Northern Irish Politics

Berlin especially helped me to transform this originally small idea into a life-changing project. For this, I could never be thankful enough. I would also like to thank Dr. Martin Johnson, Dr. Feryal Cherif, and Dr. Austin Turk in their initial input on this project. In addition, I would like to thank Dr. Ralph Salmi for always providing guidance and input over the many years I have been studying political violence. Due to the intensive case studies I conducted for this project, a number of scholars of political violence were instrumental in assisting me in gaining interviews with key players within guerrilla movements and their political organizations.

The form helps us to allocate you a supervisor. However, should you wish to submit a proposal please do so on moodle by the dates detailed in the relevant tile. __________________________________________________________________________ 500-1000 word Research Proposal _1 What is the main question that I want answered in my research? The main question is looking at Ulster loyalism, particulalrly the UVF and Red Hand Commando from 1966 onwards and asking whether they had a right to resistance during the activities during the Northern Ireland troubles. The first part of the essay will focus on the right to resistance in International Human Rights law using the work of Shannonbrooke Murphy and Costas Douzinas and Article 20 of the African Charter.

The Good Friday Agreement of 1998, also known as the Belfast Agreement, marked a historic turning point in the Northern Ireland conflict, bringing an end to decades of violence and establishing a framework for peace and power-sharing. The Agreement was the product of many actors-governments, parties, and international mediators-but the leadership of three men was especially decisive: Gerry Adams of Sinn Féin, David Trimble of the Ulster Unionist Party (UUP), and John Hume of the Social Democratic and Labour Party (SDLP). Each addressed a different constituency and played a unique, indispensable role in bridging political divides.

This Essay examines the Belfast Agreement' (or "Agree-ment") in the light of international law on self-determination and minority rights. Northern Ireland cannot be evaluated in a vacuum; already it is being suggested that the Northern Ireland peace process and the formula ...

This paper explains how events in Irish history and the circumstances of the Irish immigrants in New York in the 19th century motivated them to form one parade to which they gave their time, money, and energy. It discusses how the parade in New York moved from small local processions in Irish communities to a major annual event in the 1850s. The large influx of Irish Catholics in 19th century shifted the message, the size, the form, and in the power of the festival.

When some of your relatives came from Ulster and you find out an extended family member was riding the white horse as King Billy in the Twelfth of July parades in Toronto how should you feel? This happened during the 1930s when thousands of marchers participated and hundreds
of thousands watched. As it was part of my cultural heritage I was interested to learn more.

Race in Irish Literature and Culture provides an in-depth understanding of intersections between Irish literature, culture, and questions of race, racialization, and racism. Covering a vast historical terrain from the sixteenth century to the present, it spotlights the work of canonical, understudied, and contemporary authors in Ireland, Northern Ireland, and among diasporic Irish communities. By focusing on questions related to Black Irish identities, Irish whiteness, Irish racial sciences, postcolonial solidarities, and decolonial strategies to address racialization, the volume moves beyond the familiar frameworks of British/Irish and Catholic/ Protestant binarisms and demonstrates methods for Irish Studies scholars to engage with the question of race from a contemporary perspective.

To an expectant House of Commons, the then Foreign Secretary. Sir Geoffrey Howe reported that the Gibraltar shootings had prevented 'A dreadful terrorist act'. He also stated that when challenged the terrorists had 'made movements which led the military personnel operating In support of the Gibraltar police to conclude that their own lives and the lives of others were under threat. In the light of this response. they were shot. Those shol were subsequently found not to have been carrying arms.• In answer lo a question from George Robertson , the then Labour Deputy Foreign Affairs Spokesman, Sir Geoffrey wenl on:

Whilst Ulster artists such as Colin Middleton, John Luke and others have been recognised as important figures, and included in Irish Art history, comparatively little reference has been made to their Northern Irish backgrounds – and there have been few attempts to explain its significance. Much has been written on the conditions and development of modernism in the South of Ireland - and, specifically, in Dublin -during the first half of the twentieth century. However, it seems that contemporaneous developments in Belfast and Northern Ireland have been consistently overlooked.

The Ulster Unit exhibited only once, from the 18th to the 29th of December 1934, and disbanded shortly afterwards. The reviewer for The Belfast Newsletter noted that there ‘is a great deal that is startling in this exhibition, and even bizarre, and a certain number of the works must be dismissed as ‘hocus pocus.’  Despite this, the same reviewer also described it as ‘one of the most interesting and significant exhibitions of art that has been seen in Belfast.’  As we shall see, his review was not untypical of other responses to the exhibition – and contradicts the simplistic notion of Ulster being, at that time, a place of unrelieved philistinism, and open hostility to any new artistic movement per se.

This article reveals how the Cold War impinged upon not just national, but local political considerations and became woven into communal narratives. It contributes to the examination of religion in the conflict, adds to the historiography of Britain and the Cold War, and provides a context by which British Cold War experience and responses can be assessed. With Northern Ireland’s political similarities to Great Britain, its consistency with European norms and its overlaps with popular sentiment in the United States, Northern Ireland offers a gauge to better understand the nature of anti-Communism in the Cold War’s first decade and offers an unexplored perspective on the conflict.

The purpose of this article is to present the already observed and possible threats to Northern Ireland as a result of the United Kingdom's decision to leave the European Union. The analysis will focus mainly on the socio-political and potentially paramilitary/terrorist dimensions, and to a lesser extent on the economic dimension, although of course this factor is also very important here. The author will not present in detail the reasons for the referendum on leaving the EU by the United Kingdom or the positions of the major parties represented in Westminster, as this would exceed the size of a scientific article. It will focus strictly on Northern Ireland, and the positions of the central government in London, as well as the government of the Republic of Ireland, will be treated marginally, only to the extent necessary to understand the problem.

Conflict in Ireland often seems so deeply entrenched as to be beyond solution. In part, this reflects the immensely powerful trope of nationalist Catholic identity which gave unionists nowhere to go. In turn, they have responded only with a conditional, ambiguous and ill-justified notion of Britishness which can never accommodate the nationalist population of Ulster. The deconstructions of monolithic representations of nationalist Irishness and unionist Britishness... is a necessary precursor of political change (Graham, 1997: 13).

The Irish nation has a reputation for being conservative, even reactionary in sexual matters. Contraception, abortion, divorce, feminism and homosexuality, more or less accepted in other Western European countries, still raise strong opposition, not the least because of the notable presence of the Catholic Church, and in Northern Ireland also of the Protestant Church. Nevertheless, radical changes have taken place in recent years, especially in government policies and law. In Diverse Communities Kieran Rose, a prominent Irish gay activist, sets out how male homosexuality ('buggery') was decriminalized in Northern Ireland in 1982, and in the Irish Republic in 1993. He puts forward that the Irish progress in sexual reform and equality legislation can be explained by the impact of international developments, new social, cultural and economic forces of the 1960s onwards as well as, ironically, certain traditional Irish values that are rooted in the nationalist, anticolonial struggle against British domination. Among the new social and cultural forces, Kiernan focuses especially on the lesbian and gay movement in the Irish Republic; in fact, its twenty years history is the main theme of this book. According to Rose, the strength of this movement was that it connected sexual reform with the struggle for social equality and civil rights in general. In this way links were forged with other social movements, in particular the women's movement and trade unions. In the 1980s the Church and lay New Right groups delayed law reform, to be true, but they were not able to halt change. Rose offers a detailed account of the law reform campaigns in which the homosexual movement successfully challenged the Victorian and originally British anti-homosexual laws, first at the European Court of Human Rights and then in the Irish government and parliament. As a participant in this history, Rose highlights the role of homosexual activists as well as individual politicians, such as Mary Robinson who became president of Ireland in the early 1990s. However, social and cultural developments favouring sexual reform, are underexposed, and the same holds good for the part played by the Church. Rose raises the impression that the attitude of the Catholic Church had become somewhat more moderate in the early 1990s, notwithstanding the uncompromising homophobic teachings of pope of John Paul II. Why did Irish clerics, just like Irish politicians, become more tolerant on homosexuality in a relatively short period of time? Was the new policy facilitated by European integration, the overall modernization of Irish society, or the growing influence of the science (medicine, psychology and sociology) vis-a-vis traditional religion? Rose does not really provide a scholarly based answer. His interpretation tends to emphasize the impact of homosexual activism and the force of moral arguments. His contention that gay rights were a sign of renewed commitment to older Irish ideals that inspired the freedom struggle against Britain, is not providing the reader with a satisfactory explanation. Rose's commitment to equality and emancipation is well-intended, but it is not a suitable point of view to keep a proper balance between objectivity and involvement. As Rose acknowledges himself, the first, scholarly and social history of homosexuality in Ireland has still to be written. The questions that he raises, suggest that such historical research might be rewarding.

In nineteenth- and early twentieth-century Australia sectarianism between Catholics, mostly of Irish descent, and Protestants, mostly of British descent, threatened to destroy the vision of a society in the new world based on religious tolerance and social harmony freed from the conflicts of the old. In the 2024 JH Plunkett lecture, reproduced in this article, Dr Jeff Kildea described the challenges sectarianism posed for Australia's emerging democracy and examined how those responsible for making and administering the law responded to those challenges. Our forebears' attempts to balance freedom of thought, belief, and expression with the maintenance of peace, social harmony, and order provide lessons for us today as we face the challenges of our own new world of ‘culture wars’, ‘identity politics’, 'hate speech’ and ‘cancel culture’.

Editorial Welcome to the fourth volume of Music and Arts in Action (MAiA), and MAiA's fifth year of publication from the Sociology of the Arts (SocArts) research group at the University of Exeter, UK. In this general issue, we are pleased to present a host of articles that present an array of case studies and terrains for examining the active role of music and the arts in individual and social life. These contributions span four countries, three continents, and a variety of art forms involving classical and amateur levels of musical and theatrical engagement. Svanibor Pettan

John J Marshall (1862-1944) was an Ulster historian best known for studies of his native region, the Blackwater Valley of Co. Tyrone. However, he also carried out research on the history of Belfast. In particular, he wrote an important series of articles, published in the Belfast Telegraph in 1940-41, which constitutes the first thorough, systematic examination of the city's street-names.

Grassi, S., Hewitt, S., & Bergantino, A. (2024). Of Hollies and Other Little Wonders: In Conversation with Seán Hewitt // Five Poems by Seán Hewitt. Studi Irlandesi. A Journal of Irish Studies, 14, 193–208. https://doi.org/10.36253/SIJIS-2239-3978-15535

Peace-building involves a range of powerful strategies, including those of governance, securitization and development. These, in turn, are realized through policies and initiatives involving, amongst other things regeneration, development, surveillance and event or crowd control. Since 1998, North Belfast has been a focal point for many of these strategies, as it abuts the „epicentre‟ of redevelopment and the most visible manifestation of peace-building in the area: Belfast‟s city centre. Since the interfaces, deprived neighbourhoods and socio-economic patterns of this area disrupt, contrast with or even threaten the former, there has been a concerted attempt to extend the strategies of peace-building outwards from the city centre to encompass these contested spaces. This, however, has been greeted with various responses on the part of local actors, from simple disengagement to outright resistance. Drawing on the theories of Michel de Certeau, we examine how „tactics‟ of everyday li...

The UK general election has done Ireland and its northern neighbour one immense favour. A hard UKEXIT, defined as the entire UK leaving the customs union and the single market, is off the agenda for now. Brendan O'Leary argues that Theresa May's difficulties in enforcing such a uniform mode of leaving the EU will prove an opportunity for Ireland's new Taoiseach, Leo Varadkar. Dublin's hand has therefore been strengthened by what has just happened Dublin's hand has therefore been strengthened by what has just happened. It will have to keep a laser-like focus on ensuring no restoration of a hard border as the first item of business, and then all of its other interests may fall into place. The conjunction of May's folly and Corbyn's successful campaign may be much better for Irish nationalists of all stripes than the grinning faces of the DUP's 10 MPs currently suggest.

Public discussions about how the UK is to exit from the European Union have been too simplified, and have failed to come up with any solution that recognizes that only England and Wales in fact voted to leave. Brendan O'Leary outlines a way forward where those nations wanting to remain in the EU might be able to do so. There has as yet been no Brexit, and there will not be-because there is no such entity as 'Britain'. There could, however, be a UKexit. But those who insist that a 52-48 vote is good enough to take the entire UK out of the EU would trigger a serious crisis of legitimacy. England and Wales have voted to leave the European Union, but Scotland, Northern Ireland, and Gibraltar have voted to remain. These differing outcomes have to be the central focus of political attention while we wait for the debris of broken expectations to settle. First things first: saving the UK But there is a constitutional compromise that would avoid the genuine prospect that a referendum on Scottish independence-promoted by the SNP and the Green Party-will lead to the break-up of the union of Great Britain. The Scots have every right to hold such a referendum, because the terms specified in the SNP's election manifesto have been met: a major material change in circumstances has occurred. The same constitutional compromise could diminish turbulence spilling into Northern Ireland. The same day that Nicola Sturgeon publicly indicated preparations for a second Scottish referendum, the Deputy First Minister of Northern Ireland, Martin McGuinness (Sinn Féin), demanded that a poll be held to enable Irish reunification. Sinn Féin has a point. Many in Northern Ireland fear that a UK-wide exit would restore a border across Ireland, and strip away core components of the 1998 Good Friday Agreement. Does the narrow outcome of a UK-wide

The globalization process is not reducible to its international dimension, i.e., to international, or even, to transnational relationships. In many states, it also consists of domestic phenomena, such as an increasing cultural pluralism, that does not result solely from a domestic and gradual evolution, but, to a significant extent, either from migrations or from radical changes of mind made possible by cultural globalization. This kind of cultural pluralism is what one can call multiculturalism, in the descriptive sense of the characteristics of a multicultural society (as distinguished from the normative meaning, i.e., from the policies that aim at either maintaining or promoting multiculturalism in the descriptive meaning). This paper aims to discuss the articulation between deliberative democracy and cultural pluralism. RESUMO: O processo de globalização não pode ser reduzido a sua dimensão internacional, ou seja, a relações internacionais, ou ainda transnacionais. Em muitos países, ela também consiste em fenômenos domésticos, como um pluralismo cultural crescente que resulta, em uma extensão significativa, de migrações ou mudanças radicais de pensamento, tornadas possíveis pela globalização cultural. Este tipo de pluralismo cultural é o que se pode chamar de multiculturalismo, no sentido descritivo das características de uma sociedade multicultural (diferenciado de seu sentido normativo, ou seja, das políticas que visam manter ou promover o multiculturalismo no sentido descritivo). O presente texto visa abordar a articulação entre os conceitos de democracia deliberativa e pluralismo cultural.

The right to practice religion is recognised as one of the universal liberties transitional justice interventions are designed to defend, and religion is often mentioned as one of the cultural factors that impact on local transitional justice practices from below. Many human rights cases of abuse, however, are motivated by religious extremism and the association of religion with con lict has largely a discouraged re lection on its positive contribution to transitional justice. This ield is undeveloped and the little work that elaborates its positive role is descriptive. This paper theorises the relationship between religion and transitional justice and develops a model for understanding its potential role that better allows an assessment of its strengths and weaknesses. The model is applied to original research conducted on ex-combatants in Northern Ireland, and concludes that only in very limited circumstances can religious actors make a telling contribution to transitional justice. Understanding what these circumstances are is the purpose of the model developed here.

Background The project examined the extent to which loyalists and republicans are prepared to co-operate within the Northern Ireland Assembly, by analysing the relationship between the Progressive Unionist Party (PUP) and Sinn F&n within the devolved institutions. Of the 108 members of the legislative Assembly (MLAs), elected in May 1998, Sinn F&n have 18 representatives and the PUP have two. Sinn F&n's Assembly representation was sufficient for the party to be awarded two ministries (Education, and Health, Social ...

The book examines the brutal murder of the loyalist Postmaster of Navan. Thomas Hodgett in 1921. After Hodgetts disappearance, both the RIC and the IRA were suspected, each blamed the other and both denied responsibility. The investigation considers in detail the operations of an RIC 'Murder Gang' in Meath, South Louth and North Dublin and their involvement in many killings around this time. The new evidence about this unit and the involvement of Dublin Castle and Eugene Igoe is explored. Also and the role of civilian identifiers is probed and the reader is provided with significant  new evidence to consider.

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o k-review-ted-grant-the-permanent-revo lutio nary/ Blo g Admin Book Review: Ted Grant: The Permanent Revolutionary This work aims to cover the life and ideas of Ted Grant, one of the most well known figures in the international Marxist movement. Author Alan Woods aims to outlines Grant's important theoretical contribution to Marxism and provide insights into a subject that remains a closed book to most political analysts even now. Gordon Bannerman feels that the book fails to fully engage with its subject, but Woods' account does have some value in its often gritty portrayal of extra-parliamentary political movements.

The last two centuries of Irish history have seen great traumas that continue to affect Irish society. Through constructing cultural trauma, Irish society can recognize human pain and its source/s and become receptive to the idea of taking significant and responsible measures to remedy it. The intention of this volume is to show the mediating role of the literature and film scholar, the archivist, the social media professional, the historian, the musician, the artist and the poet in identifying Irish cultural trauma past and present, in illuminating Irish national identity (which is shifting so much today), in paying tribute to the memory and suffering of others, in showing how to do things with words and, thus, how concrete action might be taken.
Trauma and Identity in Contemporary Irish Culture makes a case for the value of trauma and memory studies as a means of casting new light on the meaning of Irish identity in a number of contemporary Irish cultural practices, and of illuminating present-day attitudes to the past. The critical approaches herein are of a very interdisciplinary nature, since they combine aspects of sociology, philosophy and anthropology, among other fields. This collection is intended to lead readers to reconsider the connections between trauma, Irish cultural memory, identity, famine, diaspora, gender, history, revolution, the Troubles, digital media, literature, film, music and art.

We empirically identify the considered views of the Northern Ireland public on the relative merits of two possible models of a united Ireland: an integrated united Ireland in which Northern Ireland is absorbed into an all-island polity, and a united Ireland in which Northern Ireland continues to exist as a devolved entity. We use data from a specially designed one-day citizens' assembly. We report analyses based on quantitative examination of pre-and post-deliberation surveys and qualitative analysis of the transcripts of participants' deliberation. We find that, after learning about the different two models, citizens' support for the devolved model declined, particularly among Protestant participants. We elaborate the implications of our findings for any referendum on the constitutional future of Northern Ireland.

Peaceful transitions in power, after elections or referendums, depend upon the acceptance of the outcomes of the contests by those who have lost -a phenomenon known as 'losers' consent'. Achieving losers' consent is arguably most acute in contested sovereignty referendums. A public opinion strategy is required by those who advocate changing the sovereign status of a territory and who are subject to three constraints: (i) their wish to maximise losers' consent, (ii) their need to retain their support base, and (iii) their need to persuade undecided voters. The strategy involves generating, based on findings from specially designed studies of public opinion, an optimised version of the alternative to the status quo -and advocating that version before the referendum. The strategy in action is illustrated with potential referendums on Irish unification, a 'typical' case because it poses the core challenges -on timing, content and persuasion -addressed by our strategy.

Suicide is defined as the voluntary, and intentional, act of causing one’s own death. As a topic of scientific study, suicide has continuously been the focus of attention for a multitude of disciplines such as sociology, anthropology, psychology and psychiatry, to name a few. The act of suicide has been documented since antiquity. The present study is focused on highlighting suicidal behaviors in Greek mythology as well as on determining the method used and the motive behind each act of suicide. The cases of suicidal behavior presented in this study were drawn from a selection of various Greek myths, and were chosen on the basis of whether or not the mythical figures involved caused their own death either directly or indirectly, according to the main myth or a version of it. The Myth can provide helpful insight into the understanding of suicidal behaviors and of the mechanisms that govern human existence and conscience, inasmuch as mythological cases of suicide constitute important ...

Patrick Kavanagh, who died fifty years ago, is not as well known internationally as he should be. He has been declared the greatest Irish writer after Yeats. Kavanagh was born in a small village in the Irish countryside, his parents and his people were poor peasants. He left school at 13. He can be compared to John Clare in England and Robert Burns in Scotland. Like them, he wrote about the reality of peasant life, about the poverty of rural life, and the reality of a country dominated by the Catholic Church.

Writing in Monday's Telegraph, putative Conservative leader and, accordingly, as the party currently in government, 77 th Prime Minister (PM) of the United Kingdom (UK), Boris Johnson states his belief that in order that the UK leaves the European Union (EU) by the deadline of 31 st October, it is essential that the country develops a sense of "national self-belief". As Johnson claims, technology provides an answer to the challenge of finding a solution to avoiding a border between the Republic of Ireland and the North of Irelandan essential component of the 'Good Friday Agreement'. The issue of this border bedevilled Theresa May in achieving a Parliamentary majority for the withdrawal deal (WA) her government painstakingly negotiated over a considerable period of time following the triggering of the process to leave (Article 50). Johnson, ever savvy, employs the retrospective zeitgeist of anniversary of the first human beings to walk on the moon 50 years ago to suggest that leaving the EU, something regarded as extremely difficult, can be considered to the Apollo 11 mission. As he asserts, in his Telegraph column those who have argued that it is going to be extremely difficult to use innovative methods to resolve the issue of checks on goods on the border between the Republic and Northern Ireland-"technological pessimists"are wrong and should be inspired by what NASA achieved in successfully achieving missions that allowed human beings to walk on the moon and return to earth: "It is absurd that we have even allowed ourselves to be momentarily delayed by these technical issues. If they could use hand-knitted computer code to make a frictionless re-entry to Earth's atmosphere in 1969, we can solve the problem of frictionless trade at the Northern Irish border…"

(Re-) Presentación del conflicto de Irlanda del Norte (1969-1994) a través de sus murales políticos, tanto republicanos como unionistas. Un ejercicio de demarcación territorial, en un contexto donde las fronteras delimitan la vida de la muerte, desde una perspectiva  cultural. Los murales de Irlanda del Norte juegan un papel tanto doctrinario y domesticador, a nivel de las propias comunidades, como propagandístico, de cara al exterior de dichas comunidades. Los murales sirven también para dar voz a quienes se perciben expropiados de la misma... son 'voces de colores'.

's presence in the Commons would help focus the government's mind on the consequences of a hard Brexit for Northern Ireland, writes Sean Swan. The very real prospect of a hard border means the time has come for Sinn Fein to decide whether it is playing the game of politics or not. The achievement of peace in Northern Ireland cannot be understood simply in terms of the signing of the 1998 Good Friday Agreement. Peace was not an event: it was a process. That process was long and complex, but certain events were central to it. One such event was a speech given in November 1990 by Peter Brooke, then Northern Ireland secretary, stating that: The British government has no selfish strategic or economic interest in Northern Ireland: our role is to help, enable and encourage. Britain's purpose […] is not to occupy, oppress or exploit, but to ensure democratic debate and free democratic choice. An advance copy of this speech had secretly been supplied to the leadership of the IRA. The intent was to demonstrate that London was neutral between nationalists and unionists in Northern Ireland.

Former Foreign Secretary Boris Johnson has, once again, intervened in the Brexit debate about concerns over a hard border between Northern Ireland and the Republic of Ireland. Sean Swan explains how Johnson has misrepresented the problem, and why the border question is of such symbolic and physical importance.

Proposals from backbench Brexiteer MPs as to how to resolve the border question in Northern Ireland fail to address the problem of maintaining a common set of standards with Ireland post-Brexit. Sean Swan argues that, given public opinion in England, a customs border in the Irish Sea, with divergence between Great Britain and Northern Ireland, is a likely outcome. A Sinn Féin protest against a customs border, Stormont. Picture: Sinn Féin, via a (CC BY 2.0) licence The European Research Group, the Brexiteer group of Conservative MPs currently led by Jacob Rees-Mogg, last week published a paper, 'The Border between Northern Ireland and the Republic of Ireland post-Brexit', which was intended to cut the Gordian knot of Brexit and the Irish border. It was something less than brilliant. The Irish Times' London Editor, Denis Staunton, quickly dismissed it as offering 'little more than the same administrative and technological fixes that have been doing the rounds for two years and have been rejected by the EU and Ireland as both unrealistic and inadequate'. Nevertheless, it deserves consideration. The ERG ague that there will be no need for sanitary or phytosanitary checks on cross-border trade post-Brexit 'Since UK and EU standards are identical and will remain identical at the point of departure, determining equivalence after Brexit should be straightforward. [our emphasis]'. Leaving entirely aside the question of whether or not the mechanisms suggested are feasible, this is not good enough. There is nothing in its proposals to prevent a future post-Brexit UK government from diverging from EU standards. In fact, if the dream of a trade deal with the US is to be fulfilled, it will surely come at the cost of the UK accepting US chlorinated chicken and GMO foods. Michael Gove conceded exactly-if inadvertently-this point when he declared that 'here's one critical thing: a future prime minister could always choose to alter the relationship between Britain and the European Union'. For Ireland what is required is not simply that there be no hard border at 'the point of departure' but in future too.