Irish Republicanism

I first encountered William Monsell, the first Baron Emly of Tervoe, some fifty years ago, when I examined his papers and correspondence in the National Library of Ireland in Dublin. Because of the spotty nature of the collection, however, it was difficult to form a coherent picture of him, although two things became patently clear: he was very well connected and obviously influential. Over the years, I have met Monsell again and again in the archives in Rome, London, and Dublin. He has always remained, however, a shadowy and lurking figure, refracted by the light of more powerful personalities, whether a Pius IX, a Gladstone, a Newman, or a Cardinal Cullen, and therefore always oblique and somewhat mysterious.

Siobhan Dowd’s novel Bog Child explores a legacy of self-sacrifice in Ireland. From a contemporary context, it explores the second hunger strike of Long Kesh prison in the 1980s and a fictionalised famine in the first century as a more ancient example. Using Kathleen Jamie’s notion of ‘surfacing’ and Oona Frawley’s ‘memory cruxes’ as launching points to explore Bog Child, this paper works to illuminate how these temporally distant events are intricately connected through an extended history of self-sacrifice and hunger in Ireland. In the process, it also explores how, in that extended history, gendered notions have crept in, how they are reinforced and how they can be challenged. Bog Child is at its core a novel about the repetition of history, and particularly of historical cultural trauma, but one that ultimately works to offer a compassionate end to this repetition, as the paper will conclude.

debieron realizarse dos funciones el mismo día. La versión fue más brillante que la de su estreno (en 2010) y la interpretación aún mejor que la de aquel momento. El tenor Carlos Ullán (el Seminarista) magnífico tanto en lo vocal como en lo actoral. La excelente soprano Graciela Oddone (María) cumplió sobradamente con las exigencias de su papel; y el barítono Ernesto Bauer (Pablo) impactante, con un destacable crecimiento vocal y una excelente ejecución dramática. El maestro Guillermo Salgado acompañante pianístico de la obra descolló con su labor. Barney Finn reside regularmente en Chile donde se encuentra filmando "Las mujeres de Neruda". Con el interés de realizar nuevamente la ambientación de la obra viajó a nuestro país, y en esta ocasión renovó increíblemente la puesta en escena. Logró un contacto directo entre el público y los intérpretes pudiendo de esta forma crear un clima sublime. No nos sorprendería, dado el éxito obtenido con estos valores musicales que la obra se repita, antes que en una sala porteña, en algún teatro de Italia o en USA que ya han mostrado interés en ello. Reiteramos que en nuestra opinión esta ópera de cámara es uno de los grandes logros de producción argentina.

This article deals with John Mitchel's engagement with questions around race as articulated in his 1854 Jail Journal. Mitchel has been oft noted and condemned for his support of the Confederacy during the US Civil War, in which he lost two of his sons. His racism as it was articulated in the Southern Citizen during that period and his defence of slavery as an institution has led to numerous and open disavowals of his legacy. This article seeks to trace the development of Mitchel's attitude towards race through a close reading of his Jail Journal in conjunction with a contemporaneous racist tract by Thomas Carlyle. This double reading will expose some of the ambiguities and ambivalences in Mitchel's thinking in contrast to the strident pro-slavery position that he later embraced, whilst also allowing for an uncovering of his modus cogitandi that may help to explain apparent contradictions within his thought.

for their support and assistance throughout this process; and to administrators, Dearbhla Mooney and Irene O'Malley who have helped in countless ways. Special thanks are due to Rebecca Barr, whose knowledge, enthusiasm and active interest in my work was exceptionally helpful. I would also like to thank Marie Boran and Kieran Hoare of the Special Collections library, and Geraldine Curtin of Inter-Library Loans at NUI Galway, who happily answered questions about material and patiently sourced books for me. In Dublin, Charles Benson, of the Early Printed Books Room, at Trinity College, was especially helpful in pointing me to items in their holdings and giving advice on the material that enabled my primary research. I am very grateful to The Eighteenth-Century Literary Research Network of Ireland. Throughout this process, its symposia shaped my thinking on the eighteenth-century world and it furnished a friendly forum in which to engage in ideas. Particular thanks are due to Ian Campbell Ross for providing me with an opportunity to present my work; to Andrew Carpenter, whose lectures and informal talks continue to inspire my own research; to Moyra Haslett, who readily offered her assistance and expressed continued interest in my thesis, and to Amy Prendergast, whose conversations about literary salons and the Irish Bluestockings were always helpful and enjoyable. I would especially like to thank Norma Clarke, whom I met at a critical time during my research. Her generosity, enthusiasm, and insightful interpretations of eighteenth-century women writers continue to inspire my own work. Thanks too, to her son, Nick Tosh, who gave helpful encouragement throughout the process. Many thanks are due to friends who have contributed in countless ways. To longtime friends, Kerstin Mierke and Eva Finkemeier, who continue to include me in their events and correspondence despite my absences and delayed emails; to Amanda Lacy, whose support and encouragement was especially appreciated; to Veronica Johnson and Jennifer Buckley, whose humour and generosity gave me a fresh perspective; to Katrin Urschel, whose dinners and conversations were always enjoyable, and to Nora King, whose encouragement and support throughout this process was particularly helpful. I would also like to thank Norman Healy, who generously donated several books on Swift from his own collection, and to Raymond Keary, for his painstaking and expert assistance with graphics and formatting. Special thanks are also due to my colleagues, past and present, at Charlie Byrne's Bookshop. To Charlie Byrne, whose unstinting generosity and flexibility made this dissertation possible; to Vinny Browne, who injected a vital mix of humour and perspective at critical moments; to Carmel McCarthy, for her engaging conversations on gardening, books, music and film; to Olivia Lally, for her moral support and vegan cuisine; to Jo Greenfield, for keeping me informed on literature beyond the eighteenth century; to Philip Connor and Cian Kiely Cuddy who provided a much needed dose of good humour; to John Carrigy, for his continual encouragement and enlightening conversations on the world past and present; and most importantly, to Megan Buckley, a generous coworker, discerning editor, superb academic, and above all, an inspirational friend. Her astute readings of drafts of these chapters and her unflagging interest in my research have been fundamental to the completion of this thesis. My parents, Martin and Phil, have my special love and continual gratitude. Without their practical support and forbearance this thesis would never have been written. Much love and continual thanks too, to my brothers Brian and Cedric; and to my extended family, Alan, Cora, Gráinne, Aimee, and to Ava, my niece and goddaughter, who was born in May of this year. This thesis is dedicated to her.

for their support and assistance throughout this process; and to administrators, Dearbhla Mooney and Irene O'Malley who have helped in countless ways. Special thanks are due to Rebecca Barr, whose knowledge, enthusiasm and active interest in my work was exceptionally helpful. I would also like to thank Marie Boran and Kieran Hoare of the Special Collections library, and Geraldine Curtin of Inter-Library Loans at NUI Galway, who happily answered questions about material and patiently sourced books for me. In Dublin, Charles Benson, of the Early Printed Books Room, at Trinity College, was especially helpful in pointing me to items in their holdings and giving advice on the material that enabled my primary research. I am very grateful to The Eighteenth-Century Literary Research Network of Ireland. Throughout this process, its symposia shaped my thinking on the eighteenth-century world and it furnished a friendly forum in which to engage in ideas. Particular thanks are due to Ian Campbell Ross for providing me with an opportunity to present my work; to Andrew Carpenter, whose lectures and informal talks continue to inspire my own research; to Moyra Haslett, who readily offered her assistance and expressed continued interest in my thesis, and to Amy Prendergast, whose conversations about literary salons and the Irish Bluestockings were always helpful and enjoyable. I would especially like to thank Norma Clarke, whom I met at a critical time during my research. Her generosity, enthusiasm, and insightful interpretations of eighteenth-century women writers continue to inspire my own work. Thanks too, to her son, Nick Tosh, who gave helpful encouragement throughout the process. Many thanks are due to friends who have contributed in countless ways. To longtime friends, Kerstin Mierke and Eva Finkemeier, who continue to include me in their events and correspondence despite my absences and delayed emails; to Amanda Lacy, whose support and encouragement was especially appreciated; to Veronica Johnson and Jennifer Buckley, whose humour and generosity gave me a fresh perspective; to Katrin Urschel, whose dinners and conversations were always enjoyable, and to Nora King, whose encouragement and support throughout this process was particularly helpful. I would also like to thank Norman Healy, who generously donated several books on Swift from his own collection, and to Raymond Keary, for his painstaking and expert assistance with graphics and formatting. Special thanks are also due to my colleagues, past and present, at Charlie Byrne's Bookshop. To Charlie Byrne, whose unstinting generosity and flexibility made this dissertation possible; to Vinny Browne, who injected a vital mix of humour and perspective at critical moments; to Carmel McCarthy, for her engaging conversations on gardening, books, music and film; to Olivia Lally, for her moral support and vegan cuisine; to Jo Greenfield, for keeping me informed on literature beyond the eighteenth century; to Philip Connor and Cian Kiely Cuddy who provided a much needed dose of good humour; to John Carrigy, for his continual encouragement and enlightening conversations on the world past and present; and most importantly, to Megan Buckley, a generous coworker, discerning editor, superb academic, and above all, an inspirational friend. Her astute readings of drafts of these chapters and her unflagging interest in my research have been fundamental to the completion of this thesis. My parents, Martin and Phil, have my special love and continual gratitude. Without their practical support and forbearance this thesis would never have been written. Much love and continual thanks too, to my brothers Brian and Cedric; and to my extended family, Alan, Cora, Gráinne, Aimee, and to Ava, my niece and goddaughter, who was born in May of this year. This thesis is dedicated to her.

Bei der Lektüre dieser Graphic Novel begleitet man Gabriele Rollnik - Ella
- auf einem Spaziergang durch Hamburg bis zu ihrem Küchentisch. Ella - das muss erwähnt werden - ist keine fiktionale Figur, sondern eine Persönlichkeit der bundesdeutschen Geschichte. Sie war ab 1974 aktives Mitglied der Bewegung 2. Juni und verbrachte 15 Jahre im Gefängnis. Auf
dem mit diesem Buch angebotenen Spaziergang erfährt man von ihrer Politisierung, Radikalisierung, ihren Erlebnissen in der Illegalität und im Knast.

A study of the origin and history of the Furlongs of Co. Wexford.  For centuries they held a position among the landed elite of Wexford, also holding a significant position among the merchant class of Wexford and Enniscorthy.  Their landed branches fell into economic and political decline in the 17th century but that was not the end of the story.

Irun) material arkiologikoa kontsultatzeko orduan emandako erraztasunengatik. Aldi berean, Luis Millán-i ere eskerrak eman nahi dizkiogu utzitako argazkiengatik eta emandako informazioarengatik. Queremos mostrar nuestro agradecimiento al Centro de Patrimonio Cultural Mueble de Gipuzkoa -Gordailua-(Irún) por las facilidades durante la consulta de materiales arqueológicos. Hacemos extensivo nuestro agradecimiento a Luis Millán por las fotografías que publicamos aquí, así como por la información aportada.

Historian Guy Beiner discusses a compendium of speeches by Irish protesters in order to show how certain acts of memory prepare the ground for future remembrance. Beiner calls this phenomenon “prememory,” thus introducing another key term for the study of history, narrative, and memory.

This article considers how the idea of the ‘Celt’ came into being and how the
term was leveraged both in service of racism and as a tool for constructing ethnic and political identities. ‘Celt’ is a broad category and this paper focuses specifically on Ireland. Definitions of Celticity came from both within and outside Irish culture and had a diversity of aims. This paper provides a necessary overview of the history of this broad and kaleidoscopic term. It will equip scholars with a better understanding of its use throughout history, particularly in the early twentieth century. After outlining the development of the ‘Celt’ as a racial and cultural category, the paper considers the meaning of Celticity as Ireland approached independence, with particular attention to the revolutionary era, c. 1913–23. The article examines the interplay between Anglo-Irish and revolutionary understandings of the ‘Celt’, and how the idea of a Celtic race was deployed selectively in diverse political and cultural contexts in the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. In some contexts, the word emphasised solidarity with global independence movements and anti-racist struggles, whilst in others it bolstered the logic of white supremacy. Rather than focusing solely on new engagements with primary texts, one of the aims of this article is to synthesise existing research into a broader narrative of ever-changing classifications and identities. Examining the meanings and uses of this kaleidoscopic term enhances our understanding of Irish identity in a period of political transition.

Commemoration plays a crucial role in shaping and sustaining Anglo-American relations by strengthening shared cultural, historical and ideological bonds. This paper examines how acts of commemoration contribute to the construction of a collective identity, legitimise political and diplomatic partnerships and support the concept of a ‘special relationship’ between the United Kingdom and the United States. Historical figures such as Winston Churchill and events such as World War II are central to commemorative practices, including public speeches, memorials and cultural events. These activities go beyond symbolic gestures, integrating historical narratives with diplomacy and legitimising contemporary cooperation. While shared histories and cultural values ​​strengthen this partnership, the paper also points to the limitations of commemoration in a changing geopolitical context. Institutionalised alliances such as NATO and pragmatic defence and intelligence cooperation are playing a diminishing role in maintaining relations, particularly during periods of political tension, such as during the Trump administration. The conclusions indicate that while commemoration fosters historical and cultural bonds, its importance diminishes in the face of the growing role of practical cooperation mechanisms.

The book examines the brutal murder of the loyalist Postmaster of Navan. Thomas Hodgett in 1921. After Hodgetts disappearance, both the RIC and the IRA were suspected, each blamed the other and both denied responsibility. The investigation considers in detail the operations of an RIC 'Murder Gang' in Meath, South Louth and North Dublin and their involvement in many killings around this time. The new evidence about this unit and the involvement of Dublin Castle and Eugene Igoe is explored. Also and the role of civilian identifiers is probed and the reader is provided with significant  new evidence to consider.

International audienceDes travailleur·ses expulsant les dirigeants de leurs usines, s'emparant de la gestion de domaines agraires, organisant des collectivités locales en faisant fi des autorités légales, hissant le drapeau rouge et s'érigeant en « soviets », sont des faits que l'on peine à associer à l'histoire de l'Irlande. Le concept même de « soviet » paraît tellement étranger aux problématiques consubstantielles au pays que l'historien Charles Townshend va jusqu'à les qualifier de « manifestations exotiques ». Et pourtant, c'est bel et bien au sein de cette Irlande conservatrice, rurale et peu industrialisée, en proie aux conflits politiques et ethnico-confessionnels séculaires, qu'une centaine d'expériences autogestionnaires virent le jour, pratiquement toutes sous l'appellation de « soviet », entre 1918 et 1923-c'est-à-dire au cours d'une Révolution irlandaise de 1916-23, censée avoir soudé les différentes couches sociales d...

Cet article tente de demontrer que les deux ouvrages rediges en prison que sont Jail Journal de John Mitchel (1815-1875) et Leaves From a Prison Diary de Michael Davitt (1846-1906) constituent deux œuvres majeures de la litterature politique irlandaise, en ce sens qu'ils poserent les fondements theoriques des deux principales tendances du mouvement republicain irlandais, jusqu'a nos jours : le republicanisme dit « orthodoxe » et le socialisme republicain.

Pour comprendre les particularites de l'Irlande contemporaine, l'auteur nous invite a un voyage dans une histoire des revendications emancipatrices du peuple irlandais. La partition de l'ile d'Irlande, qui perdure a ce jour, fut l'une des consequences de la Revolution de 1916-1923. Inachevee, la rupture avec l'ordre ancien contribua surtout a renforcer le pouvoir des forces conservatrices, a l'oeuvre des deux cotes de la frontiere. Pareil phenomene oblige a s'interroger sur la nature meme des mouvements politiques (revolutionnaires comme constitutionnels) et sociaux (agraires comme ouvriers) irlandais qui se reclamerent du nationalisme, a partir du siecle des Lumieres. Dans quelle mesure se faisaient-ils les partisans de desseins progressistes dans la perspective d'une Irlande independante, autonome ou maintenue dans le giron britannique ?

De la deuxième moitié du XVIII e siècle à la fin de la Guerre Civile en 1923, l'Irlande démontra à maintes reprises qu'elle était encline à la rébellion. Ainsi en fut-il principalement du domaine politique, certes au travers de mouvements révolutionnaires tels que les Irlandais Unis, la Jeune Irlande, les Fenians et l'IRA, mais aussi sur le mode de la résistance passive

Gerald Boland (Gearóid Ó Beoláin), a militant revolutionary, politician and statesman, has until now ranked amongst the relatively neglected figures of the Irish Revolution, including the Irish Civil War (1922-1923) and the nascent years of the Irish Free State. This article addresses this anomaly. Based on a chronological framework covering the outbreak of the Irish Civil War in June 1922, to Boland's release from prison in the summer of 1924, this article provides a unique insight into his hitherto overlooked civil war experiences. This article will demonstrate that despite his participation in key events Boland detested the Civil War. To use his own words, "I was glad [when the civil war ended] … None of us wanted that".1 Boland's civil war experiences confirmed his preference for pragmatism over idealism from a military standpoint, and at the same time, revealed a nascent politician (albeit vastly inexperienced) driven by a sense of realism. As such, the essential elements of Boland's Republicanism comprised pragmatic realism rather than doctrinaire idealism.

The global crisis of the last decades, in addition to the emergence of radical right-wing populist parties, also favours the development of left-wing nationalist groups in the stateless nations of Europe. Due to the spread of austerity policies implemented by national and local governments, the left components of sub-state nationalisms are experiencing increasing support (at the social and electoral levels) for their political projects. A renewed 'welfare nationalism' based on an inclusive and non-essentialist notion of citizenship, where the 'social' dimension is combined with more 'traditional' nationalist discourses and goals.
Within this broad family of left-wing nationalist social and political organisations, two categories can be distinguished: 1) a more moderate component that aims to reactivate a social democratic discourse, integrated in international multi-level governance, at the territorial level of their community; 2) the more radical left parties and movements that produce a discourse in which the nationalist goal of independence is combined with a revolutionary socialist project or, more recently, with a radical democratic and progressive populist one.
This paper aims to contribute to a better understanding of the latter by focusing on two of the main cases of European sub-state nationalism with a relevant radical left component: the Basque Izquerda Abertzale and the Irish republicanism. In both cases, radical left nationalism has experienced a significant increase in electoral and social support in recent years, due to important transformations at the discursive-ideological and strategic-organisational level. From an ideological point of view, in both cases a discourse is emerging that is strongly focused on the strengthening of social equality and on a reframing of the traditional aim of national liberation, which is now seen more as an expression of the people's ‘right to decide’ and less of the more traditional principle of national self-determination. From a strategic and organisational point of view, the end of the armed strategy that characterised the two movements in the previous decades, and the consequent acceptance of the democratic process, allowed Basque and Irish nationalist left to achieve an important and growing consensus, even among those sectors that previously rejected political violence.
The paper first reconstructs the historical development of radical left nationalism in the two cases and then comparatively describes its current ideological and organisational reshaping in the post-crisis scenario, in order to highlight at the same time how left-wing nationalist parties have succeeded, since the late 1980s, in increasingly filling the void left in western societies by the rapid erosion of solidarity bonds without being affected by the general crisis of the left.

Les Levellers forment un mouvement politique issu des Indépendants et né durant la Grande Rébellion (1642-1651). Ils ont constitué un mouvement radical et urbain, dont les principaux auteurs puisent une grande partie de leurs idées politiques et juridiques dans des sources religieuses, antiques et des écrits de certains de leurs contemporains. Le mouvement qui s’inscrit dans le courant du Jus Naturalisme et entend régénérer la société anglaise à travers un nouveau pacte, car l’invasion normande (1066) est accusée d’avoir détruit les traditions anglaises. Ils en appellent à la rédaction des lois en langue anglaise, la consécration de droits et libertés fondamentaux, ou encore à la séparation des pouvoirs. Avocats de la souveraineté populaire, ils réclament un droit au suffrage masculin élargi. Leurs idées seront compilées et résumées dans un texte majeur dans l’histoire des idées politiques: l’Agreement of the People. Leur pensée, sans doute trop innovante pour leur époque a rendu difficile leur classification. L'article propose d'analyser la composition du mouvement pour tenter d'en faire la typologie.

The Levellers were a political movement that emerged from the
Independents and was born during the English Civil War (1642-1651). The
Levellers reached their peak between 1647 and 1649. The movement aligned itself with the current of Natural Law, aiming to regenerate English society through a new pact to return to a pre-Norman order, as the Norman Conquest (1066) was accused of having destroyed English traditions. They called for the drafting laws in the English language, the enshrinement of fundamental rights and freedoms, and the separation of powers. Advocating for popular sovereignty, their demand greatly expanded male suffrage to establish a popular republic. Their ideas were compiled and summarized in a major text in the history of political thought: The Agreement of the People. Their thinking, which was probably too innovative for their time, made it difficult to classify them. This article proposes to analyze the composition of the movement in order to try to make its typology.

El presente trabajo tiene como objetivo estudiar la huelga de hambre como método de protesta política a partir del caso de Terence MacSwiney, elegido Alcalde de Cork por el Sinn Féin en 1920, en  el  contexto  de  la  Guerra  de  Independencia  Irlandesa,  cuyo  fallecimiento  luego  de  74  días  de huelga en la prisión de Brixton, Inglaterra, causó un fuerte impacto a nivel mundial. Se investigará particularmente como la muerte del líder sinnfenista fue abordado por la prensa local a través de un análisis comparativo de distintas publicaciones pertenecientes al periódico “El Diario” de la ciudad de Paraná, provincia de Entre Ríos, y “El Litoral”, de la provincia de Santa Fe. Además, con el propósito de ampliar y enriquecer el trabajo, se añade un artículo de mismo período publicado en el magazine interamericano “Cuasimodo”.

En Irlanda, la huelga de hambre reapareció y se volvió un arma fundamental en el arsenal del republicanismo militante durante el primer cuarto del siglo XX, en especial luego del Alzamiento de Pascua de 1916, desencadenando incluso un fuerte debate dentro y fuera de la Iglesia Católica por razones morales. De este modo, se plantean múltiples interrogantes: la muerte de MacSwiney ¿fue o no un acto voluntario? ¿Cuál era la postura de la Iglesia Católica frente al empleo de la huelga de hambre como método de resistencia? ¿Podría considerarse un suicidio? El periódico entrerriano y santafesino,  junto  a  la  revista,  se  hacen  eco  de  las  noticias  provenientes  del  exterior  y  brindan distintas miradas al respecto.

Este trabajo comienza explorando los orígenes de la huelga de hambre, para luego recorrer la vida  de  Terence  MacSwiney  y  por  último  abordar  el  análisis  comparativo  de  la  prensa  local  y  la revista interamericana.

Irish Democrat was the paper of the Connolly Association,
a diaspora organisation established to build support for Irish republicanism
within the British labour movement. The Connolly
Association and the Irish Democrat had strong links to the
Communist Party of Great Britain, which advocated for a peaceful
mass movement to challenge the British presence in Northern
Ireland and to remove discrimination faced by Catholics in the Six
Counties. Encouraged by the wave of decolonisation across the
British Empire in the 1950s-60s, both the CA and the CPGB saw
the struggle against Unionist rule in Northern Ireland as analogous
to events in Asia, Africa and the Middle East. This paper explores the
narration of anti-colonial and national liberation movements elsewhere
in the British Empire in the pages of the Irish Democrat and
the overdetermination of Irish national questions by post-war discourses
of radical decolonisation. It also traces the formation across
difference of specific solidarities between the Connolly Association
and other migrant communities within the multicultural political
geography of post-war Britain, including out of campaigns against
racial discrimination, the “colour bar” and post-war immigration
controls.

We dedicate this book to the volunteers and staff of today's Spike Island in acknowledgement of their devotion to the island's past, present and future. vi vii Table of Contents A Note on the Book's Title ix A Note on Primary Sources ix A Note on the Name of the Prison xiv A Note on Images xiv Introduction: Spike Island, History and Legend 4 1. Crimes and Convictions 6 2. The First Convicts 16 3. The Geography of a Prison 25 4. In Mitchel's Time 37 5. The Prison Staff 55 6. Expansion and Escapes 69 7. The Infamous William Burke Kirwan 94 8. Change and Reorganisation 9. Accusations and Machinations 10. The Murder of Warder William Reddy

ls am 9. November 1989 die Grenzübergänge in Berlin knapp drei Jahrzehnte nach dem Mauerbau geöffnet wurden, war das nicht nur ein weltpolitisches Ereignis, sondern auch eine historisch offene Situation. Es war keineswegs absehbar, dass die Siegermächte des Zweiten Weltkriegs einer Wiedervereinigung zustimmen würden. Die Sorge vor einem wiedererstarkenden Deutschland war vor allem bei den europäischen Nachbarn groß. Nicht einmal in der Bundesrepublik selbst waren die politischen Mehrheiten für ein solches Vorhaben ohne Weiteres gegeben.

A true story stranger than fiction. When an Irish Catholic nun, fearful she was about to be murdered by her mother superior, fled her convent in Wagga Wagga and sought the protection of the Orange lodge, she sparked a sectarian war that divided the Australian nation. Arrested as a lunatic at the request of her bishop she was declared sane by the Lunacy Court and released. She then sued the bishop for damages in the Supreme Court in a case that lasted two weeks and attracted the attention of the press across Australia and around the world. In parliament, demands by opposition members for an inquiry into Catholic convents led to threats of violence between Catholic and Protestant MPs. When the nun’s brother kidnapped her off a suburban Sydney street, intending to take her back to her family in Ireland, the police intervened. But when the brother was allowed to leave the country without charge, the opposition moved a censure motion that threatened to bring down the Labor government.

Connor Court Publishing
ISBN: 9781923224063
Paperback 254 pages
RRP $34.95.
Orders: https://www.connorcourtpublishing.com.au/Sister-Liguori-The-Nun-who-Divided-a-Nation--Jeff-Kildea_p_602.html

Force Research Unit-NI-specific intelligence unit of the British Army tasked with operating agents in paramilitary groups. GAA: Gaelic Athletic Association (in Irish, Cumann Lúthchleas Gael). GFA: The 1998 Good Friday Agreement. HET: Historical Enquiries Team-a police unit established in the PSNI from 2005-2014 to review conflictrelated deaths. HIU: Historical Investigations Unit-an independent investigative body that was to be established under the 2014 UK-Ireland Stormont House Agreement. HMIC: Her Majesty's Inspectorate of Constabulary-inspects and assesses police forces and policing organisations in England, Wales and Northern Ireland. (Changed in 2017 to Her/His Majesty's Inspectorate of Constabulary and Fire & Rescue Services (HMICFRS) ICIR: Independent Commission for Information Retrieval, an international truth recovery body envisaged under the Stormont House Agreement to take protected statements relating to conflict related incidents.. ICRIR: Independent Commission for Reconciliation and Information Retrieval-a new legacy body established under the UK 2023 legacy act to 'review' certain conflict related cases and issue immunity certificates. INLA: Irish National Liberation Army-a republican armed group formed in 1975. IRA: Irish Republican Army-the main Irish republican armed group during the conflict, sometimes referred to as the 'Provos', formed in 1970 following a split with the Official IRA. JFF: Campaign group 'Justice for the Forgotten' focusing on conflict related incidents in the Republic of Ireland. LIB: Legacy Investigations Branch, unit of the PSNI responsible for historic cases from 2014. MI5: British security service responsible for domestic counter-intelligence. MI6: British security service responsible for foreign counter-intelligence. MLA: Member of Legislative Assembly-member of the Northern Ireland Assembly. MP: Member of the elected house of UK Parllament. MRF: Military Reaction Force-covert intelligence-gathering and counter-insurgency unit of the British Army operational in the early 1970s; aka Military Reconnaissance Force.

One of the most endearing traces of Locke's influence on Dublin women writers can be seen in a small poem published in 1735, 'Written for My Son, and spoken by him in School, upon his Master's first bringing in a Rod'. 1 The schoolboy speaking the poem complains bitterly about the grim prospect of school beatings, then turns to praise 'that great Sage', who 'Who taught to play us into Learning, / By graving Letters on the Dice'. The 'Sage' is John Locke, who in his 1693 Thoughts Concerning Education recommends that children should enjoy learning their alphabet by playing with a polygon with letters engraved on each face. The child ends by showering praise on Locke: May Heav'n reward the kind Device. And crown him with immortal Fame, Who taught at once to read and game! …………………………………………………… O may I live to hail the Day, When Boys shall go to School to play! 1 Mary Barber, 'Written for my Son, and spoken by him in School, upon his Master's first bringing in a Rod',

Charting the memory of Theobald Wolfe Tone—renowned as the “Father of Irish Republicanism” —reveals that this appellation was apparently introduced in the years after Irish independence and only gained currency from the 1930s onwards. In other words, it was the generation of his great-great-grandchildren that would bestow this recognition on Tone, creating an imagined retroactive genealogy. In subsequent decades this reference would become an oft-repeated cliche, giving the impression that it had always been in existence. And yet, despite established practices of commemoration, the memory of this central figure in modern Irish history remains unstable.

O n 2 January 1804 William Wickham informed Prime Minister Henry Addington that owing to persistent illness and a lame knee he was obliged to resign his position as chief secretary for Ireland.' In reply, Addington accepted this explanation at face value, lamenting its necessity but hoping 'that the Time is not distant when you will resume your Station in Ireland, or be placed in one not less important elsewhere'.2 Wickham was never to return to Ireland, nor, except for a brief period as a member of the treasury board during the Ministry of All the Talents, did he ever again hold public office. He was, however, to be haunted by his decision to resign and by the Irish question, especially in the last years of his long life (he died in October 1840 at the age of 79). Some historians who have referred to this episode have done so knowing what Addington did not, that Wickham had an ulterior motive for re~igning.~ They have cast Wickham as a victim of Britain's Irish problem, an honourable public servant crushed by a burden of guilt. In particular, they have emphasized Wickham's despairing admission that Robert Emmet's last letter to him, written a few moments before the Irishman took 'his very march to the scaffold' on 20 September 1803, was the primary cause of his decision to resign from a ministry whose policies he could no longer e up port.^ In this letter Emmet expressed his gratitude for the treatment he had received while in prison, praised the Dublin Castle administration for its 'mildness' and acquitted it of 'remissness' in failing to prevent the r e b e l l i~n .~ According to James J. Sack, 'Wickham came under Emmet's spell, identified with him to an