Northern Ireland and the Troubles

This is a vital book on Northern Ireland's consociational political arrangements. A collection of leading authors critically dissect the strengths and weaknesses of power-sharing between rival blocs. Although public support for the Good Friday Agreement remains strong, episodic collapses of the political institutions created by that 1998 deal have led to calls for reform. This volume analyses the value of power-sharing; explores the extent to which fragility is in-built within the polity; considers whether a consociation can ever degrade the bloc divisions it manages; and assesses how its democratic institutions might evolve. The book is an essential read for anyone wanting to better understand the difficult dynamics of managing a divided society.

Patterns of Adjustment Associated with Academic Competence and Depressive Symptoms in Adolescence Kathleen M. Jodl Kai Schnabel Jacquelynne S. Eccles University of Michigan DO NOT CITE WITHOUT PERMISSION OF AUTHORS Presented at the biennial meeting of ...

The historical thought referenced in the title of this book is taken in a wide sense. It includes philosophies of history, reflections on the obstacles to historical writing and, majorly, the history and evaluation of major schools of history writing (historiography). The book is ambitious in scope, but carefully researched and written, and thus very useful for the acquisition of an overview of these topics. Philosophy of history includes primarily concepts of history embedded in cultures, that may be unquestioned assumptions more than articulated theories. Within ancient culture reflections on these general views of history were made for the sake of the metaphysics of religion, not to understand the course of historical developments. Introducing the first type of these general views, which he terms "patterns of history" Bebbington says: "A sense of history is not natural to man. Societies have existed, and continue to exist, where there is little awareness of the ongoing historical process and no desire to find out what happened in the past." Instead myth predominates, and being nonhistorical "Entirely different versions can coexist without causing offence." (p. 21

The United Nations Research Institute for Social Development (UNRISD) is an autonomous agency engaging in multidisciplinary research on the social dimensions of contemporary problems affecting development. Its work is guided by the conviction that, for effective development policies to be formulated, an understanding of the social and political context is crucial. The Institute attempts to provide governments, development agencies, grassroots organizations and scholars with a better understanding of how development policies and processes of economic, social and environmental change affect different social groups. Working through an extensive network of national research centres, UNRISD aims to promote original research and strengthen research capacity in developing countries.

Comprehensive casualty lists have been assembled covering the War Of Independence and civil war in Ireland.  There was extensive violence in the six month period before the official outbreak of the Civil war which simmered from January to June 1922 before the shelling of the Four Courts.  In addition the Civil war ceased officially in May 1923 but incidents continued to 1929. This study attempts to document the deaths in these two periods which explains conflicting estimates for the number of deaths  and illustrates how the sectarian trouble in the six counties of Ulster had an effect on the government and anti Traeaty faction.

In contemporary socio-political life, federalism has emerged as a widely acceptable model of state-formation and nation-building with its much acclaimed principles of "self-rule" and "shared rule". As a social thory, it recognizes pluralism as the valid basis of collective peaceful coexistence; as a political principle it seeks to stabilize a pattern of constitutional diffusion of power to reconcile specific/ particularist "self-rule", with common / general "shared rule", and as an administrative arrangement it coordinates the legitimate distribution of power and jurisdiction between the central/federal authority and the constituent units/states. The grand design of federal nation building seeks to build and sustain the "unity of polity" and the "plurality of society.
The essays in this volume traverse the various aspects of federal nation building. The book in its entirety serves not only as essential text on federal nation building but also stimulates constructive thought on the subject.
This book comes as a tribute to Professor Rasheeduddin Khan. An outspoken champion of federalism and an outstanding humanist, he was a meticulous scholar, deeply committed to the success of India's democratic polity. He was working on a study on the pulls and pressures on the nation-state when unexpectedly death snatched him away. This book is an appropriate offering to keep his memory and his work alive.

In an era where new technologies are dominant and prominent in our daily lives, artificial intelligence (AI) seems to bring unlimited potential in its use to facilitate and optimize tasks that were previously performed by human activity. However, this rapid invasion of a tool whose capabilities and functioning remain uncharted for a large part of users, raises concerns as to the risk of malicious use. Starting from this, as well as the general scientific debate that has been developed on the issue of bias reproduction through AI, this research studies how the criminal phenomenon can be defined and presented by AI. Through a series of strategies for testing the ethics of AI, such as open or closed-ended questions, scenario-based testing and an evaluation of the AI's framework and guidelines, an attempt is made to understand the perceptions that AI reproduces and promotes about the criminal phenomenon. More specifically, this research will examine the characteristics that AI attributes to both crime and the criminal, how these ideas are captured in AI generated images and finally whether the use of AI systems can contribute to improving justice and crime policy. This research seeks to highlight both the opportunities and challenges arising from the use of AI in crime prevention and control policies, but also whether the two largest AI engines (ChatGtp & Deepseek) reproduce stereotypes around crime and criminality.

In May 1989, I visited North Korea as a member of Seton Hall University Asia Center delegation at the invitation of Hwang Jang-yop, president emeritus of Kim Il Sung University and foreign affairs secretary of DPRK's ruling Workers' Party. Among the various people I met during a hectic one-week stay in North Korea, he was the most impressive and knowledgeable person. I was impressed by the depth and width of his knowledge of what was happening in the world. According to the head of the USSR (Russian) Academy of Social Science delegation staying at the same guest house where we stayed, "Dr. Hwang is a free thinker-perhaps the only one, in addition to President Kim Il Sung-who appears to have a complete freedom of speech in this country." Hwang was also gracious enough to provide a one-hour lecture on the Juche (self-reliance) Philosophy he was known to have developed on behalf his leader, Kim Il Sung. The current essay highlights the (mental and physical) notes I took during the one-on-one encounter with him. Lately, what Dr. Hwang iterated and reiterated in various ways chimes piercingly in my heart and mind: "The proper way to the salvation of the Korean nation is the way of intellect. Both North and South Koreans should put down their swords and money and think hard." Today, as ever, the Korean Peninsula needs autonomous and socially responsible men and women equipped with high intellect. I would tell such men and women: "Do you ask me 'what is the future of the Korean Peninsula?' I will tell you. Think hard with your intellect and step out on your feet. The road is open to you." I feel Hwang Jang-yop would concur in his grave.

The Good Friday Agreement of 1998, also known as the Belfast Agreement, marked a historic turning point in the Northern Ireland conflict, bringing an end to decades of violence and establishing a framework for peace and power-sharing. The Agreement was the product of many actors-governments, parties, and international mediators-but the leadership of three men was especially decisive: Gerry Adams of Sinn Féin, David Trimble of the Ulster Unionist Party (UUP), and John Hume of the Social Democratic and Labour Party (SDLP). Each addressed a different constituency and played a unique, indispensable role in bridging political divides.

This chapter looks at the evolution of the office of Taoiseach and argues that it changed in the 1980s to become a centre of great power within the Irish executive, but that it has since declined in power, for various reasons, not least the fragmentation of the Irish party system that led to the idea of a 'Rotating Taoiseach'

This Essay examines the Belfast Agreement' (or "Agree-ment") in the light of international law on self-determination and minority rights. Northern Ireland cannot be evaluated in a vacuum; already it is being suggested that the Northern Ireland peace process and the formula ...

This paper explains how events in Irish history and the circumstances of the Irish immigrants in New York in the 19th century motivated them to form one parade to which they gave their time, money, and energy. It discusses how the parade in New York moved from small local processions in Irish communities to a major annual event in the 1850s. The large influx of Irish Catholics in 19th century shifted the message, the size, the form, and in the power of the festival.

This paper, based on a narrative research inquiry, presents and explores a number of stories relating to the experience and identity of members of the small Irish Protestant minority. Drawing on these stories it uses Foucault‟s conceptualisation of power and discourse to consider community, social withdrawal, and two different but linked expressions of silence as acts of resistance. These were simultaneously utilised to preserve a culture and ethos diametrically opposed to the religious and political hegemony of the Irish Catholic state and to combat the threat of extinction. The article concludes that an exploration of Ireland‟s traditional religious minority not only raises awareness concerning a specific group‟s experience but extends an understanding of the issues with which minorities (in more general terms) may have to cope in order to survive.

This thesis traces the development of a mutually beneficial relationship between the Provisional Irish Republican Army (PIRA), Libya and the Republic of Ireland during the ethno-nationalist conflict in Northern Ireland known as ‘The Troubles’ (1969–1998).

It argues that this ‘love triangle’ emerged from a convergence of personal, economic and ideological interests between Ireland and Libya, culminating in the Republic knowingly maintaining trade with a regime that transformed the PIRA from a small paramilitary into a true army that Britain could not defeat. Central to this story is the role of the traditional republican party Fianna Fáil, whose alignment with expanding agricultural and aviation pressure groups helped make Libya the Republic’s fourth largest export market by the 1980s.

Particular focus is given to Taoiseach Charles Haughey, who maintained a notably cordial relationship with Muammar Gaddafi, even in the aftermath of PIRA atrocities such as the 1987 Enniskillen bombing. The thesis thus examines how the triangle, though remarkably resilient, faced sustained pressure from rival party Fine Gael, supported by U.S. diplomatic and investment interests. Framed within broader themes of the Cold War, international terrorism and European political economy, it contends that the nature of this relationship evolved over time - waning not through Fianna Fáil’s political resolve, but due to Gaddafi’s own realpolitik.

Though subject to the dictator’s shifting needs, the relationship never fully disappeared, periodically re-emerging when Libya sought to strike at Britain. Although Gaddafi formally ended his support for the PIRA in August 1988, this paper further explores the aftershocks of the relationship through to beyond the Good Friday Agreement in 1998. To develop this argument, it draws on recently declassified documents from the National Archives of Ireland and The National Archives (UK), alongside digitised U.S. sources, to reconstruct an overlooked transnational history stretching far beyond Belfast and Tripoli.

In doing so, it offers a nuanced perspective on The Troubles, demonstrating how a little-known trade and terrorist relationship prolonged the conflict, while illuminating deep tensions between Ireland’s economic interests and its moral responsibilities.

When some of your relatives came from Ulster and you find out an extended family member was riding the white horse as King Billy in the Twelfth of July parades in Toronto how should you feel? This happened during the 1930s when thousands of marchers participated and hundreds
of thousands watched. As it was part of my cultural heritage I was interested to learn more.

Statistically speaking, American Evangelical Christians are uniquely attracted to apocalyptic conspiracy theories when it comes to the topic of climate change. Since Evangelicals constitute a powerful voting/lobbying/shopping bloc, it is worth asking why this might be the case and what (if anything) can be done about it. To this end, my study considers the relevance of two major cultural tributaries to American Evangelical pop apocalyptic culture. In the first section I consider biblical apocalyptic culture and argue that the characteristic apocalyptic promise to disclose hidden divine plans to a misunderstood but soon-tobe- vindicated elect group naturally entails conspiracy-theory thinking. I argue further that apocalyptic imagination and conspiracy-theory thinking are powerful tools for the definition of identity and community. In the second section I turn my attention to the kind of Evangelical pop apocalyptic culture that helped push climate science denial into the Christian ma...

Reconciliation and consociation were at the core of the Belfast/Good Friday Agreement (BGFA) in 1998. Analysis of the politics of the last 25 years in Northern Ireland (NI), however, reveals that many presumed aspects of reconciliation – integrated education, desegregated living, the disbandment of armed groups, cultural rapprochement, linguistic and cultural diversity, safe and secure shared public space, an approach to the past which puts the suffering of victims at its core – remain unaddressed or are deeply disputed. The article explores how consociational government in Northern Ireland has gradually decayed under pressure from this weakness. Since 2016, reconciliation has been a second-order consideration for the shaping partnership between the United Kingdom (U.K.) and Ireland which made the Agreement possible, leaving the Agreement at risk from the repeated exercise of the veto and dependent on the absence of any alternative, rather than proactive commitment.

This paper argues how postcolonial melancholia, as defined by
Paul Gilroy, haunts attempts within Belfast to use public art to
move past the trauma from the Troubles and colonialism’s
lingering impact. We begin by addressing the history of political
murals and re-imaging projects where public art is used to
soften Belfast’s sectarian imagery. We then explore recent
efforts by street artists to re-image the city to make it more
amenable to tourists and middle-class patrons. We conclude
with the reflections from promoters, artists, and graffiti writers
regarding the role of public art as they oscillate between
acknowledging the impossible task of art moving beyond historical
trauma, political upheaval, and colonialism and idealised
notions of art. An overarching middle-class vision of art and the
neoliberal approaches of using it to bolster the city as a tourist
destination fit awkwardly within the postcolonial melancholia
that continues to trouble Belfast.

W e are in the midst of a renaissance of Woolman scholarship, and now comes this wonderful book by Jon R. Kershner, devoted to examining Woolman's "comprehensive theological vision for colonial American society," performing a deep dive into the framework of "Woolman's alternative vision for the British Atlantic world." Kershner's work builds upon and augments a host of other fresh theological work that will provide a solid foundation for the next generation of scholars. Full disclosure: I blurbed the book, and was a reviewer for the press. Quakers, especially of early generations, often produced significant spiritual reflections around the book of Revelation. A key term in Kershner's analysis is drawn from it, "Apocalypse." This is a starting point for Woolman's Journal . One of Woolman's earliest recollections, recounted in Journal's first paragraph, was Woolman separating himself from his playmates soon after he learned to read, in order to meditate upon the last chapter of the book of Revelation: "He showed me a river of water, clear as crystal, proceeding out of the throne of God and the Lamb, etc." (Rev.

In 1971, when the Open University’s (OU’s) first dedicated television programmes were broadcast and its first correspondence materials dispatched, among the first of its part-time, adult, learners were prisoners. In common with many other OU students, prisoners often started from a position of low self-esteem, having few or no prior formal qualifications. OU students were separated from one another and often prisoners were particularly isolated. Many faced additional difficulties when studying, as some teaching materials and experiences were denied to them. In this chapter, by focusing on prisoners who have studied through the OU, the broader impact of the OU’s students upon their communities is illuminated. The experience of being students provided the prisoners with opportunities to gain in self-confidence and self-belief. It enabled them to hold a mirror up to the mainstream and recognise the ways in which the social order could be made and remade. Studying provided some prisoner...

Roadway bridges, being one of the most critical road infrastructures components, require regular maintenance actions. Therefore, it becomes important to define strategies to maximize societal benefits, derived from the investment made in these assets. Consequently, this investment should be planned, effectively managed and technically supported by appropriate management systems, supported in quality control plans. For this purpose, authorities need to produce an asset management plan which should, not only define the goals to be achieved by exploiting the roadway bridge network, but also identify the investment needs and priorities based on a life cycle cost criteria. Additionally, a proper condition assessment of these assets must be conducted to support the decision-making process regarding their preservation. A COST Action recently started in Europe with the aim of standardizing the establishment of quality control plans for roadway bridges. This paper describes this Action and, particularly, its most recent developments.

This article presents a comparative historical analysis of the medieval Nizari Ismaili Assassins and contemporary religious terrorist organisations. Drawing on terrorism studies theory and historical accounts, the paper explores structural and strategic parallels in ideology, tactics, and objectives between the Assassins—an 11th–13th-century sect renowned for targeted political killings—and modern religiously motivated terrorists. The introduction frames political violence as a recurring phenomenon and posits the value of examining historical cases like the Assassins to enhance understanding of modern terrorism. A review of the literature on Religious Terrorism establishes definitions and provides a theoretical context, particularly regarding Islamic terrorism. The article then provides a detailed historical overview of the Assassins, including their origins, methods of operation, and mythologisation in historical narratives. Against this backdrop, twelve key similarities between the Assassins and contemporary religious terrorists are analysed, including asymmetrical warfare strategy, clandestine organisation, recruitment and indoctrination, the use of martyrdom, and the communicative function of violence. Important differences—especially the Assassins’ relative avoidance of civilian targets—are also highlighted. The conclusion discusses how these comparisons reveal enduring patterns and a degree of strategic rationality in terrorist violence, underscoring the significance of historical analogies for developing a nuanced understanding of religious terrorism and informing future research in the field.

To an expectant House of Commons, the then Foreign Secretary. Sir Geoffrey Howe reported that the Gibraltar shootings had prevented 'A dreadful terrorist act'. He also stated that when challenged the terrorists had 'made movements which led the military personnel operating In support of the Gibraltar police to conclude that their own lives and the lives of others were under threat. In the light of this response. they were shot. Those shol were subsequently found not to have been carrying arms.• In answer lo a question from George Robertson , the then Labour Deputy Foreign Affairs Spokesman, Sir Geoffrey wenl on:

One feature of recent British general election campaigns on which all observers would surely agree is the ever-increasing extent to which they have been designed to capture favourable attention from television. Labour's 1987 campaign was proof, if proof was still needed, that the last bastions of resistance to 'modern' techniques had crumbled. Even the Greens, ostensible exponents of an 'alternative' approach to politics, have shown in their broadcasts that they are prepared to be as unsentimentally (and as sentimentally) manipulative as the oldstyle politicians they seek to displace. The parties' efforts focus most intensely on obtaining favourable news coverage on television. As they see it, TV news is watched by more people, particularly among the less politically minded, than any other election programming. It is also trusted more than most other sources. Moreover, programmes like 'Newsnight' or 'Today' take many of the cues shaping their coverage from the main news, as to some extent does the press. Perceptions about how well or badly a party is doing on televison may also affect its morale, directly and by way of the small army of commentators who analyse campaigns in print or on the air. It is therefore surprising that the behaviour of television news ' H.

Using the case of Northern Ireland, this article examines how post-conflict transition impacts sports organisations which have traditionally underpinned societal division and what factors facilitate or restrain such organisations from fulfilling peacebuilding functions. The article identifies three peacebuilding functions of sport: in-group socialisation, promoting social cohesion and symbolically representing new identities. Then, after outlining the sporting and political context in Northern Ireland, the article explores changes within the sporting environment stemming from the peace process as well as persistent socio-political barriers to sport’s capacity to encourage reconciliation and integration, especially symbolic contestation and territorial segregation. The analysis draws on a public attitudes survey (n = 1210) conducted by the authors as part of a major government-funded study. The findings demonstrate the potential of the three peacebuilding functions of sport, yet also...

April 2018 will mark twenty years since the signing of the Good Friday Agreement. Whilst defined by historic levels of peace, for the people living in Northern Ireland the past two decades have also been characterised by irreconcilable divisions over how to interpret the recent past, and rising levels of ethno-sectarian atavism amongst the nation’s interface communities. The informal heritage sector is one area where these issues manifest, where contestations over how to represent the Troubles to outsiders, and within communities, are often described as a ‘war by other means’. This thesis explores the role of empathy in relation to Belfast’s Troubles heritage, specifically in relation to the experiences of the ‘troubles tourist’. Discussions of empathy’s benefits for understanding the ‘other’ have already been advanced within heritage studies, however what is less acknowledged is its usage as a political tool, which maintains rather than overcomes structural inequalities and power r...

The attempts to implement the Good Friday Agreement have often been frustrated by Unionist parties’ reluctance to share power given their discontent with the difficulties in achieving decommissioning and more recently the Northern Ireland Protocol that was part of the Brexit Withdrawal Agreement. Given the continuing difficulties in operationalizing the institutional framework negotiated in 1998, Nationalist and Republican parties, especially Sinn Féin, have begun a discussion on a joint referendum that would bring Irish unification. This paper explores the changing narrative of Northern Ireland politics from peaceful powersharing to a transition toward Irish unity.

The article deals with the topic of fundamentalist approach to the biblical texts within the Orthodox biblical scholarship. After a brief description of the fundamentalist ap‐ proach to the Bible and an attempt to question them from the point of view of the con‐ cept of Christian Scripture and contemporary epistemology based on the interpretative structure of knowledge, author briefly points to the strangeness of the fundamentalist approach to the Orthodox theological tradition. The fundamentalist readings of the Bible inspire or follow tendencies within the Orthodox Church, such as anti ‐intellectualism, anti ‐ecumenism, and a specific call to spiritual revival. One possible answer to the dominance of these phenomena in the Church is the promotion of the historical ‐critical method in interpreting the Bible on the Orthodox educational institutions, as well as insisting on a scientific ‐critical discourse in the context of the present time. The funda‐ mentalist approach should be se...

Given the historical interaction between Jurgen Moltmann and Paul Ricoeur, constructing their dialogue is not unprecedented. Nevertheless, there is yet a work devoted to exploring a possible fusion of their insights on this topic: biblical revelation. Hence, this essay explores how the insights of the theologian and the philosopher can converge with each other with respect to biblical revelation. Thus, this essay can be located within the field of hermeneutics as well as theological epistemology. And it proposes the following thesis: Ricoeur’s notion ‘the world of the text’ finds a theological foothold in Moltmann’s ‘promise’ that Ricoeur’s hermeneutics of revelation can be rendered theological density This essay consists two main parts (part 3 and part 4), which respectively assume the tasks of analysing Ricoeur’s philosophy of hermeneutics of revelation and converging which with Moltmann’s theology. One the one hand, part 3 analyses the textual dynamics that give rise to ‘the world of the text’, identifying emplotment (configuration), modes of discourse, and temporalities as essential factors of the ‘text’s world’. Also, text-reader dynamics is taken into consideration to account for the imagination and action of readers in reception of biblical revelation. On the other hand, part 4 demonstrates the aforementioned convergence by comparing ‘the world of the text’ and ‘promise’, illustrating their similarity in terms of these conceptual facets: inexhaustibility, appropriation, imagination and ‘contradictory character’ while presenting that Ricoeur and Moltmann shares compatibles views towards Cross-and-Resurrection which provide theological basis for their respective notions.

This book provides the first comprehensive analysis of Sir Edward Heath’s public and private attitude to Northern Ireland during his period as Conservative Party leader and U.K. prime minister. Due to access to new and previously closed archival files, this book radically challenges the current historiography vis-à-vis Heath’s Northern Ireland policy both in the political and security spheres. It offers readers a fascinating insight into some of the more controversial aspects of the U.K. government’s Northern Ireland policy during the early years of the ‘Troubles’, including Heath’s attitude to the use of the so-called ‘five techniques’ of torture; his pivotal role during the events leading to ‘Bloody Sunday’ and the subsequent introduction of Direct Rule; and, lastly, his role as one of the leading architects of the Sunningdale Agreement.

This undertakes a critical examination of the 2013–2014 writer’s journal that would ultimately serve as the intellectual, aesthetic, and autobiographical foundation for Sketches of an Unquiet Heart: Journaling Ireland, a hybrid memoir that blends travel narrative, poetic meditation, and disability theory. Written during a formative year in which the author prepared to study abroad through Hofstra University’s Honors College in Dublin and Galway, the journal operates as a liminal document—situated between lived experience and literary creation, between private reflection and public authorship. It records not only the logistical, emotional, and academic preparations for the 2014 Ireland Study Abroad Program, but also captures the emergence of a poetics shaped by bodily difference, diasporic consciousness, and literary ambition.

This study reads the journal through a multidisciplinary critical lens, drawing on theories from life writing studies, disability studies, and affect theory. Specifically, it engages the work of scholars such as Leigh Gilmore, G. Thomas Couser, and Petra Kuppers to interrogate how disabled embodiment informs narrative structure, temporal pacing, and formal hybridity. The paper also situates the journal within the broader tradition of travel writing and educational autobiography, while challenging the normative frameworks through which mobility, independence, and intellectual authority are typically conceived. In contrast to the able-bodied archetype of the solitary, unencumbered traveler, the journal documents a subject negotiating institutional bureaucracy, physical limitations, and emotional vulnerability, while nonetheless articulating an expansive literary and spiritual vision.

Central to the journal’s content is its intertextual dialogue with the Irish literary canon, especially the works of W.B. Yeats, James Joyce, Seamus Heaney, and Oscar Wilde. These influences are not passively absorbed but actively reinterpreted through the writer’s lived experience as a Latin-American woman and disabled student. The journal also reflects a sustained engagement with modernist and postmodernist forms, particularly those found in the writings of Virginia Woolf, whose stream-of-consciousness technique and attention to interiority deeply inform the voice and structure of both the journal and the memoir it would inspire.

This paper argues that the 2013–2014 journal constitutes not merely a preparatory exercise but a rigorous site of creative-critical praxis. It functions as a “crip archive,” to borrow Alison Kafer’s term—a space in which disabled life is not merely chronicled but theorized, where the act of journaling becomes an epistemological intervention into dominant narratives of ability, agency, and authorship. Through close reading of selected entries, the paper reveals how the journal’s fragmented, lyrical style anticipates the experimental form of Sketches of an Unquiet Heart, and how personal writing can function as both a resistance to institutional marginalization and a generative blueprint for an inclusive literary future.

This piece of work is dedicated to my maternal grandparents Gladys Nomvula (umaSeoka) and Obed Meyiwa who got educated in the early 1900s, paving the way for us and generations to come. This is also dedicated to my beloved late father Moses "Mashu" Majola for giving me 'ifa langunaphakade' which is education. My only brother Barry Ntokozo (now deceased), I miss you brother. My paternal grandparents especially my grandmother Nomi MaNzuza Majola, this one is for you. I know you are the proudest grandma wherever you are, for this is the fruit of your teachings while raising us as your grandsons.

The mission of the Centre is to help create the conditions for excellent policies, services, and practices that improve the lives of children, youth, and families through research, education, and service development. The UCFRC has an extensive network of relationships and research collaborations internationally and is widely recognised for its core expertise in the areas of Family Support and Youth Development.

Bei der Lektüre dieser Graphic Novel begleitet man Gabriele Rollnik - Ella
- auf einem Spaziergang durch Hamburg bis zu ihrem Küchentisch. Ella - das muss erwähnt werden - ist keine fiktionale Figur, sondern eine Persönlichkeit der bundesdeutschen Geschichte. Sie war ab 1974 aktives Mitglied der Bewegung 2. Juni und verbrachte 15 Jahre im Gefängnis. Auf
dem mit diesem Buch angebotenen Spaziergang erfährt man von ihrer Politisierung, Radikalisierung, ihren Erlebnissen in der Illegalität und im Knast.