anti-national operatives and foreign agents during interrogative engagements. By integrating advanced psycholinguistic theories with established operational frameworks utilized by leading intelligence agencies globally, this study forges innovative and scientifically rigorous interrogation methodologies firmly rooted in sophisticated language analysis. Central themes include the intricate dynamics of multilingual deception, the strategic deployment of code-switching as a form of resistance, the phenomenon of linguistic regression under duress, and the identification of prosodic signatures indicative of ideological allegiance and indoctrination. This paper proposes a transformative framework that systematically operationalizes these psycholinguistic markers within real-time interrogation contexts, thereby significantly enhancing the precision, effectiveness, and ethical standards of intelligence gathering. The implications extend beyond tactical interrogation, offering profound advancements in national security, counterterrorism, and hybrid warfare in an increasingly complex global landscape.

Division 82 of the Criminal Code contains offences of committing sabotage, planning or preparing a sabotage offence, and for introducing a vulnerability into 'public infrastructure'. Part 5.2 of the Criminal Code contains offences for espionage (Division 91), foreign interference (Division 92), and theft of trade secrets (Division 92A). Part 5.2 also contains provisions relating to prosecutions and hearings of these offences, and the forfeiture of articles used in offending against the Part (Divisions 93 and 94). The Monitor has released an Issues Paper (available below from the 'Document' drop-down menu below) to explain key issues being considered in the review. These include: INSLM Review of Australia's espionage, foreign interference, sabotage and theft of trade secrets offences (Division 82 and Part 5.2 Criminal Code Act 1995) 5. Whilst the UK has begun taking steps to bring transparency into its property market and expose transnational criminal activity involving investments in UK property assets, Australia is yet to do the same. It appears that the role of the Attorney General is being used to block investigation and prosecution of genuine espionage, foreign inference, sabotage and theft of trade secret matters. Further, it seems that parts of Australia's national security establishment are directly involved in committing those crimes, up to and including terrorism finance and terrorism activities and that Jake Blight, the Independent National Security Legislation Monitor is actively attempting to redefine "terrorism" and "terrorism finance" in Australia. The risk is that the INSLM is not independent from the Attorney General and is attempting to change the legal scope of terrorism and terrorism finance to try to indemnify public servants who've committed those crimes under the current definition. See also: Defining terrorism: Review of the definition of a 'terrorist act' in section 100.1 of the Criminal Code Act 1995 | INSLM. 6. I note that very serious issues exist in Australia with asset stripping activities associated with tax fraud. I saw it first hand myself as Finance Manager of Quaker Oats (Australasia) P/L, back in 1996 -the use of transfer pricing to avoid Australian tax was a crime, even back then. And it has grown enormously since then. And whilst a lot of noise has been made about PwC's role in tax fraud, there is a dearth of prosecutions. By contrast, in other countries, people who are successfully prosecuted for large scale, systemic tax fraud, typically go to prison. Until we see that routinely happening here in Australia, I believe it is safe to say that the issues are still being covered up because they involve senior Australian politicians and politically exposed persons and that is allowing white collar criminals to treat the penalties they receive as just another cost of doing business and not a genuine sanction they should fear. 7. I am the primary whistleblower on the Greensill Scandal. I worked directly with Lex Greensill at Citibank in Dublin and London. His business, Greensill Capital, got started after the British Cabinet Office stole a trade secret … my role in creating the original concept for the Obama Administration's SupplierPay Pledge policy. It gave credit to Greensill for my work because the UK and Australian Governments want to keep covered up the role of senior politicians, senior military leaders, senior academic leaders and senior secret services personnel in espionage, foreign interference, sabotage, theft of trade secrets, terrorism and terrorism finance operations against minority groups in Australia including our dairy farming families, Aboriginal tribes and millions of young Australians from poor families. So far, I have not received an apology, acknowledgement of my role creating the concept for the Obama Administration's SupplierPay Pledge, nor restitution of the assets that were stripped from me and compensation for the losses I personally incurred as a result of the UK and Australian Governments' criminal activities. I further note that restitution has not yet been made to the minority groups whose interests were harmed by the UK and Australian Governments' criminal activities. 1.2 What evidence is there that the new offences have had a negative effect on academic collaboration, press freedom or other legitimate activities?

Nigeria has experienced various forms of organized crime and terrorism since the beginning of the Fourth Republic, terrorist activities has remain the greatest threat to the stability and security in contemporary Nigeria, expanding beyond direct violence to undermine governance, disrupt socioeconomic progress and create humanitarian crisis. The challenges are deeply rooted in a combination of internal factors such as socioeconomic grievances, governance deficits and limitations in security reforms as well as the adaptable nature of terrorist organizations. Nigeria has adopted a multi-faceted approach to counter-terrorism, but despite these efforts, Nigeria continues to face significant challenges in effectively combating terrorism, including the evolving tactics and increasing sophistication of terrorist groups. It is within this context that the study examines issues, challenges and implication of terrorism to Nigeria's national security using terrorist groups like the Niger Delta Militant and Boko Haram as a case study. The study adopted human security theory in the explanation of the discourse. The utility of the theory to the study is that it highlights the importance of addressing the underlying causes of terrorism and adopting a people-centred approach to building sustainable peace and security for the nation. Findings from the study revealed that the persistence of terrorism in Nigeria is rooted in unresolved socioeconomic and political issues, the adaptive nature of terrorist groups, operational challenges faced by security forces and potential limitations in the comprehensiveness and implementation of the counter-terrorism strategy itself. The study recommended that Nigeria should adopt a more holistic and sustained approach that combines robust security measures with addressing the underlying causes of terrorism, strengthening governance, promoting socioeconomic development and fostering regional and international cooperation.

Συμπεριληπτικά, οι δυο εκθέσεις αντιπροσωπεύουν δύο διαφορετικά παραδείγματα σε ό,τι αφορά τον τρόπο με τον οποίο παρουσιάζεται ένα θέμα στη φαντασία του δημιουργού. Το 'Flana' είναι πιο ανοιχτό και δεν περιορίζεται σε έναν τόπο,  ενώ το 'Και εγένετο Άλας' είναι από τη φύση του  οριοθετημένο και γι’ αυτό πιο εύκολα διαχειρίσιμο.

Last week the Senate Intelligence Committee voted to declassify parts of its controversial report into the CIA’s practices in the aftermath of 9/11. Allison Stanger warns against interpreting this and the likely termination of the collection of telephone meta-data as the beginning of the end of the U.S. surveillance state. She argues that most of the emergency measures that quickly became business as usual during the Bush Administration are still on the books, and that these will still allow the government to track the communications of Americans abroad, as well as their Internet traffic that is not based in the U.S.

Five thirty am. Not another vehicle on the road and Cyprien our driver is hurtling along at 20 miles an hour beyond what this VW truck is capable of. But at least you cover 150 in under two hours. Wolmaransstad, when we arrive, is very white, very flat; and deserted. Only later do we discover that this is one of a handful of self-declared white Volkstaatssmall enclaves where the white inhabitants somehow propose to live out a separatist existence without consulting the black people who live among them. In fact, most of the black people live a mile out on a bleak hillside in corrugated shacks. No electricity, an occasional stand pipe but plenty of people. Yet on close inspection, each yard around a shack has been swept and any tuft of grass trimmed. We have come to find Winnie Mandela. She has been running a remarkable campaign among the shanty squats, reaching out to the dispossessed and the alienated youth. She's already arrived, further up the hill. Somewhere near the top, distorted loudspeakers and a vast throng of people craning to hear. The distortion is peppered with cheers and a forest of fists flung in the air. There's no sign of any media, just two body guards and a woman who travels with her. Close up, Winnie retains the most beautiful countenance. She doesn't want to talk as she leaves, but she does anyway. 'If I don't deliver, they must come and drag me out of Parliament, and I will lead them to the President's door'. She's a vital element in the equation that must form the new South Africa. You think of

יותר מיכולתנו לעכל אותה. קצב השינוי כה מהיר שתודעתנו אינה מסוגלת להתאים עצמה אליו. למפקדים שצמחו בתוך היררכיה הצבאית קשה עוד יותר להשלים עם המחשבה שהעולם נכנס לעידן חדש, עידן של פוסט-מלחמה או עולם של אין-מלחמה. על עידן זה לא הכריזו באומות המאוחדות. הדבר קרה מאליו, לא מתוך החלטה, אלא ככורח המציאות. כמובן שאפשר תמיד לנופף ביוצאים מן הכלל. אבל המגמה ברורה.
רעיון הוויתור על הצבא רחוק מלהיות טריוויאלי. מה אמורה מדינה לעשות כדי להגן על עצמה אם תותקף ואין ברשותה צבא? בעבר זה היה בלתי אפשרי. היום העולם כולו, כמעט ללא משים, מתנהל לקראת זניחת השימוש בהרג חיילים ואזרחים כאמצעי להשגת ניצחון על האויב. הדבר לא נובע רק משיקולים הומניטריים אלא מן האבחנה שקנה המידה לניצחון טמון לא בכמות החיילים והאזרחים שהורגים לאויב, אלא בפרמטרים אחרים.
למה לא לעשות את השינוי במסגרת צה"ל? תאורטית הדבר אפשרי. אבל צבא אדיר שיש לו מדינה יתקשה מאוד לשנות את עצמו מבפנים. משנות השבעים צומצם אמנם באופן משמעותי היקפו ותקציבו של צה"ל איך לא את מהותו. כשמתעוררת בעיה ביטחונית, הצבא קיים, אינסטינקטיבית משתמשים בו ובכלים המאפיינים אותו. כלומר לא אופי התגובה גורם להשתמש בצבא אלא קיומו של הצבא גורם למפקדיו להפעילו, אם צריך או לא צריך. קיומו מזמין בהכרח תגובה צבאית אף אם היא לא מתאימה למשימה. קיומו של הצבא ועוצמתו רובצים על דרך החשיבה של הממונים על ביטחוננו. אף גוף אינו שש להיעלם ובמיוחד לא גוף כה חזק בתקציבו, בכוח האדם שלו וביוקרתו בציבור.
איך אפשר לתרץ שאחד הצבאות הטובים ביותר בעולם נכשל מול שיטות הלחימה של המיליציות הצבאיות-אזרחיות של חמם וחיזבאללה? המסקנה המתבקשת. צה"ל הוא לא הפתרון לביטחוננו היום. כל זמן שהוא קיים – ההנהגה הצבאית והמדינית תתקשה לחשוב על פתרונות חוץ צבאיים.

Counterintelligence (CI) stands at the critical intersection of national security, intelligence operations, and policy formulation. This paper explores the complex relationship between CI policy frameworks and field-level operational practices, highlighting the challenges and opportunities in harmonizing these two domains. Through historical analysis, cross-national comparisons, and detailed case studies, it reveals how divergent political systems shape CI policies and their implementation. Core operational strategies such as threat detection, psychological profiling, and cyber counterintelligence are examined in relation to their underlying policy environments. The study emphasizes the necessity of adaptive training programs, red teaming exercises, and technological integration to enhance CI effectiveness. Finally, it discusses emerging trends including artificial intelligence, globalization of threats, and ethical dilemmas, offering recommendations for developing resilient and cohesive CI frameworks. This research aims to inform intelligence agencies, policymakers, and scholars about best practices for bridging the persistent gap between CI policy and practice in an increasingly complex security landscape.

The study examined public awareness of the effects of AI-proliferated misinformation on national security and public safety in Nigeria. Agenda Setting Theory served as the study's foundation. Both primary and secondary sources provided data. Questionnaires were used to survey samples of 385 respondents who live in the Federal Capital Territory (FCT) in Abuja. Data were analysed using descriptive and inferential statistics. The results of the study demonstrated that the emergence and domination of information and communication technology, especially social media, in the information environment of the twenty-first century have increased the spread of misinformation. The spread of misinformation by AI affects both national security and public safety. In particular, the speed with which AI-enabled cyber-tools could be used, as well as the possibility for a single algorithm to propagate false information, is now being used to spread misinformation. AI-driven disinformation spreads fear throughout society. Social media misinformation has the potential to influence societal ethnicity and religion. It enables criminals to access public information for heinous activities. To combat insecurity in Nigeria, the government should be practical and use AI specialists on all fronts.

Rad se bavi kritičkim teorijama u kontekstu sigurnosti, analizirajući njihov razvoj, temeljne postavke i doprinos redefinisanju sigurnosnih studija. Polazeći od tradicionalnog poimanja sigurnosti kao državnog i vojnog pitanja, rad ukazuje na zaokret u savremenom dobu prema širim konceptima sigurnosti, sa fokusom na pojedinca, društvene grupe i globalne izazove. Kritičke teorije odbacuju strukture pozitivizma i realpolitike, pozivajući na promišljanje sigurnosti kao procesa emancipacije, interakcije i društvene transformacije. Kroz ovaj pristup, sigurnost se sagledava kao dinamičan i višeslojan fenomen, usmjeren na ostvarenje ljudskih potencijala, a ne samo na odsustvo prijetnje.

Gat's main argument is that in the 20th century, every attempt by states to achieve strategic surprise was successful. He also presents explanations for the extraordinary success of strategic surprise and examines what can be done in response to this unequivocal finding. In response, this article explores the issue by focusing on proposals for preventing strategic surprise rather than accepting it as an almost inevitable fate, with an emphasis on improving the intelligence community's preparedness. Azar Gat's response appears at the end of this article.

O artigo que segue se dedica a apresentar parte da pesquisa de doutorado desenvolvida junto ao Programa de Pós-graduação da UFMG entre 2014 e 2018, devotado ao estudo das cadeias locais mineiras no decorrer da Primeira República (mais precisamente entre 1890 e 1914). Para tanto, debruçou-se sobre as correspondências expedidas pelos delegados de polícia municipais e pelos promotores em confronto com os relatórios anuais da chefia de polícia estadual, fontes estas disponíveis no Arquivo Público Mineiro. No texto abaixo me dedico a traçar brevemente o estado da arte e as principais reflexões metodológicas sobre o objeto de estudo em questão, bem como os achados de pesquisa mais relevantes.

Lessons from a Life in the CIA's Clandestine Service", de Henry A. Crumpton, é um livro que oferece uma visão detalhada da vida dentro da CIA, com um foco específico na inteligência clandestina, operações secretas e a luta contra o terrorismo global. Publicado em 2012, o livro combina memórias pessoais do autor com uma análise estratégica das operações da Agência, particularmente no contexto do Afeganistão pós-11 de setembro. Crumpton, um ex-agente sênior da Divisão de Operações da CIA e coordenador de contraterrorismo no Departamento de Estado dos EUA, fornece uma visão rica, mas altamente filtrada, sobre o funcionamento do Serviço Clandestino. O seu relato enfatiza o uso do HUMINT (inteligência humana), operações paramilitares e diplomacia encoberta, enquanto destaca desafios internos da CIA e a complexidade da guerra irregular. 2. Estrutura e Conteúdo O livro está dividido em duas grandes partes: Os primeiros anos de Crumpton na CIA, incluindo seu treinamento, experiências iniciais no estrangeiro e as dificuldades em operar clandestinamente. O foco na guerra ao terrorismo, especialmente seu papel nas operações da CIA no Afeganistão e a relação entre inteligência e política externa.

The Ugandan government’s introduction of digital number plates aims to enhance vehicle security and traffic management. While the initiative promises improved crime prevention, concerns arise regarding its reliability, susceptibility to tampering, and effectiveness compared to private GPS tracking systems. Unlike embedded vehicle trackers, digital plates are externally placed, making them vulnerable to removal or alteration. Uganda’s past struggles with large-scale security technologies, such as CCTV surveillance, raise doubts about the system’s long-term success. Case studies from the UAE and South Africa highlight the potential benefits of well-implemented digital tracking solutions. However, for Uganda’s initiative to succeed, it must integrate robust anti-tampering mechanisms, real-time alerts, and hybrid security measures, alongside investment in infrastructure and law enforcement training. The success of digital number plates will ultimately depend on their execution and sustained efficiency in combating vehicle-related crimes.

Este artículo tiene como objetivo evidenciar que el Sistema Integrado de Seguridad (SIS) ECU 911, implementado en Ecuador, es el resultado de una adecuación socio-técnica, cuyo diseño, implementación y decaimiento han estado influenciados por las alineaciones de política exterior de los distintos gobiernos del país. Se recurre a dos perspectivas teóricas provenientes de distintos campos del conocimiento, cuya complementariedad clarifica el análisis: por un lado, los estudios internacionales y por el otro, los estudios sociales de la ciencia y la tecnología. La información analizada se obtuvo de entrevistas en profundidad con actores clave vinculados a la iniciativa, además del uso de material primario y secundario sobre el caso. Los datos muestran que, si bien gran parte de las tecnologías empleadas en el ECU 911 han sido adquiridas en China, hubo un proceso de adecuación a las necesidades locales específicas, desde el diseño del proyecto, liderado por las autoridades de turno. Por ende, resultan infundadas las críticas que sostienen que la iniciativa representa la imposición de un modelo de vigilancia autoritario, por parte de China.

„Drepturile omului și spațiul digital: protejate, înlocuite sau redefinite?” face parte din volumul colectiv „Economia și societatea în era digitalizării”, lucrare coordonată de profesorii Constantin Brătianu, Doina Banciu și Nicolae Dănilă. Preocuparea la care răspunde capitolul 13 („Drepturile omului și spațiul digital: protejate, înlocuite sau redefinite?”) este dacă activitatea în spațiul digital, o altfel de teritorialitate, modifică mecanismele de protejarea a drepturilor universale ale omului sau nu, sau chiar anulează aceste drepturi în ansamblul lor.

As atas que agora se publicam correspondem aos trabalhos apresentados e desenvolvidos por investigadores de mestrado e doutoramento, no âmbito da Mesa Redonda de Jovens Investigadores, que decorreu na 3.ª Edição do Curso Intensivo "eUjust: EU Procedure and credits' claims: approaching electronic solutions under e-Justice paradigm", promovido sob a forma de Spring School, que ocorreu nos dias 14 a 18 de março de 2022, na Escola de Direito da Universidade do Minho, em formato online. A publicação destas atas corresponde a um dos objetivos visados no Módulo Jean Monnet com o acrónimo "eUjust" e subordinado ao tema "EU Procedure and credits' claims: approaching electronic solutions under e-Justice paradigm", desenvolvido, na Escola de Direito da Universidade do Minho, de setembro de 2019 a agosto de 2022, com a chancela da Comissão Europeia e do Programa ERASMUS+, que conta com a coordenação científica da Prof. Doutora Joana Covelo de Abreu, Professora da mesma instituição, e integrando, na sua equipa, a Prof. Doutora Alessandra Silveira e o Prof. Doutor Pedro Madeira Froufe. O Módulo eUjust congrega as sensibilidades auscultadas pela equipa que o integra de que, com o estabelecimento de um Mercado Único Digital, a União Europeia começou a votar uma atenção particular às dinâmicas associadas às novas tecnologias de informação e de comunicação ao serviço de uma boa administração da justiça. Tema que ganhou novo fôlego e atualidade com a apresentação, em 2019, do Plano e da Estratégia do Conselho sobre justiça eletrónica europeia, a implementar até 2023. Por outro lado, apesar de a administração da justiça já se encontrar permeada pelas dinâmicas digitais, ainda se regista um insipiente conhecimento das suas potencialidades, dos seus riscos e das suas vantagens, devendo tal equação partir de um fundamento antropológico, aliás, ínsito ao próprio surgimento e desenvolvimento do direito como ciência autónoma. Partindo deste mote, a mesa redonda foi um espaço no qual investigadores juniores e seniores tiveram a oportunidade de dialogar e discutir sobre os desafios e paradigmas da justiça eletrónica sob o prisma de diferentes sistemas jurídicos, tendo como escopo os trabalhos de investigação desenvolvidos pelos jovens investigadores. Deste modo, os trabalhos que agora se apresentam por escrito refletem o tema da justiça eletrónica a partir de uma abordagem tanto teórico-prática, com vista a apontar os desafios que a digitalização tem colocado aos diversos sistemas jurídicos, tendo sido ressaltado, nomeadamente, as relações de consumo e o mercado digital análise feita a partir do sistema jurídico brasileiro, ao passo que no campo europeu as investigações apresentadas tiveram por objeto os desdobramentos da tutela jurisdicional efetiva e o desenvolvimento do sistema e-CODEX; os impactos da inteligência artificial no Direito e da digitalização nas políticas de segurança e os desafios à privacidade.

The creation of the Intelligence Community was derived from the National Security Act of 1947 which sought a need to have an organized community specifically geared towards the collection of intelligence to prevent strategic surprise. As time went on, there evolved a need to have effective mechanisms to oversee this community. Congressional oversight of the Intelligence Community (IC) is currently insufficient for several reasons. First, the IC continues to grow exponentially to address emerging threats around the world. The advent of technology allows for advanced methods of collection platforms that existing oversight policies did not consider when the policies were written. These policies require the heads of agencies to come to terms on collection tactics, techniques and procedures (TTP's) therefore, governing policies are not written quickly enough to properly enforce compliance until violations are discovered and reported. Additionally, many of those charged with oversight (members of Congress) are not sufficiently familiar with the intelligence profession and either prefer to outsource the oversight responsibility or trust the various intelligence establishments to mind their own processes. This thesis will argue that current oversight protocols are insufficient, though mildly effective. The argument will include the rationale for ramping up intelligence capabilities at the onset of hostilities and illustrate through historical review how this process continues today. The argument will also support a method of adding proper and effective intelligence oversight to a Congressional body that will be difficult to circumvent. This paper will focus on getting to the root cause of ineffective congressional oversight.

The creation of the Intelligence Community was derived from the National Security Act of 1947 which sought a need to have an organized community specifically geared towards the collection of intelligence to prevent strategic surprise. As time went on, there evolved a need to have effective mechanisms to oversee this community. Congressional oversight of the Intelligence Community (IC) is currently insufficient for several reasons. First, the IC continues to grow exponentially to address emerging threats around the world. The advent of technology allows for advanced methods of collection platforms that existing oversight policies did not consider when the policies were written. These policies require the heads of agencies to come to terms on collection tactics, techniques and procedures (TTP’s) therefore, governing policies are not written quickly enough to properly enforce compliance until violations are discovered and reported. Additionally, many of those charged with oversight (me...

The right to the internet is analysed from the perspective of the fundamental rights of European citizens, as enshrined in treaties and in the Charter of Fundamental Rights of the European Union. The internet is a part, even a condition, of access to institutions and rights. The perspective is that of the digital transformation of Europe, through reforms initiated in recent years in several reference areas – data protection, digital markets, electronic identification and trust services for electronic transactions, equitable access to data and fair use thereof (Data Act), digital security, access to documents, or the regulation of the single market for digital services. All these focus on the citizen, but the relationship is established through an instrument, a technology to which citizens must have non-discriminatory access: the internet. Access to the internet has a complex content that refers not only to the use of the internet, email addresses, as a means of identification and correspondence, but also to the respect and guarantee of citizen rights to information, expression, private life, and data protection. We will analyse the extent to which states might be obliged to ensure access to the internet and how they guarantee the fundamental rights of citizens.
The research methodology considers the analysis of the European Union legislation which has the internet, platforms, and rights exercised by European citizens on the internet as the central element of regulation, as well as relevant national legislation. Jurisprudence of the Court of Justice of the European Union and the European Court of Human Rights, as well as relevant national jurisprudence or administrative practices, will be added to the research to examine the existence of the right to the internet.

TR: Bangladeş’in jeopolitik yapısı, artan yabancı istihbarat operasyonları ve siber savaş tehditlerine karşı dönüştürücü bir yaklaşımı zorunlu kılmaktadır. Stratejik konumu ve artan ekonomik önemi nedeniyle Bangladeş, özellikle Hindistan gibi komşu güçlerden gelen casusluk, propaganda ve dezenformasyon kampanyaları gibi çok yönlü zorluklarla karşı karşıyadır. Önerilen Merkezi Casusluk İzleme Sistemi (CEMS), uydu gözetimi, yapay zeka tabanlı veri analitiği ve siber istihbarat gibi ileri teknolojileri entegre ederek ulusal egemenliği korumak için devrim niteliğinde bir çözüm sunmaktadır. Bu makale, CEMS’in Bangladeş’in güvenlik altyapısının temel taşı olarak nasıl hizmet edebileceğini, yabancı istihbarat ajanslarından gelen tehditleri nasıl etkisiz hale getirebileceğini ve BJP hükümeti altında Hint medyasının yaydığı dezenformasyonu nasıl engelleyebileceğini incelemektedir. Ayrıca, Bangladeş’in bu sistemi kullanarak Hint-Pasifik bölgesinde üstünlük kurma, Hindistan’ın Bangladeş karşıtı politikalarına karşı koyma ve ekonomik ile deniz güvenliğini sağlama potansiyelini ele almaktadır. Gerçekçi örnekler ve uygulanabilir stratejiler sunan bu makale, Bangladeş’i modern istihbarat savaşının karmaşıklıklarını başarıyla yönetebilecek güçlü bir bölgesel aktör olarak konumlandırmaktadır.

EN: Bangladesh’s geopolitical landscape demands a transformative approach to counter the growing threats of foreign intelligence operations and cyber warfare. With its strategic location and increasing economic significance, Bangladesh faces multifaceted challenges, including espionage, propaganda, and disinformation campaigns, particularly from neighboring powers like India. The proposed Central Espionage Monitoring System (CEMS) offers a revolutionary solution by integrating advanced technologies such as satellite surveillance, AI-driven data analytics, and cyber intelligence to safeguard national sovereignty. This article delves into how CEMS can act as a cornerstone of Bangladesh’s security framework, neutralizing threats from foreign intelligence agencies and combating disinformation spread by Indian media under the BJP government. Furthermore, it explores Bangladesh’s potential to leverage this system to assert dominance in the Indo-Pacific region, counter India’s anti-Bangladesh policies, and ensure economic and maritime security. By providing actionable strategies and real-world examples, this article positions Bangladesh as a resilient regional power capable of navigating the complexities of modern intelligence warfare.

In arid areas economic growth and thus political stability is firmly linked to water security. When gold was discovered in South Africa, it triggered a National Hydraulic Mission originally designed to pump water uphill, because the Witwatersrand Goldfields were at high altitude, in a grassland receiving insufficient rainfall to sustain trees. A hydraulic miracle occurred, based on human ingenuity, that saw the linking of rivers together. This process was accelerated in 1961 when South Africa achieved independence from Britain, but became a pariah state over its Apartheid policies. The Armed Struggle was born, running in parallel to the Second Hydraulic Mission. These two parallel processes evolved independently, until 1994 when a new constitution was implemented, ending the Armed Struggle. At that moment in time, these two parallel processes intersected, when revolutionary Cadres took control of complex institutional and engineering systems they had no experience of managing. An invisible battlefield emerged where science collided with ideology, and in the fervor of the moment, the latter won. The unintended consequences of the victory of ideology over science meant that the complexity of the South African water supply systems was simply never understood by the revolutionary leadership, who launched a new Paradigm of Redistribution, while ignoring the harsh reality that water is an economic enabler, but is inherently scarce in arid areas. The collapse of the South African water infrastructure was more-or-less guaranteed from the moment the first purges took place. The loss of technically competent people, opened the door to widespread plunder, as sophisticated engineering projects became a feeding trough for the politically connected elite. This slow onset disaster is now in an advanced stage, as the province of Gauteng is unable to meet demands for water directly attributable to the hijacking of engineering programs and the delay of Phase 2 of the Lesotho Highlands Project. This is exacerbated by the collapse of the sewage systems, another artifact of poor governance and oversight by a revolutionary cohort fueled by ideology, and inherently suspicious of the precautionary principles inherent to environmental science. Gauteng is home to over 40% of all citizens, producing over 60% of the GDP, but its 100% dependent on highly engineered water supply systems that are now unable to meet demands. The infrastructure is failing and the results of that process are not yet known, so the Platform for a Water Secure Gauteng (PWSG) has been created to unite all parties in a heroic attempt to prevent total system collapse. The PWSG can only succeed if the Government of National Unity (GNU) holds together, and the structural drivers of the failure are fully comprehended and adequately addressed. This paper is offered in a sincere attempt to assist that process of systemic renewal. Today we see major metropolitan areas, all centers of industrial activity, slowly collapsing because of water supply failures. What started in Cape Town in 2018, has now become a daily reality for Port Elizabeth, Durban, Johannesburg, Pretoria and Ekurhuleni. Day Zero now looms large over the South African economy, and investors and citizens alike are increasingly aware of the risk this brings into their daily lives. Failure is not an option, so now is the time to take a bite of the reality sandwich and truly understand the implications of pushing rivers around as if there are no consequences.

How many bones must you bury before you can call yourself an African? This the title of a book I have been thinking of writing as I grapple with my identity in a country divided by culture and race. Part A deals with the period before 1700. It shows the rivalry between Spain and Portugal to find a sea route to the East Indies, and it explains why Brazil is Portuguese while the rest of Latin America is Spanish. My oldest traceable relative is Sebastien Jaubert who was born in 1585, five years before the Spanish Armada was defeated. This enabled the Dutch to become a trading nation. The British established the Honorable East India Company (HEIC) while the Dutch created the Dutch East India Company. (DEIC). Rivalry between the two drove early settlement, with the first futile attempt to settle the Cape of Good Hope being initiated by the HEIC in 1611. The Thirty Year War triggered a mass migration of people to the DEIC, most notably my maternal ancestors, the Cloete and Jordaan families. Then followed the French Huguenots a few decades later. Smallpox played a major role at this time, destroying communities and creating the Baster Cloete clan that still exists as a vibrant community to this day. Part A deals with many of the family names that became characteristic of South African identity. French towns of origin are honored in the names of present-day wine estates like La Motte and Speir.

The subject of this paper is the analysis of the discourse of the military press in the deployment of the Serbian Armed Forces (SAF) in multinational operations (MnOp). By comparing the reporting period on the deployment of the Republic of Serbia in the first peacekeeping mission in Sinai in 1956, as part of the Yugoslav People's Army (JPA) peacekeeping force, we see the importance of media coverage and how the military press acts in the field of peacekeeping culture. The semiology of presenting the topic of peacekeeping operations primarily refers to the use of photography in newspaper contents that show the Serbian Armed Forces in (United Nations) UN peacekeeping missions. Photography is an indispensable segment of newspaper articles from the 1930s to the present day, which was particularly pronounced in the military press in the 1950s, especially in emphasizing important topics such as the deployment of the military in peacekeeping missions. The flourishing of photographic reporting had an even greater accent in the press of the last century than today, when we are surrounded by photographs in practically all segments of life, not only in the media, but in everyday communication, where it is part of the communication culture of modern society. Thus, the notion of media culture in modern society surrounded by new security challenges gained special significance in this paper.
Keywords: Public relations, United Nations, multinational operations, cooperative security, media, propaganda, military press.

This is part of my family history from 1911 to 1974, which also covers key events like the launching of the Armed Struggle in South Africa. This period deals with WWII and the implications that had on South African politics. It describes the launch of the SANNC, later to become the ANC.

How many bones must you bury before you can call yourself an African? This is a diary I have been keeping of issues relevant to South Africa as a country in transition. Part G deals with events from 1987 to 1995 when constitutional reform created the first democracy after a protracted period of Armed Struggle.

Though the British intelligence literature is voluminous, it has, until recently, been dominated by historical treatments, concerned with scandals and 'moles,' and, with the exception of two rather slim volumes, 1 been devoid of serious studies of the Intelligence Community as an arm of government. Fortunately, the recent work of political scientist, Peter Gill, 2 and now Laurence Lustgarten and Ian Leigh's In from the Cold: National Security and Parliamentary Democracy have gone a long way to fill the gap. In the latter work, the authors, both academic public lawyers, pose questions about policy-making, the discretion individual political actors possess, the effectiveness of existing controls, the negative impact on citizens that intelligence agencies cause, and the available forms of redress against inappropriate intrusions on rights and liberties. In from the Cold is divided into five main parts. The first sets out the book's conceptual foundations. Here the authors attack the metaphor of balance. They argue that there is no polarity between human rights and national security. In strong democracies like Britain, political and civil rights are at the core of national security itself. This leads Lustgarten and Leigh to adopt an uncompromising strategy of limitation in their subsequent critique of existing internal national security arrangements. Instead of the familiar allencompassing definition, they reduce national security to its absolute minimum -what they call a democratic conception of national security. This encompasses responses to political violence and covert attempts to influence the political process, as well as measures to protect both specific categories of defence information and the state's territory against invasion or insurrection. The use of extraordinary measures in the name of national security for any other purpose is, therefore, deemed highly suspect. This means the authors draw a clear distinction between national interests -the pursuit of economic objectives, for example -and national security, the latter being reserved for matters that go to the heart of the state and which provide roughly equivalent benefit to all citizens.

As the 110 th Congress begins to flex its atrophied oversight muscle 1 it bears reminding in the ongoing debate over who should have the authority to authorize and oversight foreign intelligence surveillance programs, 2 that someone must, 3 and the existing mechanisms, *

This slide illustrates a blind spot in national security planning. Islam's doctrinal tools of statecraft (jihad and Dawa) are not being systemically addressed. This results in individual countries being in a defense mode on a permanent basis.

Though the British intelligence literature is voluminous, it has, until recently, been dominated by historical treatments, concerned with scandals and 'moles,' and, with the exception of two rather slim volumes, 1 been devoid of serious studies of the Intelligence Community as an arm of government. Fortunately, the recent work of political scientist, Peter Gill, 2 and now Laurence Lustgarten and Ian Leigh's In from the Cold: National Security and Parliamentary Democracy have gone a long way to fill the gap. In the latter work, the authors, both academic public lawyers, pose questions about policy-making, the discretion individual political actors possess, the effectiveness of existing controls, the negative impact on citizens that intelligence agencies cause, and the available forms of redress against inappropriate intrusions on rights and liberties.

The book takes a multidisciplinary approach to explore the role national security intelligence agencies played in supporting national governments' response to COVID-19. Spanning the 'Five Eyes' intelligence countries (UK, USA, Canada, Australia and New Zealand), this book offers the first cross-comparative analysis of what intelligence agencies need to focus on in responding more effectively to future emerging health and biological security threats risks and hazards post-COVID-19. The volume addresses three principal issues. First, it investigates what roles the Five Eyes intelligence communities played (along with other key stakeholders, such as public health agencies) in managing the COVID-19 pandemic. Second, it assesses the challenges of and lessons learnt from these intelligence communities' engagement in managing aspects of the pandemic. Third, it explores how the Five Eyes might play more effective roles in managing future health security threats and risks, whether those are intentional (bioterrorism and bio crimes), accidental (laboratory releases) or unintentional (pandemics) in origin. Overall, this book offers a coherent and holistic research agenda that seeks to improve understanding about the role of national security intelligence in managing health security threats and risks post-COVID-19. This book will be of much interest to students of intelligence studies, health security, public health and International Relations.

In this book, Rosara Joseph studies the evolution of the war prerogative in England from 1600-2012. The author traces the historical theory and practice of the war prerogative and proposes reform of the constitutional arrangements for its exercise. Meticulously-researched and written in a lively and engaging style, the book will interest scholars in international and constitutional law, political science, and modern history, writes Gordon Bannerman.

Nesta proximidade de fim de século e de milénio, quando se desenham cada vez mais fortes as tendências da globalização como resultado do desenvolvimento capitalista neoliberal com cargas de uma subtileza na exploração do Homem que nunca haviam sido até hoje imaginadas, parece tornar-se necessária uma reflexão sobre o que são e porque existem alguns dos problemas sociais que mais atormentam sectores conscientes da humanidade. No vazio que se criou após a queda da economia planificada, surgiu a crise económica nos EUA -acelerou-se o desemprego e a inflação -que só podia ter solução na retracção ou explosão da própria economia. O crescimento económico passava pelo aumento do consumo mesmo que para tal tivesse de se incentivar o crédito individual. Foi isso que aconteceu e está na origem da economia globalizante. As «autoestradas da informação» não só serviram para ampliar os contactos ao nível planetário como, também, para facilitar o comércio a esse mesmo nível. Totalmente liberta da contestação política e ideológica dos partidos comunistas, e mesmo dos partidos socialistas, a concepção capitalista da vida e da ordem social deu largas à criatividade e impôs-se como ideal organizativo. Os anos 90 do século que está próximo do fim trouxeram a ideia de consumo global e transportam no seu seio o germe da crise global. A nave planetária a que chamamos Terra galopa para a destruição em consequência da produção e do consumo para satisfazer necessidades quase todas supérfluas ou, no mínimo, secundárias e, por isso, dispensáveis. A vida na Terra tornou-se ameaçadora a vários títulos e cada vez mais todos nós, cidadãos conscientes, temos como obrigação tornarmo-nos defensores da transmissão, em condições aceitáveis, da herança que recebemos dos nossos antepassados. Hoje é, quase em exclusivo, essa a luta que vale a pena ser travada. Para que a possamos assumir teremos de perceber alguns dos condicionalismos que a determinam e, acima de tudo, as causas dos nossos receios para que a luta possa ser profícua.

מאמר זה מציג מאמר מקיף על כלים לפיתוח חוסן מנטלי והתמודדות עם מצבי משבר, בדגש על תקופות מלחמה, מנקודת מבט של הפסיכולוגיה היהודית. המחקר / המאמר מתבסס על ניתוח הרצאות ואימון שניתנו לבעלי עסקים בזמן מלחמה, ומשלב תובנות מספרות הפסיכולוגיה היהודית, כולל הזוהר הקדוש וספר התניא. המחקר / המאמר מציג אסטרטגיות לפיתוח תפיסה מאוזנת, התמודדות עם פחדים, זיהוי הזדמנויות, וחיזוק החוסן הנפשי. הממצאים מדגישים את חשיבות העשייה, הנתינה, והקשר לשליחות אישית כמפתחות להתמודדות יעילה עם משברים. המחקר / המאמר מספק תובנות חשובות לפיתוח חוסן אישי ועסקי, תוך שילוב ייחודי של חכמת ישראל עם גישות פסיכולוגיות מודרניות.

בשנים האחרונות, הוביל הסכסוך הגלוי באירופה להערכה מעמיקה
ביבשת ולהשלכות מיידיות המורגשות בהיערכות אסטרטגית מחודשת באזורים
הצפוניים. הצטרפות ן של פינלנד ושוודיה לברית הצפון-אטלנטית מאותתת על
שינוי בחשיבה הצבאית שבהן דבקו עשרות שנים, המחייב אותן לכיול מחודש.
ההשפעה , שלכאורה אינה ישירה, מאפשרת לישראל לחזק את קשריה
הביטחוניים עימן ולספק את רצונן לעבות את יכולות ההגנה שלהן לנוכח
החשש מפני עימות עם רוסיה ושימוש אפשרי בכלי טיס איראניים נגדן

Το κεφάλαιο αυτό είναι δημοσιευμένο στον Συλλογικό τόμο: "ΚΑΡΑΜΑΝΛΗΣ. Η πολιτική ως δημιουργία", Αρβανιτόπουλος Κωνσταντίνος (επιμ.), Εκδόσεις Ευρασία, Δεκέμβριος 2023.
25 χρόνια μετά τον θάνατό του, η έκδοση αυτή φιλοδοξεί, με τη συμμετοχή πανεπιστημιακών αλλά και μια νέας γενιάς ιστορικών, να φωτίσει πτυχές του έργου του, όπως και σημαντικές αποφάσεις και ιστορικές πρωτοβουλίες που φέρουν τη σφραγίδα του. (από το οπισθόφυλλο της έκδοσης)