Terrorism and Cinema

Questo è un libro unico, un libro di storia vissuta nel suo tempo: l'ho letto poco prima di ritornare in Europa con la mia famiglia, nel lontano 1973, avendo trascorso tre anni e mezzo viaggiando nel delta del Niger, e in altri luoghi della Nigeria in cerca di petrolio. Questo libro racconta la storia della vita di migliaia di famiglie europee, soprattutto inglesi, che hanno lasciato le loro ossa in Nigeria, nel periodo che va dalla conquista inglese all'indipendenza.

"The Battle of Algiers" (1966) is often considered one of the most important films in the history of cinema produced during the 1960s as well as a quintessential anticolonial film. This article analyzes the making of Gillo Pontecorvo's film and the cultural and political conditions that made The Battle of Algiers possible. It focuses on the interactions between Italy and Algeria in the 1950s and 1960s, other projects dealing with the Algerian war, and subsequent Algerian-Italian films produced as a consequence of the successful industrial model used for "The Battle of Algiers".

After the Crocus City Hall Terrorist Attacks in Krasnogorsk, Moscow Oblast, on March 22nd, 2024, critical observers of the spectacular false flag terrorist attacks carried out in Vladimir Putin’s ‘New Russia’ over the past twenty-five years might be experiencing flashbacks to the 2002 Moscow Theater Hostage Crisis, which bears a shocking resemblance to the 2024 Crocus City Hall Attack. Whether the Crocus City Hall Terrorist attack was in fact a spectacular false flag attack or simply a spasmodic random act of criminal violence cannot be established with certainty at the present moment (although this article makes some attempt to sort out the evidence for or against these hypotheses). But there can be no doubt that spectacular false flag attacks have proliferated without cease over the past twenty-five years, both in the Wet and in the non-Western world, whether under the auspices of Putin’s ‘New Russia,’ of the US War on Terrorism, or of the perpetual crises between the West/Israel and the Sunni/Shiite Muslim states of Central Asia and the Middle East. The spectacular false flag terrorist or hostage taking event is thus the dominant paradigm of the 21st Century Western European and non-Western national security state, which has replaced Giorgio Agamben’s Homo Sacer paradigm of ‘sovereign power and bare life’ (with its supplementary paradigm of the concentration camp) as the dominant paradigm of the Post-Cold War, Post-September 11th, Post-October 7th world.

This study delves into the ethical dimensions surrounding the portrayal of actual tragedies in Iranian cinema, with a specific focus on the film "When the Moon Was Full" (2019). Employing a phenomenological approach coupled with critical qualitative analysis, the research endeavors to establish a concise framework for representing real-life tragedies. This process entails a meticulous alignment of theoretical underpinnings with practical execution, thereby ensuring coherence and fidelity. The central inquiry of this article pertains to discerning the factors that contribute to the ethical complexities associated with depicting genuine tragedies in Iranian cinema. The findings highlight that while such portrayals may potentially raise moral concerns, they also serve as a catalyst for heightened societal awareness regarding pertinent social and ethical issues.

This study delves into the ethical dimensions surrounding the portrayal of actual tragedies in Iranian cinema, with a specific focus on the film "When the Moon Was Full" (2019). Employing a phenomenological approach coupled with critical qualitative analysis, the research endeavors to establish a concise framework for representing real-life tragedies. This process entails a meticulous alignment of theoretical underpinnings with practical execution, thereby ensuring coherence and fidelity. The central inquiry of this article pertains to discerning the factors that contribute to the ethical complexities associated with depicting genuine tragedies in Iranian cinema. The findings highlight that while such portrayals may potentially raise moral concerns, they also serve as a catalyst for heightened societal awareness regarding pertinent social and ethical issues.

Following the perspective of cultural trauma theorists, this article focuses on the public memory of Italy's recent past, specifically the period of the so-called strategy of tension, a still very obscure time in the country's recent history and which includes the terrorist attacks that took place from 1969 to 1993 in several Italian cities. When "State Terror" occurred in Italy, access to legal and political arenas was systematically denied and the cultural trauma process could be performed only in aesthetic arenas. This article focuses on the role played by the cinema and other cultural artefacts in producing an "aesthetic truth" of Italy's recent past. By analysing the main features of the artistic and cultural representation of this past, the status of this "truth" is questioned and compared to that produced for example in the legal arena. When narrating the past, it is difficult for movies (and the same can be argued for other cultural artefacts) to achieve the quality standards of historical narration. When they narrate the past, they can remain a "second best" option. In the Italian case a very interesting trend can be noted: public knowledge of highly controversial events is often narrated using fiction. "Fiction" (more than a documentary film) seems to create the conditions that make possible the public communication of what all the citizens know but no one has proof to document. On 14 November 1974, Pier Paolo Pasolini, an Italian intellectual, published a long article under the headline "What is this coup d'état? I know" in Corriere della Sera, a leading newspaper in Italy. Probably Pasolini was murdered because of that article: he died on 2 November 1975. In that article he wrote about the strategy of tension in Italy and he said: "I know, but I have no proof". In Italy, many citizens, many intellectuals, many artists know, but they still have no proof. For this reason they can narrate the recent past of the country only by using fiction and theatrical performance. Will the aesthetisation of the recent past remain the only way to carry out the trauma process in Italian society?

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Cruz, I encounter many students who are aware of (and often very well informed about) issues of social justice, racism, and globalization. However, most of my students do not expect to consider such subjects in a survey of twentieth-century French history. In a class of some thirty students-equally divided between a third history majors, a third French literature or language majors, and a third representing everything from politics to computer sciences majors-my syllabus often comes as a shock to them. I present them with a series of texts that foreground intense social conflicts in the narrative of French history. These conflicts include labor activism, gender disputes, and the development and bitter legacy of fascism. My course calls special attention to the histories of colonialism and race, allowing my students to gain insight into French, European, and global issues of race and social justice by studying subjects traditionally ignored or marginalized in French history. To teach these subjects, I utilize two films, Pépé Le Moko and the Battle of Algiers, as well as a selection of short readings including a political and theoretical essay by Frantz Fanon, a contemporary detective novel by Didier Daeninckx, and Panivong Norindr's postcolonial film criticism. 1

The paper aims to analyse the theme of the mask in Dino Risi’s oeuvre, by underlining its deep connections with Luigi Pirandello’s main ideas and theories. It focuses on how both Risi and Pirandello have the crisis of the modern individual at the centre of their work and his/her opposition to a paradoxical and chaotic society that forces them to adopt a mask in order to be accepted. In addition, the paper also explains the main differences between Pirandello’s and Risi’s work by stressing the overwhelming desire for acceptance of Risi’s characters and by analysing some examples from Risi’s work. Great attention is given to the way Risi constructs his hypocritical characters and their masks as performed by the iconic actor, Vittorio Gassman, as well as the dialectic relationships between Risi’s characters, by analysing sequences from Gassman’s movies The Easy Life and Il Gaucho. By way of comparison, the work also analyses Alberto Sordi’s character from A Difficult Life to illustrate the bitter Pirandellian humour in Risi’s portrait of the alienated man, and underline the pessimistic nature of his satires.

Dopo il sostegno a oltranza dato all'Ucraina, l'Occidente non ha potuto che schierarsi con Israele, vittima dei massacri e degli attacchi terroristici di Hamas. E si è già cominciato a parlare, in questi giorni, di un "attacco all'Occidente" stesso, di una guerra dichiarata a tutti i Paesi occidentali da parte di quello che non è ormai neppure più considerato come un "nemico", ma come una banda di "animali umani", come li ha definiti il Ministro della difesa israeliano: un gruppo di lupi feroci, ma anche di topi di fogna, che vanno uccisi senza alcuno scrupolo, in quanto la loro vita-non più nemmeno umana-non ha alcun diritto ad essere vissuta. Quando nel nemico non riconosci più l'uomo qualsiasi atrocità diventa possibile.

Following the perspective of cultural trauma theorists, this article focuses on the public memory of Italy's recent past, specifically the period of the so-called strategy of tension, a still very obscure time in the country's recent history and which includes the terrorist attacks that took place from 1969 to 1993 in several Italian cities. When "State Terror" occurred in Italy, access to legal and political arenas was systematically denied and the cultural trauma process could be performed only in aesthetic arenas. This article focuses on the role played by the cinema and other cultural artefacts in producing an "aesthetic truth" of Italy's recent past. By analysing the main features of the artistic and cultural representation of this past, the status of this "truth" is questioned and compared to that produced for example in the legal arena. When narrating the past, it is difficult for movies (and the same can be argued for other cultural artefacts) to achieve the quality standards of historical narration. When they narrate the past, they can remain a "second best" option. In the Italian case a very interesting trend can be noted: public knowledge of highly controversial events is often narrated using fiction. "Fiction" (more than a documentary film) seems to create the conditions that make possible the public communication of what all the citizens know but no one has proof to document. On 14 November 1974, Pier Paolo Pasolini, an Italian intellectual, published a long article under the headline "What is this coup d'état? I know" in Corriere della Sera, a leading newspaper in Italy. Probably Pasolini was murdered because of that article: he died on 2 November 1975. In that article he wrote about the strategy of tension in Italy and he said: "I know, but I have no proof". In Italy, many citizens, many intellectuals, many artists know, but they still have no proof. For this reason they can narrate the recent past of the country only by using fiction and theatrical performance. Will the aesthetisation of the recent past remain the only way to carry out the trauma process in Italian society?

The controversial but, at the same time, productive relationship between Pontecorvo and 20th Century History's writing. Kapò and the definition of Holocaust Movie:between production issues and expressive compromises. The critical controversy caused by Jacques Rivette, and renewed some decades after by Serge Daney. The Battle of Algiers: the international success obtained with the most political and militant film. The film's aesthetic precipitate that floods in the most heterogeneous range. Ogro, or rather "the guilty conscience film": Luis Carrero Blanco's assassination and the end of Francoism in the last Pontecorvo's feature film, aesthetically a blend between political work and contemporary action film.

Il controverso eppure produttivo rapporto fra Pontecorvo e la scrittura della Storia del Ventesimo Secolo. Kapo e la definizione dell’Holocaust Movie: tra difficolta produttive e compromessi espressivi. Il dibattito critico scatenato da Jacques Rivette e ripreso decenni piu tardi da Serge Daney. La battaglia di Algeri : il successo internazionale ottenuto con il film piu politico e militante. Il precipitato estetico del film che invade gli ambiti piu eterogenei. Ogro , ovvero “il film della coscienza sporca”: l’attentato a Luis Carrero Blanco e la fine del franchismo nell’ultimo lungometraggio di Pontecorvo, esteticamente una fusione tra opera a sfondo politico e il coevo cinema d’azione.

The contemporary preoccupation with terrorism is marked by a curious paradox: whereas the topic has been ubiquitous in public discourse since the late twentieth century, the voices of terrorists themselves are usually silenced. Is the terrorist “the quintessential proscribed or tabooed figure of our times”, as cultural anthropologists Joseba Zulaika and William A. Douglass have suggested? The present volume is the first to approach the tabooing of terrorists from an interdisciplinary and comparative perspective. Covering a broad geographical scope, it explores how different media forms (such as novels, fiction and non-fiction films, or comic books) frame and make sense of the figure of the terrorist: do they reinforce the terrorism taboo, or do they find ways of circumventing it? Each contribution asks how factors such as ideological agenda, religious identity, ethnicity, and gender impact the way the perpetrators of political violence are conceived in different historical moments and cultural contexts.

Frantz Fanon’s The Wretched of the Earth offers a strong intellectual framework established on the author’s medical and social experiences to overthrow colonial rule. Specifically, the text is Frantz Fanon’s interpretation of the mechanisms of colonialism and of revolution from the perspective of the Algerian struggle to get rid of French colonial rule. Out of the five chapters of the book, the first one, “On Violence,” where Fanon supports violence as a requisite weapon to bring down colonial rule towards national liberation and the reinstallation of humanity in the colonized world, is the one often “misunderstood and misrepresented” (Brydon). This paper, by presenting a critique of works such as Hannah Arendt’s views on violence, argues that Fanon’s concept of violence has to be engaged with and understood within the context in which Fanon has framed it, particularly the Algerian struggle.

Paper given at the Memory Studies Association (MSA) annual conference in Newcastle (UK), on 4 July 2023

Abstract:
Several scholars have highlighted Italy's difficulty in coming to terms with its recent violent past and take responsibility for its national crimes. Italy's public memory is a particularly fertile ground for studying 'multidirectional forgetting'. This is due to several factors, among which we could include the following: Italy's national formation developed almost in parallel with its colonial expansion; the colonization of overseas territories was preceded by the 'internal colonization' of the South; Fascism appeared for the first time in Italy; racial regulations in the colonies anticipated the Racial Laws of 1938; and in WW2 Italy was first the main ally of Nazi Germany and then one of its enemies, first an occupying power and later an occupied, fractured country.
This paper analyzes some aspects of Italy's multidirectional forgetting through the interviews and writings of Primo Levi, one of its most influential memory agents. I highlight a tension that characterizes Levi's memory narratives: on the one hand, a subtle tendency to partially subscribe to the myth of the 'good Italian' (Del Boca, 2005) and a faltering postcolonial consciousness; on the other hand, an attention to the protean transformations of fascism and a willingness to project his Auschwitz experience onto the present, tracing careful parallels (and distinctions) between the structures of power that led to the Lager and contemporary forms of violence and injustice. By examining this tension, I discuss both the critical potential and the limitations of Levi's 'ethical memory' (Gordon, 2001) and 'mnemonic solidarity' (Mihai, 2022).

Bu çalışmada Deli Yürek: Bumerang Cehennemi'nde terör sorunun hangi temalar çerçevesinde sunulduğu filmin söylemsel ve göstergebilimsel analizi ile ortaya konulmuş ve Diyarbakır'ın çekim mekanı olarak kullanılmasının filme etkileri araştırılmıştır. Yapılan analiz sonucunda Bumerang Cehennemi filminde terör olaylarının dış ülkelerin etkisi ile ortaya çıktığı yönündeki ispatı zor bir söylemin hakim olduğu, terörün dış bağlantılarına ve onların devlet içindeki yerli işbirlikçilerine yoğunlaşıldığı, terör olaylarını doğuran ekonomik, toplumsal ve siyasal sebeplere sadece örtük olarak değinildiği, dolayısıyla sorunun bağlamından edildiği sonuçlarına ulaşılmıştır. Ayrıca Diyarbakır ilinin tarihi ve kültürel dokusuyla filme zenginlik kattığı, özellikle yöreye ait Türkçe ve Kürtçe türkülerin hem filmin duygu yönünü hem de verilmek istenilen kardeşlik mesajlarını güçlendirdiği belirlenmiştir.

The postmodern political Agency deals with the complex crossing of
the primary issues of contemporary political philosophy in governance,
including the dispute between the modern and the postmodern as different and opposite means of ideas. With reference to the obvious serious loss of confidence in Western model of democracy that failed to make any significant mark in the developing world, many scholars have argued that in the field of philosophy and political discourses, there are many different paths to the turn from the modern to the postmodern, representing a complex narratives of diverse and often divergent trails through different disciplines and cultural/moral terrains. One pathway moves through Michel Foucault who denies that there can be any basis for objective descriptive statements of social reality or universal normative statements that are not socially conditioned and locally bound. Troubled by the sad developments of positivist modernity, Partha Chatteijee, of prestigious Subaltern Studies in India, offers a new web
of conceptual definition of identity politics in selected countries. Using a sound group of literature from India, he demonstrates how local forms of popular politics have transformed both the local communities as well as national scenes. He argues that democracy "should be seen as politics of the governed" (p. 4). The core issue is about the "ethical dimensions" of the new democratic

Copyright c by Società editrice il Mulino, Bologna. Tutti i diritti sono riservati. Per altre informazioni si veda https://www.rivisteweb.it Licenza d'uso L'articoloè messo a disposizione dell'utente in licenza per uso esclusivamente privato e personale, senza scopo di lucro e senza fini direttamente o indirettamente commerciali. Salvo quanto espressamente previsto dalla licenza d'uso Rivisteweb,è fatto divieto di riprodurre, trasmettere, distribuire o altrimenti utilizzare l'articolo, per qualsiasi scopo o fine. Tutti i diritti sono riservati.

La figura del demonio ha sido una de las más prolíficas de la Historia del Arte, ha permanecido en el imaginario colectivo, y tras siglos representándose, también pasó al cine. Tuvo un gran auge en el Neohollywood de Estados Unidos durante los años 70 como síntoma de una sociedad y cine en cambio. El exorcista es la película que representa este hecho. William Friedkin supo atraer la atención de un público joven e insuflar vida a un género que iba en decadencia. El trabajo de su equipo con el maquillaje fue fundamental para el desarrollo de los efectos especiales. El exorcista es una película de gran importancia dentro de la historia del cine. Supuso una revolución sociológica y es un eslabón de gran importancia para el cine de terror

Frantz Fanon's reputation has radically changed over the last sixty years: In the 1960s, he was considered a prophet of violence, an unrelenting revolutionary "that posed an even greater threat to the West than communism." 1 Recently, however, scholars have called for serious reflection about "Fanon's supposed glorification of violence as socially and psychologically liberating," 2 and argued that his ideas, rather than bringing fire and sword, "allow us to look (…) toward a critique of the configurations of contemporary globalization." 3 It is a question that merits peace studies scholars' attention in this moment, as thoughtful interpretations of the classical authors who dealt with the relationship between politics and violence form the premise for any informed reflection on violence. The image of Fanon as a bloodthirsty philosopher is clearly exaggerated;

»Die ‚Affäre Moro'-Linksterrorismus und Verschwörungstheorien im Italien der späten 1970er Jahre«. Shortly after the left-wing terrorist group Red Brigades kidnapped the former Italian Prime Minister Aldo Moro in March 1978 numerous conspiracy theories began to spread. At the core of many of these theories was-and still is-the belief that the Red Brigades were controlled by a foreign power. The headquarters of Italian left-wing terrorism was suspected everywhere but home. In the following article Tobias Hof describes the evolution and the different bearers of these theories and addresses their functional character by analyzing possible motives for injecting them into the public discourse. He shows how different groups from the far left to the far right of the political spectrum used conspiracy theories to de-legitimize the political opponent or legitimize their own policy in relation to the Moro abduction. The Moro murder case shines the clearest light on the triad of terrorism-conspiracyand anti-terrorism policy in Italy in the late 1970s.

She has served as Expert Evaluator of the European Commission in Brussels for more than 10 years. She also a Member of the Editorial Boards of European Societies, the European Journal of Cultural Studies and a member of the Advisory Board of Music and Arts in Action.

The Algerian War is a documentary film written and directed by Peter Batty, produced in 1984 for TV broadcast transmission by Channel 4 in the UK. It is probably fair to say that the length of the film, in five parts of roughly fifty minutes each (an hour with commercial breaks), is a fair compromise between the mission to inform, budgetary constraints, and the commercial need to appeal to a broad general audience. This balance is probably about right for an Anglophone audience thirty years after events.  The contemporary audience would have immediately drawn parallels with the 'Troubles' in Northern Ireland, but the film sticks to its brief: the parallel is drawn unprompted by one interviewee, briefly. If we must label it, let's call this an example of popular history. It can be taken as read that what we see is a simplification: but do the form, medium and execution unavoidably mislead? Or: can they bring original insights and perspectives? Regardless of medium, popular history spotlights some aspects of a subject at the expense of others. This is as it should be: an exhaustively broad but superficial coverage would serve no-one. There are pitfalls, but equally opportunities. Popular history needs to engage as well as educate: the viewer should 'lean forward' and be motivated to learn more. I feel this is a useful 'litmus test' for good popular history - to which I will return… The point has important consequences: the selective treatment can be turned to advantage if it provokes questions in the mind of the viewer. This film is hard-hitting when it needs to be, deploying grim imagery of atrocities to underline the human cost, to catch the viewer's attention, and to engage their emotions. These generals and colonels nearly overthrew the French state, they are openly admitting to crimes against humanity, they seem to be very cocksure - why are they still at liberty! What happened to them, and what were the repercussions in France and in Algeria after independence and the mass exodus of the Europeans? Stay tuned, viewer: but be aware the film must leave these and much else of significance as homework for you…

The 21st century is only ten years old, yet it has already created an identity for itself – that of a crumbling modernity. The collapsing World Trade Centre has become the defining image of the decade, if not of the century, bringing terrorists out of their ‘Afghan caves’ and into the heart of the city, ushering in a terrorised urban existence. Hindi cinema, like cinema across the world, has tried a variety of ways to define this fear, to understand the figure of the terrorist and, of course, to link and de-link terrorism and the ordinary Muslim. In the recent past, two Hindi films that have dealt with the issue of urban terror are Rajkumar Gupta’s Aamir and Rakeysh Omprakash Mehra’s Delhi-6. In this essay, I would like to argue that despite stemming from a common purpose – to present an alternative view point to the existing discourse on terrorism and Islam’s relationship with it in the 21st century – the two films achieve something decidedly different and, in fact, have opposite i...

Ha collaborato alla stesura di diverse sceneggiature per il cinema e la televisione. Con Giuseppe Palumbo ha recentemente pubblicato anche un graphic novel, Un sogno turco (BUR, 2008). La violenza illustrata Pierpaolo Antonello e Alan O'Leary Giancarlo De Cataldo, nostra intenzione in questa intervista è quella di discutere con lei alcune questioni relative alla sua attività di scrittore e sceneggiatore, a partire da un nostro interesse storicocritico particolare che è anche al centro delle sue narrazioni: la rappresentazione del terrorismo nella letteratura e nel cinema italiani degli ultimi trent'anniargomento al centro di una crescente attenzione e riflessione critiche, sia in Italia che all'estero. 1 A questo riguardo, un primo punto d'entrata rispetto alla specificità della sua opera potrebbe essere individuato nella evidente assimmetria che caratterizza la rappresentazione del terrorismo italiano, sia in ambito filmico che in ambito letterario: si è parlato molto del terrorismo di sinistra e poco del terrorismo di destra. Ci sono stati numerosi libri, memoriali, ricostruzioni storiche, film che hanno discusso e rappresentato il brigatismo e il terrorismo rosso, mentre molto meno è stato fatto rispetto a quello neo-fascista. Lei è invece uno dei pochi autori che si sia cimentato con la grande narrazione complottistica e sacrificale della destra.

Sweet sorghum (Sorghum bicolor (L)), is a potential cultivated plant, especially in marginal and dry areas, sorghum has an important role as a source of carbohydrates, sorghum is expected as an alternative choice for peatland cultivation, with the use of peatlands is also expected Raising awareness of the environment by cultivating more environmentally friendly plants. The aim of this research is to know the influence and get the best dosage of cow urine on growth and production of Sorghum (Sorghum bicolor L) plant on peat soil. The experiment was conducted experimentally by using Completely Randomized Design (RAL), with one factor, namely: Cow urine administration, given in 5 treatments and 4 replications, resulting in 20 trials. Each experimental unit consists of 4 plants and 2 plants to be sampled. The factors studied were A0 = dose of cow urine 0 cc / 1, A1 = dose of cow urine 25 cc / 1, A2 = dose of cow urine 50 cc / 1, A3 = dose of cow urine 75 cc / 1, A4 = dose Cow urine 100 ...

This article explores the connections between vulnerability, gender and terrorist violence, drawing on Algerian filmmaker Djamila Sahraoui's Yema (2012). The film will first be situated in relation to Sahraoui's oeuvre, and within a wider context of debates around the changing nature of political violence and its representation in Maghrebi, Hollywood and European cinema. This comparison underlines Yema's innovatory formal and thematic focus on slow narrative time, sparse aesthetics, and fragile, intimate images. The article then examines the concept of vulnerability in relation to terrorism, in particular linking Sahraoui's choice of formal techniques to the film's thematic staging of various modes of physical and psychical vulnerability to violence. Finally, the allegorical and mythological motifs used in Yema will be considered in relation to the gendering of the figures of victim and agent in both the film and wider cultural imaginaries of political violence. Finally, the article shows how Sahraoui offers a feminist reconfiguration of the myths of Medea and Antigone, discussing the relation between maternity, the nation, and the state in the Algerian context, suggesting that, in the film's dramatization of a mother who inflicts suffering, larger questions are raised about personal and political responses to the feelings of exposure that terrorist violence engenders. I am not completely convinced of the reading of Ouardia's refusal to allow Ali to help her as a refusal of vulnerability. She does allow the guardian to assist her, so the refusal appears to be less about her sense of self than about her sense of whom she should and shouldn't allow to participate in community building work and ritual. The author also might want to think through whether the ideal of self-sufficiency described by Butler applies to a rural Algerian context, one in which a sense of selfhood may be closer to the relational self described by Suad Joseph than the independent individual.

El presente artículo analiza de forma comparativa dos debates estéticos fundamentales del siglo XX, la reproductibilidad técnica y el kitsch. Ambos debates se desarrollaron a lo largo de las décadas 20 y 30, y tuvieron como protagonistas, entro otros, a Adorno y Benjamin. El artículo defiende que existen numerosos elementos comunes en ambos debates, que dan buena cuenta de la controversia filosófica que tuvieron los dos filósofos. Pese a que la discusión entre ellos estalla a partir de la cuestión de la reproductibilidad técnica, en sus textos del kitsch ya se pueden observar muchos elementos que apuntan hacia esa discordancia. PalabRas clave: reproductibilidad técnica, estética, kitsch, Adorno, Benjamin. The article analyses comparatively two essential aesthetics debates of the XX th century, mechanical reproduction and kitsch. Both of them were developed throughout the 20 th and 30 th decades, and had as protagonists, among others, Adorno and Benjamin. The article defends that exist many common elements between the two debates, that elucidate the philosophical controversy between the two philosophers. Despite that the discussion emerged with the mechanical reproduction issue, there are several elements in their texts about kitsch that indicate in advance the disagreement.

L’impulsion archivistique qui, selon Hal Foster, caractérise l’art contemporain est aussi un phénomène propre au cinéma. Cet article ne cherche pas à alimenter à nouveau la théorie du film de found footage ou du film de montage, mais tente plutôt une approche esthétique du geste de la reprise au sein de trois films (de Filipa César, de Jean-Louis Comolli avec Sylvie Lindeperg et de Philip Scheffner) mettant en scène le dispositif même de l’archive, en vue notamment d’esquisser le champ épistémologique dans lequel interviennent les opérations esthétiques de réutilisation ou de recomposition des images et des sons d’archives. Certains films d’essai, reprenant des éléments de l’histoire du cinéma, s’intéressent à la qualité épistémique de la technique d’enregistrement et à l’unicité de l’expérience propre au visionnement et à l’écoute d’un document visuel ou sonore. Cet article propose également une analyse des modes d’affection créés par la reprise des images et des sons, dans la mesu...

This paper illustrates which themes were used to present terror problem in the movie through the discourse and semiotic analysis and the effects of that the movie was made in Diyarbakir are examined. As the results of the analysis, in the movie there is a hegemonic conspiracy discourse that the terror incidents in Turkey have been caused by foreign countries; the movie focuses on the external links of terror problem and their collaborators in the country,; the economic, social and political problems were mentioned only implicitly, hence the problem is isolated from its context. Additionally, it is discovered that Diyarbakir enhanced the visual and esthetical features of the movie with historical and social features, especially the folkloric songs in Kurdish and Turkish strengthen the emotional aspect of the movie as well as the brotherhood messages among the people.

Ente di afferenza: () Copyright c by Società editrice il Mulino, Bologna. Tutti i diritti sono riservati. Per altre informazioni si veda https://www.rivisteweb.it Licenza d'uso L'articoloè messo a disposizione dell'utente in licenza per uso esclusivamente privato e personale, senza scopo di lucro e senza fini direttamente o indirettamente commerciali. Salvo quanto espressamente previsto dalla licenza d'uso Rivisteweb,è fatto divieto di riprodurre, trasmettere, distribuire o altrimenti utilizzare l'articolo, per qualsiasi scopo o fine. Tutti i diritti sono riservati.

Gillo Pontecorvo’s feature breakthrough is the adaptation of Franco Solinas’ short novel Squarcio , focused on the life of a lonely fisherman who uses bombs as wells as fishnets, endangering his life every day. After the first approach with Giovanna, the relationship between the director and his customary screenwriter sharpens. Some casting issue: the actors do not satisfy Pontecorvo, because their physiognomy doesn’t match with those of the characters. The importance of sea landscape into the mise-en-scene’s building. The expressive use of sound. The political meaning: individualism against work’s collectivization