Right Wing Terrorism

This research presents a comprehensive threat assessment of right-wing extremism in the United States, analyzing ideological evolution, operational tactics, and policy gaps from 1970 to 2025. It explores the rise of decentralized actors, the influence of Christian nationalism, QAnon, and the Great Replacement theory, and the strategic use of digital platforms for radicalization and recruitment. The study highlights transnational ideological convergence, law enforcement and intelligence shortcomings, and the increasing use of symbolic violence targeting soft infrastructure. Drawing on historical data and recent trends, the findings underscore the urgency of legal reform, interagency coordination, and investment in counter-radicalization and community resilience. Recommendations include enhancing domestic terrorism statutes, improving data infrastructure, and supporting interdisciplinary research to address the evolving threat landscape.

Through history we study the wars throughout the world, the conflicts the effect is has on those who are occupied by a hostile force of an army, a terrorist group, or an insurgency. When seen this at first hand when the ISIS occupied territory throughout the Middle East and the carnage they caused to the people. The Nazi of what they did across Europe in World War II and the death they cause and created an atmosphere death and destruction that wiped out millions of people that was well known as the holocaust. Saloth Sar also known as Pol Pot and his Khmer Rouge that took over the country of Cambodia that caused the death of over a million people and his infamous S 21 prison. If

Call for paper Doctor Virtualis n° 21: "Storia e Medioevo. Una questione aperta". Il prossimo numero di Doctor Virtualis intende affrontare il tema del rapporto fra il Medioevo e la storia, analizzando sia la concezione della storia nel medioevo, sia la concezione della storia sul medioevo.

C'è un mondo che esiste solo nella memoria collettiva dei popoli slavi, un tempo che non è mai stato ma che sembra più vero della storia stessa. È il medioevo immaginario di "Čudotvorni mač" (in italiano La spada del Giustiziere- Il cavaliere invicibile, film jugoslavo del 1951 diretto da Vojislav Nanovic), dove la neve cade eternamente sulle foreste di abeti e dove i bambini possono liberare demoni millenari con un semplice gesto di compassione.

In my research, I analyze how the turn‑of‑the‑century mixture of antisemitism and esoteric interests provided a blueprint for Russian émigré right‑wing terrorist activities in 1920s. My case study is Elizaveta Shabelskaya‑Bork’s novel Satanists of the Twentieth Century (1911) – an enthusiastic reactualization of this novel’s material in the twenty‑first century points to a line of continuity from its ideological utilization in 1920s and 1930s to Russian post‑communist right‑wing fundamentalist circles, drawing inspiration from the nationalist antisemitic discourse of the previous century. As a point of departure, I research the ideological, political, and terrorist cooperation between Russian right‑wing émigrés and right‑wing Germans after World War I, in particular, the organization “Aufbau” (Reconstruction). Further, I contextualize the influence that Satanists of the Twentieth Century had on Russian émigré right‑wing representatives, in particular on its author’s godson, Petr Shabelsky‑Bork. I analyze ideological foundations of the novel, paying particular attention to its central theme of the Jewish‑Masonic clandestine religion of satanism. Shabelskaya‑Bork’s ideological foundations can be defined thus as a blend of Russian Orthodox fundamentalism, virulent antisemitism, and the fin‑de‑siècle ambivalent fascination with non‑traditional religious practices.

Queste sono le prime parole dell'introduzione di Mario Isnenghi alla grandiosa opera da lui curata, intitolata I luoghi della memoria. 2 Quest'opera, uscita in tre volumi alla fine degli anni '90, è un esempio caratteristico di quei progetti relativi, in un modo o nell'altro, alla questione della memoria storica, o storia della memoria, che negli ultimi quarant'anni sono nati in Europa e negli Stati Uniti. Anche se a prima vista il rapporto tra storia e memoria sembra essere più che ovvio, 3 i primi tentativi sistematici di elaborare una teoria della memoria storica risalgono agli anni '60 e '70. Prima di quel periodo questioni teoriche a proposito della memoria umana erano state formulate contestualmente ad altre discipline come la psicologia, la parapsicologia, la neurofisiologia, la biologia e la psichiatria. Tra le diverse categorie individuate all'interno della memoria umana, la storia rientra ovviamente in quella che è chiamata memoria collettiva o, piuttosto, memoria sociale. brought to you by etadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk provided by Repository of the Academy' Non è un caso che proprio negli anni '60 e '70 si assista alla comparsa di formulazioni teoriche della relazione tra storia e memoria sociale, visto che è questo il periodo del grande ripensamento delle basi epistemologiche della scienza storica, dovuta alla cosiddetta insicurezza o crisi epistemologica del postmoderno. Dobbiamo anche aggiungere che le teorie di cui ci occuperemo riguardano due problemi ben distinti anche se, ovviamente, legati l'uno all'altro. Il primo è la storia della memoria intesa come conservazione e trasmissione delle memorie in diversi periodi storici (con riferimento al tipo di mnemotecniche utilizzate, al rapporto tra memoria individuale e collettiva/sociale, alla questione della prevalenza della memoria orale o di quella scritta); il secondo esamina invece le basi della scienza storica e della storiografia nello specchio della memoria; in altre parole, verifica quale uso faccia la storia delle memorie esistenti, oppure come le influenzi, o addirittura che ruolo abbia nel formare o creare la memoria collettiva. Quasi tutte le opere che citeremo in seguito trattano comunque entrambi gli aspetti. Nel mio intervento ho intenzione di presentare alcune teorie sulla memoria storica formatesi negli ultimi decenni. Dopo alcuni accenni generali mi occuperò in dettaglio dei risultati nel campo della storiografia degli ultimi decenni del Medioevo, che è il mio specifico campo di ricerca. Il progetto citato all'inizio, i Luoghi della memoria di Mario Isnenghi, cerca di presentare la storia Otto-e Novecentesca dell'Italia con un metodo del tutto nuovo. Invece di trattare la storia in un modo tradizionale, analitico-cronologico, Isnenghi e i suoi collaboratori hanno lavorato «sul patrimonio di memorie del popolo italiano. Quali i punti di condensazione della memoria, ovvero i luoghi che non vanno intesi in senso solo materiale?» 4 . Gli autori dei tre volumi hanno infatti individuato «simboli e miti», «strutture ed eventi» e «personaggi e date» attorno ai quali la memoria collettiva storica degli italiani si concentra. Il luogo, in questo contesto, ha un significato ampio e spesso molto astratto. In questo progetto diventano luoghi della memoria non solo posti concreti come il «Piazzale Loreto,» o tipologie di luoghi come «Il salotto» o «Campane e campanili», ma anche «Il tricolore», «Inni e canzoni», o «Il liceo classico», e addirittura «Garibaldi» o «Le leggi razziali». Nei tre volumi ogni voce, cioè ogni luogo della memoria, viene elaborata da un esperto del tema. Il progetto ideato da Isnenghi si ispira però all'omonima opera francese. È stato infatti lo storico francese Pierre Nora ad inventare il concetto dei Lieux de Mémoire, e ad aver ideato e diretto i sette grandiosi volumi dei Lieux de Mémoire della Francia pubblicati negli anni '80. 5 Questa opera è diventata un successo storiografico enorme in Francia, e anche a livello internazionale sono nate delle pubblicazioni che presentano, interpretano, o -come fa Isnenghi -adattano le basi di Pierre Nora. (Sono stati scritti i luoghi della memoria dell'Austria, ed è stato avviato anche un progetto relativo a quelli dell'Europa Centrale). Secondo la definizione di Nora luogo della memoria è «ogni unità significativa, di natura materiale o ideale, che la volontà degli uomini o il lavoro del tempo ha trasformato in elemento simbolico di una comunità». Oltre all'originale elaborazione del concetto, nel pensiero di Pierre Nora troviamo un elemento su cui dobbiamo soffermarci un attimo. Nora 70 NC 6.2007

The manifestation of equivalence principle (EP) in spin-gravity interactions,resulting in the nullification of the corresponding analog of Anomalous Magnetic moment is explored. Its tests in the experiments with atoms and cold neutrons are discussed. The validity of EP separately for quarks and gluons in the nucleon resulting in exact equipartition of momentum and total angular momentum is conjectured. The important role of relocalization (Belinfante) invariance in these and other aspects of nucleon spin structure is stressed.

Ringrazio i miei genitori per avermi permesso di studiare, può sembrare scontato ma è in realtà un privilegio che comporta molti sacrifici da parte loro. Li ringrazio per avermi permesso di seguire la mia passione in questo percorso. Li ringrazio per avermi aspettato e supportato quando ne ho avuto bisogno e per avermi ripreso al momento giusto quando ho sbagliato. Li ringrazio soprattutto perché hanno saputo trasmettermi il vero valore dello studio e della cultura. Ringrazio la mia famiglia, che in nessun momento, negativo o positivo, mi ha fatto sentire solo. Ringrazio i "chinchorros", che accogliendomi tra loro al momento giusto mi hanno mostrato un livello più alto, stimolandomi ogni giorno a fare del mio meglio per alzare insieme l'asticella in un miglioramento continuo sotto ogni aspetto. Ringrazio tutti gli amici che mi hanno accompagnato in questi anni, contribuendo ognuno a renderli speciali. Ringrazio Francesca, che arrivando alla fine di questo percorso, mi ha regalato un entusiasmo nuovo, una serenità nuova e un modo di guardare le cose inaspettato e meraviglioso. Infine ringrazio il cinema, che è il vero motivo per cui ho intrapreso questo percorso di studi. 1 Il testo in cui si trova la definizione in questione e altre informazioni utili per approfondire il tema è

'Only those that live outside the prisons, Can honour the corpses, wash off the grief for their dead one with embraces, scratch up the grave with fingernails and tears.' (Roque Dalton-Salvadoran poet) As El Salvador descended into civil-war from late 1979, the campesinos became vulnerable to the escalating US sponsored statesponsored repression. Between 1980 and 1981, northern El Salvador witnessed indiscriminate attacks of campesinos including the infamous El Mozote massacre that killed a thousand mainly women and children. A key role in this escalation in El Salvador was played by the United States. This examination of state sponsored terrorism in El Salvador will identify the role US foreign policy played in the repression and will demonstrate that at the heart of the conflict there existed a collision of two US foreign policy initiatives both emanating from 1960's. The installation of a reformist junta in San Salvador in October 1979 which embraced then President Carter's human-rights doctrine proposed the introduction of limited land reform measures. Trenchant opposition to this reform immediately exposed the campesinos to a reflex of repressive rightest para-military violence. This policy collision saw USsponsored and designed agrarian reforms being eviscerated by 'death squads' that had been paradoxically funded, advised, trained and equipped by the US. These 'death squads' would be subsequently responsible for 85% of civil-war casualties from 1979-1992. El Salvador became to proving ground for US counterinsurgency tactics which were a direct legacy of the infamous Phoenix programme transferred from Vietnam. This presentation will deliver a much needed historiographic scrutiny of the role played by the United States which inflicted US state-sponsored terrorism on the Salvadoran campesino during this period.

Over the last two decades, there has been a massive increase in research examining terror and extremist-related violence. Few have considered the extent to which these same groups may engage in attacks against digital infrastructure and the Internet, whether through hacking or other methods. The absence of empirical evidence calls to question the nature and dynamics of cyberattacks performed by extremists and ideologically motivated actors. This study attempted to address this gap in the literature through a qualitative investigation of 26 attacks performed by far-left groups against targets in the UK, US, and Canada from 2000 to 2015. This data was compared to physical attacks documented in the Extremist Crime Database during the same period. The findings demonstrated that there was an increase in cyberattacks during a period of decreased physical violence by far-left groups. Additionally, there was some parity in the targets of far-left groups on-and off-line, with similar motivations to cause harm to or embarrass businesses, government organizations, and individuals. The implications of this study for our understanding of terror and future research were discussed in detail.

This essay defines Owning the Libs (OTL), a logic of envy, characterized by a subject's need to both deny another enjoyment and to frustrate the capacity of these political opponents to live. My case studies focus on reactions to progressive protests in the post-Ferguson environment. OTL is not downstream of some cultural war nor an exotic right-wing, illiberal phenomenon. Situating personhood in the tradition of violent dispossession, I illuminate the practice's liberal roots, before concluding OTL will be (if it is not already) US conservatism's policy agenda, and an existential threat to progressive agitation.

Soldiers of Odin Norway have tried very hard to communicate that they were not vigilantes and not right-wing extremists. Although they obviously have displayed some traits of vigilantism and anti-Islam opinions, they were clearly less militant and right-wing extremist than their original role model, the Soldiers of Odin in Finland. This chapter will explore why the Norwegian chapter of the Soldiers of Odin (SOO) turned out as a rather moderate variety of the phenomenon but also why it – in its stated mission to provide public safety in the streets – attracted a particular type of participants: young men with a criminal past.

Over 180 years of independent defence and security thinking The Royal United Services Institute is the UK's leading independent think-tank on international defence and security. Its mission is to be an analytical, research-led global forum for informing, influencing and enhancing public debate on a safer and more stable world. Since its foundation in 1831, RUSI has relied on its members to support its activities, sustaining its political independence for over 180 years.

The International Centre for Counter-Terrorism (ICCT) is an independent think and do tank providing multidisciplinary policy advice and practical, solution-oriented implementation support on prevention and the rule of law, two vital pillars of effective counterterrorism. ICCT's work focuses on themes at the intersection of countering violent extremism and criminal justice sector responses, as well as human rights-related aspects of counter-terrorism. The major project areas concern countering violent extremism, rule of law, foreign fighters, country and regional analysis, rehabilitation, civil society engagement and victims' voices. Functioning as a nucleus within the international counter-terrorism network, ICCT connects experts, policymakers, civil society actors and practitioners from different fields by providing a platform for productive collaboration, practical analysis, and exchange of experiences and expertise, with the ultimate aim of identifying innovative and comprehensive approaches to preventing and countering terrorism. Licensing and Distribution ICCT publications are published in open access format and distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives License, which permits non-commercial re-use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original work is properly cited, and is not altered, transformed, or built upon in any way.

Individual terrorism, based on the leaderless resistance strategy, is becoming the most popular form of terrorism. An element of the leaderless resistance strategy are operations carried out by lone wolves, small groups or cells regardless of the support of official organizational structures.

US counterterrorism officials continue to grapple with the issue of lone actor terrorism. However, the extent to which these individuals are more dangerous than group-affiliated terrorists is unclear. In new research, Noah Turner, Steven Chermak, and Joshua Freilich investigate the severity of lone actor terrorist attacks compared to those of other terrorists. They find that lone actors do commit more severe attacks than other terrorists, particularly when both fatalities and injuries are considered.

The storming of the U.S. Capitol on January 6, 2021,
was a momentous event politically, socially, and
most importantly, in terms of the evolution of
domestic extremism in the United States. The multifaceted
consequences of January 6, mired by misinformation and
disinformation, continue today. As of June 2023, over
1,043 people have been arrested for their purported
roles on January 6, with defendants from nearly 50 states. Within that grouping, “338
defendants have links to more than 50 extremist groups and movements,” including (in
order of highest representation): QAnon, Proud Boys, Oath Keepers, Three Percenters,
White Nationalists, and Sovereign Citizens.

A qualitative content analysis of lyrics by one of the most popular racist skinhead bands from the United States, the Angry Aryans, was conducted to assess themes used to recruit and shape a collective identity for the White Power Movement. Results indicate that lyrics portray ethnic minorities and homosexuals as inferior, subhuman and, along with non-racist skinhead whites, as oppressive and a threat to the white race. The Angry Aryans use song lyrics as a communication strategy to gripe, intimidate, and promote violence. Consequently, an ideology of violence and hate is justified through a vision of whites as victims at risk of extinction. Symbolic Convergence Theory (SCT) sheds light on the shaping of a collective identity of fear and hate created through marginalization and lies.

Over 180 years of independent defence and security thinking The Royal United Services Institute is the UK's leading independent think-tank on international defence and security. Its mission is to be an analytical, research-led global forum for informing, influencing and enhancing public debate on a safer and more stable world. Since its foundation in 1831, RUSI has relied on its members to support its activities, sustaining its political independence for over 180 years.

This Research Note presents the outcome of an investigation into the processes of lone-actor terrorism which was part of the Countering Lone-Actor Terrorism (CLAT) Project.[1] The research is based on a database of both plots and attacks across the twenty-eight EU member states, plus Norway and Switzerland, in the period 1 January 2000 to 31 December 2014. The database covers more than 70 variables and includes information relating to 120 individuals. This Research Note outlines some of the key findings of the CLAT project pertaining to 1) attack methodology and logistics; 2) political engagement and online activity and 3) leakage and interactions with authorities. The results relating to the personal characteristics of lone-actor terrorists are presented in a different Research Note in this issue of Perspectives on Terrorism.[2]

This Research Note presents the outcome of an investigation into the processes of lone-actor terrorism which was part of the Countering Lone-Actor Terrorism (CLAT) Project. The research is based on a database of both plots and attacks across the twenty-eight EU member states, plus Norway and Switzerland, in the period 1 January 2000 to 31 December 2014. The database covers more than 70 variables and includes information relating to 120 individuals. This Research Note outlines some of the key findings of the CLAT project pertaining to 1) attack methodology and logistics; 2) political engagement and online activity and 3) leakage and interactions with authorities. The results relating to the personal characteristics of lone-actor terrorists are presented in a different Research Note in this issue of Perspectives on Terrorism.

Hate crimes have increased consistently year after year for more than a decade with numerous violent and deadly xenophobic attacks. .. Today it is members of the LGBTQ2+ community particularly those who are transgender, who are the targets of hate-motivated narratives and violence.

Prior research has frequently drawn parallels between the study of hate crimes and the study of terrorism. Yet, key differences between the two behaviors may be underappreciated in extant work. Terrorism is often an “upward crime,” involving a perpetrator of lower social standing than the targeted group. By contrast, hate crimes are disproportionately “downward crimes,” usually entailing perpetrators belonging to the majority or powerful group in society and minority group victims. The latter difference implies that hate crimes and terrorism are more akin to distant relatives than close cousins. These divergent perspectives provide a backdrop for the present research, which empirically investigates the association between hate crimes and terrorism. In doing so, we contribute to prior work on hate crimes and terrorism by emphasizing the temporal association between these behaviors and by empirically investigating the potential for one kind of violent event to trigger another kind of ...

Copyright c by Società editrice il Mulino, Bologna. Tutti i diritti sono riservati. Per altre informazioni si veda https://www.rivisteweb.it Licenza d'uso L'articoloè messo a disposizione dell'utente in licenza per uso esclusivamente privato e personale, senza scopo di lucro e senza fini direttamente o indirettamente commerciali. Salvo quanto espressamente previsto dalla licenza d'uso Rivisteweb,è fatto divieto di riprodurre, trasmettere, distribuire o altrimenti utilizzare l'articolo, per qualsiasi scopo o fine. Tutti i diritti sono riservati.

A Transnational History of Right-Wing Terrorism offers new insights into the history of right-wing extremism and violence in Europe, East and West, from 1900 until the present day. It is the first book to take such a broad historical approach to the topic.

The book explores the transnational dimension of right-wing terrorism; networks of right-wing extremists across borders, including in exile; the trading of arms; the connection between right-wing terrorism and other forms of far-right political violence; as well as the role of supportive elements among fellow travelers, the state security apparatus, and political elites. It also examines various forms of organizational and ideological interconnectedness and what inspires right-wing terrorism. In addition to several empirical chapters on prewar extreme-right political violence, the book features extensive coverage of postwar right-wing terrorism including the recent resurgence in attacks.

This book will be of great interest to students and scholars of right-wing extremism, fascism, Nazism, terrorism, and political violence.

Throughout the COVID-19 pandemic, extremists around the world have to all appearances sought to exploit the disruption to serve their own strategic or ideological means and ends. In order to understand the threat posed by such extremists in the Australian national security context, this study investigates how extremists incorporated contemporary events in Australia and beyond its borders into their COVID-19-related narratives. This article traverses three ideological milieus and examines violent Salafi-Jihadism, the extreme right, and the extreme left. By studying how ideological milieus interact with the current pandemic context, it is possible to observe the fluctuation of ideological constructs through the identified narratives. These narratives were not solely propagated online as may have been expected: instead, there was observable offline dissemination as well. While little was found on the extreme left, this study found that violent Salafi-Jihadist and extreme-right milieus interpreted COVID-19 in ideologically self-serving ways. In some cases, COVID-19 was used to buttress existing narratives, while there was also evidence of narrative diversification, with seemingly ideologically contradictory positions adopted. These impact national security in Australia in three ways: first, buttressing may reinforce extremist distrust of authorities and cement positions; second, diversification complicates the threatscape by challenging efficient identification; third, the co-optation of idiosyncratic conspiracies has exposed the vulnerability of democratic societies to misinformation.

Terrorism research has gained much traction since the 9/11 attacks, but some sub genres of terrorism, such as right-wing terrorism, have remained under-studied areas. Unsurprisingly data sources to study these phenomena are scarce and frequently face unique data collection obstacles. This paper explores five major, social-scientific terrorism databases in regards to data on right-wing terrorist events. The paper also provides an in-depth examination of the utilization of criminal legal proceedings to research right-wing terrorist acts. Lastly, legal case databases are introduced and discussed to show the lack of available court information and case proceedings in regards to right-wing terrorism. On Saturday 3 August 2019, 21 year old Patrick Crusius walked into a Walmart in El Paso armed with what authorities identified as a AK-47 style rifle and killed 22 people and injured 26 others. 1 Initial investigations reveal that he had set out to kill as many LatinX as possible, a motive that was further supported by his four-page racist and anti-immigrant manifesto, which went viral after the attack. In the wake of this incident, many contextualized the act as a terrorist attack by a white nationalist, demanding domestic terrorism statutes that can address perpetrators like Crusius adequately. While it appears easy for the public to designate an individual like Crusius as a domestic terrorist, the legal and social scientific reality is a bit more complex. Before new legislation can be enacted, the nature of the underlying problem has to be identified, studied and found to be severe enough to merit such a drastic step. This paper takes an exploratory approach to show that it is difficult to formulate a universal definition of terrorism, but especially for domestic terrorism or right-wing terrorism as a specific category thereof. With that in mind, it shouldn't come as a surprise that research on the topic of right-wing terrorism remains complicated because of a lack of agreed upon features of what constitutes a terrorist act. To highlight these difficulties, the authors analyze five prominent terrorism databases providing different levels of information on right-wing terrorism. The authors also explore the issue as it applies to legal designations. Specifically, the authors show how the lack of one comprehensive legal definition and clear legal language addressing acts of right-wing terrorism can

During the 2010s, far-right violence in Greece reached unprecedented dimensions. Existing research has mainly focused on country-speci c factors and the organizational capacities of extreme-right actors, Golden Dawn in particular. A comparison of far-right violence in Greece with far-right violence in other countries in Western Europe between 2016 and 2020, using the unique Right-Wing Terrorism and Violence (RTV) dataset, reveals (1) that Greece has experienced much more far-right violence than any other country during this period; (2) that violence is carried out by so-called lone actors much less frequently in Greece than in other countries; and (3) that serious acts of violence in Greece are directed mostly against migrants and refugees, or against political opponents. High levels of violence in Greece are probably attributable to a unique combination of favorable structural conditions (i.e., high unemployment and an in ux of refugees) and favorable opportunity structures (particularly discursive components, including negative attitudes towards migrants and high levels of a ective polarization).

Am 03.02.2018 feuerte der italienische Rechtsextremist Luca Traini gezielt auf dunkelhäutige Menschen, um sich an der Ermordung einer achtzehnjährigen jungen Frau durch nordafrikanische Ausländer zu rächen. Anhand dieses Beispiels wird sich der Vortrag mit der Rhetorik der Frauenverteidigung als sexistische und rassistische Gewalt aus der Perspektive der intersektionalen Geschlechterforschung auseinandersetzen und dabei aufzeigen, dass sexistisch und rassistisch konnotierte Fremdenfeindlichkeit mit diesem Ansatz nicht immer adäquat analysiert werden kann. Der Beitrag basiert auf eine Forschung, die als Aufsatz erscheinen wird. Daran anknüpfend werde ich die Hintergründe des Attentats in Macerata präsentieren und folgende Punkte anschneiden: 1. die Frauenverteidigung als „Dispositive der Entwaffung“ (Dorlin) im antiemanzipatorischen Sinne, 2. der „Rape-Lynching-Komplex“ (Dietze) und ihre Grundlage im Begriff des Zivilisationsprozesses bzw. des Kampfes mit der Natur, 3. die Entstehungsgeschichte des Patriarchats (Zoja) als (sexualisierte) Gewaltzirkel und die psycho-evolutionäre Konstruktion der wehrlosen Frau, 5. die Gefahr der „Überfremdung“ und die „wehrende Männlichkeit“ als ihre Rettung, 6. der Zusammenhang von Sicherheitsdispositiven und Femonationalismus (Faludi). Ausgehend davon wird die Konzeption einer „intersektionale Backlash“ entworfen, um Phänomene wie rassialisierte Sexismus oder sexualisierter Rassismus zu erfassen.

Here the link to the open access version of the paper:
https://riviste.unige.it/index.php/aboutgender/article/view/1997

On 3rd February 2018, right-wing extremist Luca Trainishot at dark-skinned people to avenge the murder of an 18-year-old girl by foreigners. Building on this episode, the article will address the rhetoric of women's defense as sexist and racist forms of violence from the perspective of intersectional gender studies. The following points will be touched upon: 1. the defense of women as “disarming devices”, 2. the “rape-lynching complex” and the civilization process, 3. the emergence of patriarchy as a circle of violence and the evolutionary construction of the defenceless woman, 5. the shift from “foreign domination” to “defensive masculinity”, 6. the connection between security devices and femonationalism.

Canada is far from immune from the pressing global terrorism threat. Despite low base rates for documented attacks, it would be inaccurate to measure terrorism simply by the number of incidents investigated by authorities. This caution exists for two reasons. First, there is good reason to question current statistics as the majority of incidents either go unreported or are categorized under other labels. Second, every act carries a disproportionate harm. Even foiled attacks increase the level of fear, heighten tension between different groups, and can fragment communities. Social harm can be greater than the crime because it can affect individuals, groups and even nations. For these broad reasons a vigorous response is warranted. Specialized units have been created in many law enforcement organizations, new legislation has emerged and the collection of terrorism-related information is well at hand. Or is it? This paper presents compelling arguments that acts of terrorism are far mor...

Imagining Far-right Terrorism explores far-right terrorism as an object of the narrative imagination in contemporary Western Europe. Western European societies are generally reluctant to think of far-right and racist violence as terrorism, but the reasons for this remain little understood. This book focuses on the extraordinarily complex case of the National Socialist Underground (NSU) in Germany, and high-profile instances of racist violence in Sweden and Norway. The author analyses the narratives surrounding far-right and racist violence, drawing on a broad range of empirical sources. Her account attributes the limits of imagining violence as far-right terrorism to elite practices of narrative control that maintain positive images of the liberal-democratic order in counterpoint to its two constitutive "others"-the far-right and racialised minorities. Situated broadly within the scholarly tradition of critical terrorism studies, the book breaks new ground in research on far-right terrorism by following its narrative traces across time, public spaces of contestation, and national borders. It also draws on material and findings originally written in German, Swedish, and Norwegian, which were previously not available in English. This much-needed volume will be of particular interest to students and researchers of terrorism and political violence, right-wing extremism, European politics, and communication studies. Josefin Graef is an independent scholar whose work deals with the uses of narrative theory and analysis for understanding contemporary European politics and societies, particularly in relation to violence and immigration.

The outbreak of the COVID-19 pandemic has resulted in many users actively working and learning from their homes with long hours of sitting and screen time. Health and wellness are the two concepts that require digital users to be aware of and self-managed towards social, physical, emotional, and spiritual well-being. There are multitude of digital interactions available now. Due to movement controls, there are various ideas and opportunities that have surfaced for users to interact for health and wellness, especially on using applications for contact tracing and vaccination management. This paper reviewed literature and survey reports on two user groups, namely the digital talents who serve the digital industries and youth gamers who are attending school online. Their digital interaction experiences with work-life balance were revealed and discussed. The paper ends by proposing how wellness concepts can be integrated into digital interactions for maintaining a balance of life and its quality.

According to the hate group watchdog organization, the Southern Poverty Law Center, the number of hate groups in the United States rose 54 percent since 2000 (SPLC 2009 a & b). Literature on organized white supremacist groups suggests that women have become increasingly more important to such groups for a variety of reasons, many of which are not always agreed upon by and within said groups. In addition, it is believed by many in the hate monitoring world that the World Wide Web has become progressively more dynamic as a medium of recruitment, as a tool of communication among members, and as a means to propagate the hateful messages espoused by members of these groups. Thus, this research will marry two essential ideas: (1) that women are being sought out and targeted for recruitment by organized white supremacist groups and (2) that the World Wide Web acts as a dynamic tool that aids said groups in accomplishing their goals of recruitment.

As a consequence of numerous extreme right terror attacks in which the perpetrators posted their manifestos and attack life streams on online platforms adjacent to the video gaming community, as well as radicalized within that environment to a significant degree (e.g., Christchurch, New Zealand; Halle, Germany), increasing scholarly and policy maker interest is focusing on far-right radicalization and recruitment within online video game environments. Yet, little empirical insights exist about the specific engagement between right-wing extremists and their potential recruits on these platforms. This study provides findings from a qualitative exploration of unique German police investigation files for two children who radicalized on gaming platforms to become involved in extreme right criminal behavior, including the plotting of a terrorist attack. The study demonstrates the importance of online and offline factor interaction, especially regarding the role of familiar criminogenic factors, as well as the socialemotional bonding between potential recruits and extremist gamers created through shared gaming experiences that lead to high intensity extremist radicalization aimed at offline behavioral changes. The study did not find evidence for strategic organizational far-right recruitment campaigns, but rather multi-directional social networking processes which were also initiated by the potential recruits.

In recent decades, the experience of non-governmental politically motivated violence became a central element of global memory culture. Motivated by several shocking attacks at the beginning of the new millennium, this commemorative culture evolved in a memory ecology, which was significantly shaped by the prosperity of global Holocaust memory. Therefore, public commemoration of politically motivated violence intersects different discursive elements, leading to multidirectional forms of memory. Based on interdisciplinary theoretical approaches, this article examines public memorials commemorating two notable cases of neo-Nazi xenophobic attacks in Germany as discursive spheres referring to the confrontation with the country’s unique past and its impact on Germany’s contemporary self-image challenged by right-wing extremism. We argue that various commemorative actors in the field adopted and appropriated Second World War and Holocaust-related iconography and terminology to shape thes...

In the post-Trump/post-Brexit world, the line between mainstream and extreme is becoming increasingly blurred, more so than it was just three years earlier when we were conducting our study. In the short period of time since the Brexit vote and the election of Trump, we are already beginning to see scholarship exploring the ways in which these particular currents have further mobilized the right-wing extremist (RWE) movement (e.g. Huber 2016; Inglehart and Norris 2016; Komaromi and Singh 2016). This is an extension of a lengthy history of the parallels between "mainstream" xenophobia and "extreme" versions of the same discourse. Indeed, in the current climate, considerable attention has been drawn to the ways in which mainstream political and public discourse have paved the way for the re-emergence of a viable RWE movement-a pattern that was evident as we conducted our own research. It is not, however, a simple linear relationship between politics and extremism. Heitmeyer (2005) observes that both "underreaction and overreaction" to RWE movements can condition their growth and 4 Permission to Hate in Canada

The manifestation of equivalence principle (EP) in spin-gravity interactions,resulting in the nullification of the corresponding analog of Anomalous Magnetic moment is explored. Its tests in the experiments with atoms and cold neutrons are discussed. The validity of EP separately for quarks and gluons in the nucleon resulting in exact equipartition of momentum and total angular momentum is conjectured. The important role of relocalization (Belinfante) invariance in these and other aspects of nucleon spin structure is stressed.

Increasingly, scholars are acknowledging that racial and other forms of animus assume a spatial dimension. Not only does intercultural hostility take different forms depending on location, but so, too, does the concomitant bias-motivated violence imply "places for races." The very intent and motive of hate crimes are grounded in the perceived need of perpetrators to defend carefully crafted boundaries. While these boundaries are largely cultural, they may also take on a real, physical form, at least from the perpetrator's perspective. Nowhere is this more evident than in the geographical imagination of the White Supremacist movement. This paper will trace the ways in which the movement idealizes the appropriate geographical "places for races." \\server05\productn\G\GHS\8-1\GHS101.txt unknown Seq: 3 10-SEP-10