Right Wing Rhetoric

ste ensayo es un resultado preliminar de una investigacion en curso. Su objetivo es explorar historicamente el origen y desarrollo de los partidos politicos chilenos como modelo organizativo que canalizo los conflictos sociales hasta 1973. El tema especifico de la investigacion es el destino de esos partidos bajo la dictadura militar que se instauro en esa fecha. Sin embargo, la consideracion del desarrollo historico del sistema que llegaron a constituir los partidos se hace necesaria para cualquier analisis que no de por supuesta la representatividad social de los actores politicos. La periodizacion usada en esta exposicion es convencional. Esta estructurada alrededor de las variaciones en el sistema de gobierno, las cuales implican cambios y readecuaciones en los partidos y en el sistema conformado por estos. Como se indica mas adelante, esta periodizacion es inadecuada en tanto resalta los elementos de continuidad y estabilidad en detrimento de los conflictos y las confrontaciones que representan el elemento dinamico del sistema en su conjunto. Sin embargo, una periodizacion que tomara, por ejemplo, como eje a los partidos y su desarrollo requeriria una investigacion historica muy profunda, mas alla de los limites de este ensayo. Profesor del Departamento de Politica y Cultura, UAM-X.

An Open Letter to Nick Cater was sent to critically unpack Cater's criticism of those claim trauma inheritance, The critique demonstrates the many associated cognition fallacies in his argument; producing mere rightwing nonsense.


This is a second open letter to Nick Cater is an addendum to my argument in the first letter. The addendum reinforcing the original argument by using C. Wright Mills' (1960), "Letter to the New Left", New Left Review, No. 5, September-October 1960, to demonstrated, 80 years later,  Cater's logical mistakes or what he had missed from his poor education on the topic of 'ideology', 'the end of ideology', and nuanced thinking.

The present economic recession has reasserted the importance of centrifugal tendencies in rich regions of EU member states. Authorities, political parties and public opinion in these regions voice with an increasing frequency their opposition against the existent redistributive mechanisms of the nation-states. While in some cases such affirmations certainly do not intend to question the existence of the nation-state as such (for example in Bavaria and Baden-Württemberg in Germany), in other cases this antiredistributionism is more explicitly linked to claims for more autonomy or independence, especially in cases where these rich regions also have a tradition of ethnic mobilization. Such secessionist claims are, however, not limited anymore to such cases of “traditional” national minorities, as the example of the Lega Nord and its professed Padanian nationalism demonstrates.

The current politics of austerity in response to the economic crisis are by no means unique in the 20th and early 21st century history. In this article we ask for parallels and differences of the World Economic Crises of 1929 and 2008, their evolvement and impact as well as for the respective political strategies from a feminist perspective. Therefore we refer to feminist analyses, articles and essays on the current crisis as well as from the interwar period. The spatial focus of the comparison is on Austria and Germany.

V von zwei tamburelli 7 akzentuierten Musik. Verwirrend wirkte auf meine fremden Augen und Ohren 8 auch der (scheinbare) Kontrast zwischen dem sanften, einhüllenden Klang der Zampogna und der rohen, rauen Qualität ihres aus Ziegenfell gefertigten Blasebalgs. Eine weitere "Irritation" stellte der musikalische Vortrag selbst dar: Die mal rascheren, mal getrageneren Musikstücke, die ich (in Unkenntnis lokaler Gepflogenheiten) wohl als "Tarantella" 9 bezeichnet hätte, wirkten-ungeachtet der die Zampogna in harmonischer wie tonumfangsmäßiger Sicht charakterisierenden Einschränkungen 10-merkwürdigerweise ganz und gar nicht "eintönig". Der Vorführung eignete eine zugleich provokant und herzlich wirkende, die eigene Persönlichkeit zurücknehmende Ironie, bei der es sich, wie ich bald feststellen würde, um eine "Grundzutat" lokalen Kommunizierens handelte. Getanzt wurdeunter Missachtung altersbedingter Skrupel-paarweise und mit natürlicher Lässigkeit zu der auf mich alles andere als "cool" wirkenden Musik. Albidona heißt also ein Dorf in Nordkalabrien. So lautet aber auch der Name eines Ortes, der nur in meiner Vorstellung existiert. Eine implizite Leitfrage der vorliegenden Abschlussarbeit betrifft demnach das Verhältnis der beiden Albidonas-des realen und des imaginierten-zueinander. Das Potential eines süditalienischen Bergdorfs, in der Wahrnehmung einer im (urbanen) Norden akkulturierten Person wie mir zu einer folkloristischen Projektion, einem sich selbst bestätigenden Stereotyp zu geraten, ist beträchtlich. Um also "mein Albidona" ein wenig zur Deckung zu bringen mit dem realen Dorf dieses Namens, unternahm ich im Sommer 2007 eine ethnographische Reise, von der die folgenden Seiten dokumentierend, kommentierend und reflektierend berichten. 7 Vgl. Glossar im Anhang, S. 117. 8 Zum (im Deutschen überlicherweise verwendeten) Begriff des ‚kulturellen Hörens' vgl. die u. a. vom oben zitierten Lortat-Jacob stammenden Beiträge in der Sendereihe "Miteinander, gegeneinander, gemeinsam. Mehrstimmiger Gesang in Westeuropa" (Ö1 Radiokolleg, 23. bis 26. 03. 2009). 9 Vgl. Glossar im Anhang (S. 117) sowie den Vortrag (S. 95) des italienischen Ethnologen Castagna über die Tarantella als bürgerlich-aristokratische Erfindung ("La truffa della tarantella"; für die italienischsprachige Originalversion siehe S. 122). 10 Vgl. dazu auch das Radiointerview mit dem Musiker Pasquale Laino auf S. 44.-Im "New Grove" (Sadie 1980) wird die Zampogna folgendermaßen beschrieben: "It has a bag usually formed of a whole skin. The four pipes, all held in one large stock, include two conical chantes, one for each hand, and two crudely bored cylindrical drones. [...]". VI Danksagungen/Ringraziamenti Stellvertretend für all jene Menschen aus meinem privaten Umfeld, die den Entstehungsprozess dieser Arbeit auf die eine oder andere Art unterstützend begleitet haben und denen ich hierfür meinen herzlichen Dank aussprechen möchte, seien hier meine Mutter Irmgard Ebner und ihr Lebenspartner Arnold Fijan genannt. Massimo Cialfi, der mich (nicht nur) nach Albidona begleitet hat, danke ich für ungezählte Gespräche und wertvolle Hinweise zum Thema italienischer Volksmusiken. Für den in Nordkalabrien situierten Teil meiner Forschungsarbeit sei zunächst meinen Gastgebern Michele Sangineto (mit Familie) sowie seinem in Albidona lebenden Bruder Rosario Sangineto (mit Familie) gedankt. Ein freundschaftliches Dankeschön für die unermüdliche Auskunftsbereitschaft geht zum einen an meinen kulturmittlerisch hilfreichen ‚Hauptinformanten', den Studenten (mittlerweile Bachelor) der Politikwissenschaften Angelo Laino, sowie an den "Dorfhistoriker" von Albidona, den Jounalisten und Buchautor Giuseppe Rizzo. 11 Nicht zuletzt möchte ich den Protagonistinnen und Protagonisten der vorliegenden Arbeit, meinen Gesprächspartnerinnen und-partnern

Este artículo tiene como objetivo analizar las prácticas emocionales de la derecha chilena entre 1964 y 1973, en específico, expresar y prescribir emociones. En dicho periodo, la derecha chilena, conformada por una constelación de partidos y movimientos, se enfrentó a los desafíos emanados de las iniciativas políticas e ideológicas del Partido Demócrata Cristiano y de la Unidad Popular, cada cual con un programa de transformaciones específicas. Desde el punto de vista de la derecha chilena, estas iniciativas resultaban ser amenazantes y peligrosas en tanto transformaban numerosos puntos claves de sus intereses y de su sensibilidad política. Así, sostengo que la derecha chilena enarboló una estilo emocional marcado por una constelación de emociones y sentimientos que oscilan entre el miedo, el temor, la inseguridad y la incertidumbre. En su interior, se conformaron subgrupos emocionales que dotaron de significados específicos sus emociones. Asimismo, la derecha chilena construyó una respuesta prescriptiva sobre el miedo, la que consistió, primero, en una rechazo del miedo por considerarse una emoción ligada a la cobardía, y segundo, en un aliento a la acción política mediante un llamado a la valentía. En términos metodológicos, este trabajo se realizó a partir del examen de tres archivos: Repositorio de la Universidad Adolfo Ibáñez (UAI), Centro de Investigación y Documentación de la Universidad FinisTerrae (CIDOC UFT) y Archivo Jaime Guzmán, y sus documentos (textos partidarios, declaraciones y correspondencia intercambiada), enfocando el problema desde la historia de las emociones y su relevancia como enfoque para estudiar la política.

Stockholm Studies in Romance Languages (SSIRL) is a peer-reviewed series of monographs and edited volumes published by Stockholm University Press. SSIRL strives to provide a broad forum for research on Romance Languages of all periods, including both linguistics and literature. In terms of subjects and methods, the journal covers language structure, variation and meaning, spoken and written genres, as well as literary scholarship in a broad sense. It is the ambition of SSIRL to place equally high demands on the academic quality of the manuscripts it accepts as those applied by refereed international journals and academic publishers of a similar orientation.

und nun Sahra Wagenknecht. Auf den ersten Blick könnten diese Charaktere unterschiedlicher nicht sein, aber sie alle eint, dass sie sich an die Spitze einer "Bewegung" gestellt haben, das "Momentum" in ihren Parteien nutzten, die Republik "en marche" gesetzt haben, ein "unbeugsames Frankreich" beschworen oder eben "aufgestanden" sind. Sammlungsbewegungen sind hip. Und so unterschiedlich ihre Zielrichtungen sein mögen, sie alle spiegeln den Zeitgeist wider: Sie sind Kinder der Politikverdrossenheit in den westeuropäischen Gesellschaften. #aufstehen formuliert das sogar sehr deutlich: "Keine Politikerin, kein Politiker, keine Partei wird unsere Probleme lösen, wenn wir es nicht selbst tun."

icrocredit is on everyone's lips. With his Grameen Bank and microcredits, Nobel Peace Prize laureate Muhammed Yunus captured the attention of the global public for a brief moment. At a time when intercultural escalation and short-sightedness threaten to make the clash of civilizations a reality, this moment in the media appears to be a glimmer of hope. But is the significance of microcredits exhausted in this? Is there a long-term perspective for a development partnership in favor of the poorest, because the performance of Mohammed Yunus is ethically and developmentally groundbreaking? I would like to pursue the last question in this essay by exploring three aspects. Firstly, the concept of development will be examined and tested for its universalizability. Second, from an ethical point of view, the performance of Mohammed Yunus and the Grameen Initiative will be discussed and, third, this performance will be discussed in the light of the new global challenges.

Despite the everyday presence of disasters in the media and a growing number of disaster movies made in Germany, there is only a small amount of disaster literature in contemporary German writing. This article aims to explore, how disasters are enacted in different ways in contemporary novels, film and media in German language by comparing Frank Schätzing's beststeller Der Schwarm, Tomas Glavinic's Die Arbeit der Nacht and the movie Die Sturmflut.

There will be good governance only when philosophers become kings or the kings become philosophers [Plato] aving devoted a large part of his own research to the history of democracy, and in particular focusing on the French political model, Pierre Rosanvallon developed, among the basic ideas of his thought, the concept for which between citizens and political class there was an increasingly unbearable distance, thus producing the loss of trust that ruled people could pin on leaders, and creating a wide space of "active distrust". Hence, first of all, the idea of establishing a "counterdemocracy", founded on new ideals on which the daily work of "counter-democracy" citizens should be based: "monitoring", "prevention" and "judging". (As evidenced from one of his own reference texts, Counterdemocracy 1 , dated 2006, in which the idea of current democracies citizens abandoning the streets in order to take refuge in the sphere of private life, for example, is reconsidered, etc.). In addition to that, it is necessary to reflect on H

In meiner Arbeit beschäftige ich mich mit der Finanzierungsmethode der Kleinkreditvergabe als geeignetes Mittel in der Entwicklungszusammenarbeit bzw. als Instrument für ein Empowerment von Frauen. In diesem Rahmen beziehe ich mich auf die staatliche Frauenbank BANMUJER in Venezuela, welche Kleinkredite an Frauen vergibt. Die Arbeit ist in einen theoretischen und einen empirischen Teil unterteilt, welche im Fazit miteinander verbunden werden. In meinem theoretischen Teil beziehe ich mich auf die Theorien von Muhammad Yunus, der Wirtschaftsprofessor und Friedensnobelpreisträger von 2006 hat durch seine Mikrokreditbank in Bangladesch, der Grameen Bank, eine weltweite Mikrofinanzierungswelle ausgelöst. Selbst die Weltbank erkennt die Vergabe von Kleinkrediten als wirkungsvolles Mittel der Armutsbekänpfung an. Dabei führt die Vergabe nicht nur zu einer wirtschaftlichen Besserstellung, sondern auch zu sozialen Veränderungen. Wie die von mir untersuchte venezolanische Frauenbank BANMUJER ...

In this article, the impact that the presidential elections of 1932 had on the Madrilenian daily press in the Second Republic is analized. In these electoral meetings Franklin D. Roosevelt was presented as the democratic candidate and he won the election on November 8th, and became the thirty second president of the United States. In 1932, two significant historical moments coincided in the politics of both countries. On the one hand, the American nation chose a democratic president, Franklin D. Roosevelt, to lead the destiny of the country, and on the other hand, in Spain, April 14th, 1931, a democratic political system was set up, the Second Republic. So, in this study, two societies, the American and the Spanish will be related and the written press studied as the means of communication between both of them.

Vorweg muss gesagt werden, dass das Volkskundemuseum ein besonderer Ort ist. Von einer Institution der Trachten und Heimattümelei hat es sich zu einem Raum verwandelt, der Alltagskultur und Praxen von allen sichtbar macht, die hier sind. Seit vielen Jahren setzt man sich kritisch mit der eigenen Ausstellungs-, Sammlungs-und Forschungspraxis auseinander. Viele Formate entstehen nicht bloß, indem etwas über jemanden bzw. etwas gezeigt wird, oftmals bringen sich jene die ausgestellt werden ein, erzählen mit, mitunter können auch Besucherinnen und Besucher selbst intensiv mitwirken. Das Volkskundemuseum ist ein "Useum", es will benützt und gebraucht werden-angreifen, mitnehmen, sich einbringen, etwas dalassen, Fotos machen ist erlaubt und erwünscht.

De obreros a trabajadores. De campesinos a agricultores. La propaganda de la dictadura cívico-militar en El Mercurio (1973-1976) Millaray Cárcamo Hermosilla 1 Resumen: Se aborda la propaganda generada en la dictadura cívico-militar chilena durante 1973-1976, en específico, la representación del mundo rural, minero y obrero en inserciones emitidas en El Mercurio. Se analizan las imágenes y se identifican símbolos, conceptos y personajes que caracterizan a los grupos estudiados, considerando su contexto de circulación. Se recopilan, caracterizan e identifican diversas series de imágenes provenientes de las campañas de propaganda del régimen. Además, se profundiza en la política comunicacional de la dictadura y cómo generó las directrices que determinaron la producción e intencionalidad de las inserciones estudiadas.

Todo este coro de calumnias, que el partido del orden, con sus orgías de sangre, nunca deja de alzar contra sus víctimas, sólo demuestra que el burgués de nuestros días se considera el legítimo heredero del antiguo señor feudal, para quien todas las armas eran buenas contra los plebeyos, mientras que en manos de éstos toda arma constituía por sí sola un crimen. 2 RESUMEN La instalación y el trágico fin de la Comuna de París a comienzos de 1871 fueron cubiertos con particular atención por la prensa de Valparaíso y Santiago. Ese interés no fue sólo el de espectadores distantes ante un suceso de por sí dramático. Sus reportajes fueron vinculados a las transformaciones en el ámbito productivo que había comenzado a experimentar la sociedad chilena desde la década de 1850, que paulatinamente comenzaron a generar un mundo de asalariados en las principales ciudades del país. Conjuntos de trabajadores cada vez más numerosos se formaron en la construcción ferroviaria y de otras ABSTRACT The rise and tragic fall of the Paris Commune were reported extensively by the press of Valparaíso and Santiago. What the newspapers did was not just the result of the interest about a distant although dramatic event, but a biased coverage that was related to the transformations that Chile had been experiencing from the early 1850s which as one important by-product had turned up an increasing number of salaried workers. Whether in the constructions and operation of the railways and other public works or in the new factories that sprung up in the main cities, or in

Due to his famous Discurso a la Patria Joven that he held during the presidential election of Chile in 1964 as well as on the occasion of his inaugural, Eduardo Frei Montalva offers a well defined image of the Chilean nation: He aims at winning the adhesion of the people to his idea of an economic, social, and ethic renewal of the nation. In the following we will propose a textlinguistic analysis of this jewel of political rhetoric pointing to the subtle semiotic elaboration of Frei's address conceived of as an instrument of the formation of the nation. Our analysis focuses on the different moments that may be discerned within the process of creating a political identity and its rhetorical elaboration and propagation through the media. The strong moralising tendency of this address aims at demanding societal solidarity and active participation in the formation of the nation as the democratic duty of each individual.

Mill war ein außerordentlich vielseitiger und tiefgründiger Denker. Das zwingt im Rahmen eines Aufsatzes zur thematischen Beschränkung auf höchstens zwei Themenbereiche. Seine Überlegungen zur Entstehung und Zukunft demokratischer Institutionen sind von besonderer Aktualität, da wir Demokratie inzwischen für selbstverständlich halten und nicht für einen historischen Glücksfall.
Die Entstehung von Demokratien wird nach Mill durch wirtschaftliche Entwicklung begünstigt, da sie die Menschen innerhalb marktlicher Koordination an Arbeit für Andere gewöhnt. Eine solche Mentalität kann dann auch eher in der herrschenden Klasse Fuß fassen, die ihre Tätigkeit dann nicht mehr als kleptokratische Selbstbereicherung, sondern als Regelsetzung zum Vorteil aller verstehen kann. Entsprechende Mentalitäten sind aber nicht überall gegeben, und damit verbieten sich beispielsweise auch Experimente mit gewaltsamen Demokratieexporten. Mill bevorzugte hier den Weg einer paternalistischen Wirtschaftsentwicklung.
Auch seine Überlegungen zur Meinungsfreiheit sind aktueller denn je. Von anderen Meinungen, Theorien und Weltsichten könne man immer etwas lernen; daher sollte eine meinungsoffene Gesellschaft für abweichende (also konkurrierende!) Ansichten immer ein offenes Ohr haben. Und den Vertretern der ›führenden Cliquen‹ rät Mill sogar, in einem aufgeheizten Meinungsklima als Erste den Ton zu mäßigen und eine gesellschaftliche Ausgrenzung zu überdenken, wie sie vor allem in der "cancel culture" zu beobachten ist.

La litterature tend a caracteriser le populisme par deux dimensions : l'appel au peuple contre les elites et un type particulier de rapport au leader. A partir d'entretiens approfondis avec des militants de l'Union Democratique du Centre (UDC) menes dans le cadre d'une etude sur la pluralite des logiques d'engagement dans ce parti, ce texte traite du role de ces deux dimensions dans l'attachement au parti. Nous constatons d'une part que ces dimensions ne sont pas systematiquement presentes chez les militants rencontres ; l'attachement au parti peut meme s'operer en depit du discours « populiste » du parti. Nous montrons d'autre part que les formes que prennent ces dimensions different en fonction des proprietes sociales et des parcours de vie des activistes. En definitive, la notion de populisme, lorsqu'elle entend rendre compte de la « demande » d'attachement a ce type de parti venant des militants et/ou des electeurs, provoque plus d...

The economic crisis seems ubiquitous for a few years. It's in my thesis about taking a comprehensive look on the effects due to the economic crisis situation for migrants. It's about a real impact for those affected, first, within the EU, as well as on specific country case as Spain, for the migrants in Spain. Pushed to the margins of society and live under precarious conditions, the migrants are in a sense doubly affected by the crisis. Rising unemployment, social tension and increasingly to light passing racist and nationalist tendencies, coupled with restrictive government regulations increase the pressure on the increasingly migrants. It is in this sense an interaction between economic crisis and migration policy, to a conflict between the current political and economic events and their consequences. The crisis as a convenient excuse to further promote the partitioning of the fortress "EUropa" where just the actions of state security forces , as well as dealing...

Bajo el paradigma de modernización y desarrollo norteamericano -y en un contexto de Guerra Fría-, durante la década de 1960 se adecuaron a la realidad chilena programas de control de natalidad que no sólo buscaron disminuir las altas tasas de mortalidad materno infantil, sino que además respondieron al proyecto de seguridad hemisférica norteamericana de contención a posibles revoluciones populares en países del Tercer Mundo.

Europe is increasingly marked by the growth of right-wing populism.  In Central and Eastern European countries, in particular, right-wing populists tend to favour traditional forms of authority and patriarchal family structures, and have rather conservative attitudes towards sexual minorities.  They conceptualise homosexuality as an unnatural, corrupting, force on society and as a threat to the ‘traditional family’. They, therefore, oppose the extension of family rights to sexual minorities. 

Family law remains an area of exclusive State power. Thus, in European States where there is a right-wing populist government or where the government is heavily reliant on the support of right-wing populist groups, far-right populist ideology heavily influences national family policies and legislation which regulates family rights. Ιn such States, therefore, sexual minorities often enjoy very little or no family rights under national law and rainbow families (i.e. families comprised of a same-sex couple, with or without children) are cast as illegitimate, non-procreative, entities that are (and should remain) ignored by the law.

The negative impact of right-wing populism on the family rights of sexual minorities is, nonetheless, also, felt – albeit more indirectly – at a supranational level, since the European supranational Courts (the European Union’s (EU) European Court of Justice (ECJ) and the Council of Europe’s (CoE) European Court of Human Rights (ECtHR)) do not wish to deliver rulings regarding the family rights of sexual minorities, which will lead to a backlash  and/or rollback of sexual minority rights.

The aim of this paper will, therefore, be to examine the role that the rise of right-wing populism in certain European countries, may have played in limiting the family rights of sexual minorities in Europe at the supranational level. It should be noted that the paper will not test whether there have been specific incidents of a backlash or rollback of sexual minority rights, as a result of the reaction of right-wing populist groups or governments to specific rulings of the European supranational courts. Rather, it will take it as a given that the possibility of a backlash in some European States may be a reason for the more cautious approach exhibited by the ECtHR and the ECJ, with regard to matters in relation to which there is no European consensus and which are central to the right-wing populist agenda in some European countries, as is the case with the family rights of LGB persons.

The paper will begin with a section (Section 2) which will aim to introduce (briefly) populism (and, in particular, right-wing populism) and its approach towards sexual minorities; the focus will be on right-wing populism in a particular geographical context (Central and Eastern Europe) where it comes out as particularly hostile towards sexual minorities. The subsequent section (Section 3) will aim to analyse the approach of the ECtHR in cases involving claims to family rights by LGB persons. Section 4 will, then, examine how the ECJ has responded to questions referred by national courts for a preliminary ruling, which involved the cross-border recognition of the familial ties among the members of rainbow families. Section 5 will conclude.

Current comparative policy research gives no clear answer to the question of whether partisan politics in general or the partisan composition of governments in particular matter for different morality policy outputs across countries and over time. This article addresses this desideratum by employing a new encompassing dataset that captures the regulatory permissiveness in six morality policies that are homosexuality, samesex partnership, prostitution, pornography, abortion and euthanasia in 16 European countries over five decades from 1960 to 2010. Given the prevalent scepticism about a role for political parties for morality policies in existing research, this is a 'hard' test case for the 'parties do matter' argument. Starting from the basic theoretical assumption that different party families, if represented in national governments to varying degrees, ought to leave differing imprints on morality policy making, this research demonstrates that parties matter when accounting for the variation in morality policy outputs. This general statement needs to be qualified in three important ways. First, the nature of morality policy implies that party positions or preferences cannot be fully understood by merely focusing on one single cleavage alone. Instead, morality policy is located at the interface of different cleavages, including not only left-right and secular-religious dimensions, but also the conflicts between materialism and postmaterialism, green-alternative-libertarian and traditional-authoritarian-nationalist (GAL-TAN) parties, and integration and demarcation. Second, it is argued in this article that the relevance of different cleavages for morality issues varies over time. Third, partisan effects can be found only if individual cabinets, rather than country-years, are used as the unit of analysis in the research design. In particular, party families that tend to prioritise individual freedom over collective interests (i.e., left and liberal parties) are associated with significantly more liberal morality policies than party families that stress societal values and order (i.e., conservative/right and religious parties). While the latter are unlikely to overturn previous moves towards permissiveness, these results suggest that they might preserve the status quo at least. Curiously, no systematic effects of green parties are found, which may be because they have been represented in European governments at later periods when morality policy outputs were already quite permissive.

Seit Juli 2020 demonstrieren tausende Thailanderinnen und Thailander im In- und Ausland fur mehr Demokratie. Die Proteste werden von einer neuen Generation von Studierenden und Schulerinnen und Schulern getragen, die ein Tabu brechen: Zum ersten Mal seit 1932 wird ein Konig offen kritisiert. Weitreichende Reformen der Monarchie werden als notwendiger Ausgangspunkt fur eine Demokratisierung ins Zentrum der Forderungen gestellt. Dabei erscheinen die Proteste selbst wie eine humorvolle Unterhaltungsshow: Die Studierenden tanzen in Harry-Potter-Kostumen oder als Zeichentrick-Figur Hamtaro um das Demokratiemonument. Sie fuhren Parodien auf und machen die Monarchie lacherlich. Einige halten ein in Gold gerahmtes Foto in die Hohe, auf dem Pavin Chachavalpongpun mit seinem Schoshundchen zu sehen ist und proklamieren ihn zur Konigin von Thailand. Woher nehmen die jungen Aktivistinnen und Aktivisten ihren Mut? Und welche Rolle spielt Pavin und seine Facebook-Gruppe Royalist Marketplace?

Licencia CC Atribución 4.0 Internacional Allende, el allendismo y los partidos: El Frente de Acción Popular ante las elecciones presidenciales de 1958 Allende, the Allendism and the political parties: The Popular Action Front and the 1958´s presidential elections Joaquín Fernández Abara * Resumen Mediante el análisis de prensa informativa y partidaria, documentos partidistas, textos de memorialistas y estadística electoral, analizaremos la relación establecida entre Salvador Allende y los partidos Comunista y Socialista en las elecciones de presidenciales de 1958. Al respecto, sostendremos que dicha elección fue el acontecimiento que dejó en evidencia el surgimiento del allendismo, en cuanto una fuerza política capaz de movilizar a un electorado mayor que el de los partidos políticos de izquierda y generar lealtades políticas al interior de estos mismos.

La litterature tend a caracteriser le populisme par deux dimensions : l'appel au peuple contre les elites et un type particulier de rapport au leader. A partir d'entretiens approfondis avec des militants de l'Union Democratique du Centre (UDC) menes dans le cadre d'une etude sur la pluralite des logiques d'engagement dans ce parti, ce texte traite du role de ces deux dimensions dans l'attachement au parti. Nous constatons d'une part que ces dimensions ne sont pas systematiquement presentes chez les militants rencontres ; l'attachement au parti peut meme s'operer en depit du discours « populiste » du parti. Nous montrons d'autre part que les formes que prennent ces dimensions different en fonction des proprietes sociales et des parcours de vie des activistes. En definitive, la notion de populisme, lorsqu'elle entend rendre compte de la « demande » d'attachement a ce type de parti venant des militants et/ou des electeurs, provoque plus d...

We provide an explanation for Euroscepticism in Switzerland–and for the rise of the political right throughout the decade of the nineties–by looking at the effects of fundamental changes in the economy in the context of globalization and Europeanization. These ...

Clive Church, Emeritus Professor at the University of Kent, has been an attentive analyst of Swiss politics since 1970. After his major publications The Politics and Government of Switzerland (2004), Switzerland and the European Union (2007) and A Concise History of Switzerland (2013), the title of the author's latest book particularly catches the eye of the Swiss reader: How is an external observer looking at the substantial changes that politics have undergone over the last 40 years? Church starts with the traditional image of Switzerland's politics of the past decades: As a polity characterised by power sharing, conflict resolution by friendly and conciliatory compromise, exceptional political stability, economic success and hence a Sonderfall. This postwar Sonderfall was meant to apply not only to domestic politics but had a foreign policy dimension as well. It combined armed neutrality with political non-intervention but economic internationalism, based on diplomatic bilateralism. This allowed the country and its export-driven economy to develop useful cooperation and access to international markets while avoiding damaging political commitments. However, the fall of the Berlin Wall, the "no" of the people and the Cantons to join the European Single Market (ESM) in 1992 and the new dynamics of globalisation changed everything. The neo-liberal opening of markets, beginning with the famous White Book in 1994, was accompanied by socioeconomic changes and the deepest economic crisis since 50 years. Never had Switzerland known unemployment rates as those of the 1990s. While Switzerland was hit by de-industrialisation, service industries grew but at the same time practices of Swiss banks came under pressure, notably from the US. The welfare state as well as relations between organised capital and labour came under pressure. Growing income disparities, practices of internationalised management of big firms, rising poverty, the growing weight of immigration, increasing crime and violence led to new social conflicts. The time of a "smooth running and harmonious society" (51), so Church, was over. The age of new Uncertainties had begun. What should then be the place of Switzerland in the world? After 1989, neutrality, from being unproblematic, stable and reliable, became questionable, the mission of the army, once the "cement" of society, unclear. With joining the UN by a successful popular vote in 2001, Switzerland took a step closer to the international community. Finding ways to maintain and to develop relations with the EU after the defeat of the ESM-treaty and without membership remained the primary challenge of the Swiss government up to now. The two series of bilateral treaties with Brussels were a first answer, accompanied by further agreements, notably on the Schengen-Dublin system, on financial contributions to the EU-cohesion fund and on education. Yet, difficulties remain. Brussels excludes further developments of the bilateral way without an institutional arrangementa proposition fiercely attacked by conservative EU-opponents. This puts the existing arrangement with the EU in a veritable crisis: The popular initiative against "mass immigration", accepted by the people in 2014, aims at controlling immigration, which is contradictory to the EU principle of free movement of persons.

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The Swiss People's Party (Schweizerische Volkspartei [SVP]) has increased its territorial extensiveness and organizational intensiveness in recent years, and has professionalised its strategies of communication. This article analyses the dynamics characterising the SVP's organization. It shows that with its locally rooted presence and its effort to generate ideological coherence, the party has embraced the "mass party" organizational model. It additionally assesses the extent to which the SVP's centralised power at the federal level is conducive to the party's further electoral success. Having considered both the party at national level and three of its most important cantonal branches, the article argues that the organizational dominance of the SVP's central leadership was beneficial for the party's electoral strength but will lead to tensions with cantonal and local branches, which are largely in charge, to build and maintain an active base.

, the body of James Byrd was chained to the back of a truck in Jasper, Texas. Byrd, who was black, had been beaten and stripped naked. His body was then dragged along a dirt road, which caused Byrd's right arm and head to be severed. The three perpetrators had recently been released from prison where they had become indoctrinated into the tenants of white supremacy through a racist prison group called aryan circle (anti-Defamation league, 2002). Byrd's murder cast a spotlight on the violence of hate crimes but not on the influence of racist prison groups. Stories of crimes and extremist activities by those who become radicalized in the u.S. prison system are becoming increasingly common. What is the true threat posed by adherents of racist and right-wing ideologies? The assessment of the real threat by right-wing extremists in the united States changed dramatically on april 19, 1995. The truck bombing of the alfred p. Murrah Federal Building by Timothy McVeigh took 168 lives and injured more than 800 people. It was quickly revealed that McVeigh had drifted through the radical militia movement and was a devotee of the racist novel, The Turner diaries, written by National alliance leader William pierce. The bombing put domestic antigovernment groups-especially those with links to neo-Nazi ideologies-on the top of the Federal Bureau of Investigation's (FBI) antiterrorism efforts and led congress to attempt the passage of the comprehensive antiterrorism act of 1995. The act failed to pass but the crackdown on such groups by federal, state, and local law enforcement effectively crippled the militia movement (anti-Defamation league, 2005). The events of September 11, 2001, shifted public attention away from the threat of domestic terrorism and criminal actions by right-wing groups. However, large and small groups connected to various right-wing ideologies have continued to perpetrate various acts of terrorism and organized criminality. These groups have changed dramatically from the usual cast of characters that law enforcement and civil rights groups concerned themselves with in the late 20 th century. among the growing threats are racist groups that originate in the u.S. penal system.

For all their differences, both Austria and Switzerland have long been considered to represent key examples of consociational democracy. Since the 1990s, both countries have however faced major challenges to their respective consociationalist regimes. One of the shared features of regime evolution and change in Austria and Switzerland, which can be meaningfully referred to as 'de-consociationalisation', concerns the successful exploitation of external shocks by powerful populist parties. Taking stock of the developments in four different areas (the electoral, the parliamentary and the executive arena as well as interest group/state relations), we identify a complex dynamic which has made the two countries more similar in some respects, but more different in others. Overall, two decades into the twenty-first century, Austria is significantly less of a consociationalist regime than Switzerland.

Although conventional wisdom sees Switzerland as oppositionless, in December 2007 its biggest party, the Swiss People's Party (SVP), declared itself in ‘opposition’. It implied this was something dramatic but implementation was hesitant, degenerating into personalized attacks on the minister elected over its party leader. This led to splits in the party and the strategy petered out, with the SVP returning to collegial government, consensus having proved too strong. Although political science has recently neglected opposition, the SVP's understanding of the concept was distant from most ideas of ‘opposition politics’, notably Anglo-Saxon practices. The experiment is therefore best understood as a rhetorical flourish, arising out of the…

RESUMEN: La victoria electoral de la Unidad Popular (UP) chilena en 1970, en un continente hipertensionado desde 1959, propició el intento de abrir una nueva vía al socialismo sin lucha armada, pero acabó con un golpe militar en 1973. Este artículo se propone revisar las diversas lecturas de lo ocurrido bajo la presidencia de S. Allende y explicar cómo el proceso chileno revalorizó internacionalmente el concepto de democracia, dándole un contenido que llega hasta hoy. ABSTRACT: The electoral victory of the Chilean Popular Unity (UP) in 1970, in a continent un- der major tension since 1959, propitiated the attempt to open a new path to socialism without armed struggle, but ended with a military coup in 1973. This article aims to review the various readings of what happened under the presidency of S. Allende and to explain how the Chilean process revalued the concept of democracy internationally, giving it a content that continues to this day.

Am Abend des 10. 11. 2009 nahm sich der professionelle Fußballtorwart Robert Enke das Leben. Einen Tag später gab seine Witwe Teresa Enke im Vereinsheim des Bundesligisten Hannover 96 eine Pressekonferenz zur langjährigen Depression des Leistungsträgers, die europaweit für Aufsehen sorgte.5 35 000 Menschen versammelten sich nach einem Trauermarsch durch die vorweihnachtliche Großstadt zur öffentlichen Andacht. Sonntags darauf erlebte das interessierte Publikum eine Liveberichterstattung der Trauerfeier im dortigen Stadion. 40 000 Gäste waren anwesend, Millionen schauten zu.6 Monate später, am 29. 05. 2010 gewann die hannöversche Schülerin Lena Meyer-Landrut, genannt „Lena“, begleitet von ihrem Produzenten, Former und Mentor Stefan Raab, nach einem na-tionalen Ausleseparcours den Eurovision Song Contest 2010 vor etwa 14,69 Mio. Zuschauer_innen. Über 35 000 Menschen bejubelten mit dem seinerzeitigen Ministerpräsidenten Christian Wulff ihren Empfang ‚daheim‘. Beide Ereignisse bewegten. Die Resonanzen in der medialen Aufmerksamkeitsökonomie überraschten in ihrer Wucht.

RESUMEN: La victoria electoral de la Unidad Popular (UP) chilena en 1970, en un continente hipertensionado desde 1959, propició el intento de abrir una nueva vía al socialismo sin lucha armada, pero acabó con un golpe militar en 1973. Este artículo se propone revisar las diversas lecturas de lo ocurrido bajo la presidencia de S. Allende y explicar cómo el proceso chileno revalorizó internacionalmente el concepto de democracia, dándole un contenido que llega hasta hoy. ABSTRACT: The electoral victory of the Chilean Popular Unity (UP) in 1970, in a continent un- der major tension since 1959, propitiated the attempt to open a new path to socialism without armed struggle, but ended with a military coup in 1973. This article aims to review the various readings of what happened under the presidency of S. Allende and to explain how the Chilean process revalued the concept of democracy internationally, giving it a content that continues to this day.

Este estudio analiza el rol de la mujer chilena como figura emblemática en la construcción del discurso identitario del nuevo orden político y cultural que se inició con el golpe de Estado de 1973. A través de una metodología cualitativa de análisis del discurso (Angenot, 2012), a partir de un corpus conformado por fuentes primarias y secundarias, el autor busca identificar los fundamentos heurísticos del nuevo discurso sobre la mujer y en qué medida este da cuenta de continuidades y rupturas acerca de la forma de entender el país y su identidad en torno a la idea del orden. La construcción de esta figura femenina utilizó aspectos conservadores del género que estaban relacionados con el contexto político previo al golpe de Estado y que resultaron funcionales a la concepción de orden de la Junta Militar. Se trata de una construcción discursiva y moralista que, a la postre, parece naturalizada en la cultura política de Chile.

The purpose of this article is to show the role played by the party leadership in the Progress Party and the Danish People’s Party in the formation and consolidation of party organization, policy and strategy. The added knowledge provided by this article is an elaboration on one of the successful so-called radical right political parties of this century, namely the Danish People’s Party, and its predecessor, the Progress Party, for the non-Danish speaking audience. Based on a plethora of data sources (interviews, documents, surveys and secondary material), the analysis shows that the differences in how the Progress Party and the Danish People’s Party are organized are much larger than any organizational modifications after the party leader change from Kjærsgaard to Thulesen Dahl. While Kjærsgaard was not able to implement marked organizational changes within the Progress Party, she did stand for a different strategy and policy than Glistrup, focusing on parliamentary influence, and ...