Irish Nationalism

Типологический анализ сюжетов и мотивов А. А.. ЯСКЕЛЯЙН Афганские сказки и легенды. Составление, предисловие и при-Л94 мечания К. А. Лебедева. Типологический анализ сюжетов и моти вов А. А. Яскеляйн. Главная редакция восточной литературы из дательства «Наука», М., 1972. 280 с. («Сказки и мифы народов Востока»). Сборник афганского фольклора (переводы с пушту) включает волшебные и бытовые сказки, легенды и хикаяты. Сборник рассчитан на взрослого читателя. 7-3-4 И(Афг) ОТ СОСТАВИТЕЛЯ У афганского народа в силу сложившихся исторических условий, долгого отсутствия письменной литературы на пушту и неравномерного развития ее особое место заняло устное народное творчество. Можно с уверенностью сказать, что в развитии национальной культуры афганцев фольклор не утратил значения и до сих пор, особенно если учесть, что грамотность среди народа и сейчас еще весьма невысока. Необходимо отметить также и такой значительный момент в культурной жизни Афганистана, как полное господство в письменной литературе до сере дины второй четверти XX в. языка дари (кабули). Культура афганского народа, а следовательно, и устное народное творчество развивались в тесной взаимосвязи с культурой и фолькло ром соседних стран -Индии, Ирана и Средней Азии. В устном народ ном творчестве афганцев мы находим сюжеты, бытующие и в фольк лоре других народов. Но фольклор, заимствуя сюжеты, перерабатывал их, придавал им национальные формы, присущий афганскому народу колорит. Так, например, сюжет афганской сказки «Мард ау намард» (о торжестве добра над злом) перекликается со сказками других наро дов: с персидской сказкой «Путный и непутный», казахской «О добром и злом», армянской «О двух товарищах», с грузинской сказкой «О двух братьях: добром и злом». Но персонажи, действующие в сказке, детали народного быта, национальный характер ясно показывают, что перед нами подлинно афганская сказка. Говоря об общности сюжета сказок, нельзя не вспомнить замечатель ные слова М. Горького: «Едва ли возможно сомневаться в том, что про цесс заимствования и дополнения древних сказок особенностями быта каждой расы, нации, каждого класса играл значительную роль в разви тии культуры, разума и народного творчества. * * * Первые сведения об афганском фольклоре проникли в Европу с по явлением труда М. Эльфинстона «Описание Кабульского королевства...», который вышел в свет в Лондоне в 1815 г. 2 . В этой книге приводятся краткие сведения по литературе и фольклору афганского народа. В ней дано, между прочим, изложение известной по всему Афганистану ле генды «Адам-хап ау Дурхапый». Говоря о любви афганцев к сказке, М. Эльфинстон пишет: «После обеда они сидят и курят или собираются в круг рассказывать сказки и петь. Старики -большие мастера рассказывать. Сказки афганцев говорят о королях и везирах, о джиннах и феях, но главным образом о любви и войне. Они часто содержат песни и стихи и всегда заканчи ваются нравоучением. Афганцы наслаждаются этими сказками и пес нями. Во время рассказа все сидят молча, а по окончании восклицают: "Э шаваш! (браво!)" -этим они обычно выражают свое восхищение» 3 . Интересный фольклорный материал по кругу Ванну был собран и опубликован в Лондоне в 1876 г. С. Терберном 4 . В книге Терберна при ведены баллады, загадки и пословицы. Более систематичное и полное описание афганского фольклора содер жится в книге Дж. Дармстетера «Народные песни афганцев», опублико ванной в Париже в конце XIX в. 5 . Эта книга до сих пор сохраняет большое значение как одна из фундаментальных работ в области языка и фольклора афганцев. Часть книги Дармстетера переведена на пушту и издана в Афганистане в 1948 г. В своей книге Дармстетер с достаточной полнотой освещает творче ство народных певцов -думов, приводит материалы из устного народ ного творчества: загадки, пословицы, ландый (двустишия), колыбельные песни и заплачки. В книге опубликованы тексты на пушту с переводом на французский язык, снабженные комментариями. В 1893 г. П. Хыоз издал в Лахоре сборник «Килид-и афгани» б . В нем помещено 49 хикаятов из книги «Ганджи-пахто» Маувлави Ахмада. 1 М. Г о р ь к и й, О сказках, М., 1953. Соч., т. 25, стр. 87. 2 М. Е 1 р h i n s t о n, An Account of the Kingdom of Caubul and its Dependencies in Persia, Tartary and India etc, London, 1815. 3 Там же, стр. 236.

The Revival of Irish (An Ghaeilge) as a spoken language in Ireland has been a fixed policy of Irish Governments since the foundation of the State in 1922. The policy failed as the population refused to change their language from English even to a small degree. The Government response has been to designate certain of their own employees to use Irish in their work and to direct the translation of all stste documents into Irish.

In this interview, Claudia Rankine clarifies how real people function in her work, specifically Citizen, which features take-from-life figures like Serena Williams. Rankine clarifies how real individuals become a metaphor for a dynamic, specifically one in relation to social, cultural, and linguistic dynamics of injustice and oppression.

In 1887, the Times of India welcomed a new production to the Gaiety Theatre in Bombay, "a Parsee adaptation of Boucicault's COLLEEN BAWN." Bholi Jan (Innocent Belle), the Gujarati version of The Colleen Bawn, was greeted enthusiastically (Times of India, February 12 and 19, 1887). Bawn had long been a hit in India, but the site was now the "native stage," the Indian-language sphere of hybrid theatrical practices and large commercial companies. With this crossover, Boucicault's work was recast. Transformed into Parsi theater, Bawn ushered in a different kind of cultural production, which was to have a long afterlife in South Asian popular culture.

This chapter looks at the evolution of the office of Taoiseach and argues that it changed in the 1980s to become a centre of great power within the Irish executive, but that it has since declined in power, for various reasons, not least the fragmentation of the Irish party system that led to the idea of a 'Rotating Taoiseach'

By the summer of 1940 the British Army had suffered two simultaneous strategic defeats in Norway and France. Both had led to hurried and ignominious evacuations. A popular misconception contends that this led to a wholesale clearing out of the British Army's command structure in order to start again, and that many officers suffered the loss of their careers in the necessity to rebuild an army both to withstand invasion and enable victory over Nazi Germany. This thesis contends that this belief is misplaced, and that rather than automatically ending the careers of all involved, some officers would progress and even thrive after 1940 in varying degrees. Its basis is a group of officers, brigadiers, on the cusp of either progression to general's rank, stagnation or demotion. The careers of these officers are examined to establish whether or not factors including education, regiment, staff qualifications and so on influenced their professional survival. The work also considers whether the presence or absence of influence was responsible for an officer's progression through the war after 1940. This thesis also examines those brigadiers serving in fighting commands in the initial stages of the Battle of Normandy in 1944. This is to compare a group on the cusp of winning a war with one close to its loss. The conclusion will be that the degree of change POINT OF FAILURE PJ MC CARTY -UNIVERSITY OF WOLVERHAMPTON

My work highlights the distinctive transnational context presented by the various raids of
the Fenian Brotherhood into Canada between 1866 and 1871. An often-ignored event in the
US—though well-remembered in Canada—the Fenian Raids were anything but nominal to the
Canadian, British, and US governments. Fenian leadership believed the US-Canada border
presented the most militarily-realistic incursion point against the British Empire. The ostensible
goal was to occupy significant regions within Canada and force the British to hand political
sovereignty back to the people of Ireland.
Only a handful of monographs in the last forty years have addressed the Fenian
Brotherhood’s activities in Canada. Militarily, the engagements were indeed small. However, the
significance of this story does not consist in the size of the battles. My research indicates that the transnational implications of the US Fenian movement were quite significant. With Anglo-American tensions still high regarding Britain’s questionable neutrality during the Civil War, Irish filibustering heightened this strain and had the potential to ignite a transatlantic conflict between Britain and the US. Indeed, this very nearly occurred when British-Canadian militiamen came within a few yards of following retreating Fenians across the US border.

I also address how the political power of the Irish-American vote further exacerbated
Anglo-American relations, as the Johnson and Grant administrations carefully weighed the electoral implications of their response to the Fenians. Finally, I explore how expansionist minded members of Congress were willing to risk neutrality in order to garner the Irish vote.

Anuradha Roy  presents  Gayatri,  the  protagonist in All  the  Lives  We  Never  Lived,as  a bold progressive woman. The story revolves around her quest forpeace and happiness in life.She chooses her dreams over her  family to fulfilher  desires. In our patriarchal society, a man is usually not questioned as much for dereliction of family duties and responsibilities as a woman is  when  she  happens  to  shy  away  from  taking  care  of  her  family  and  children.  It  is  perhaps because  man  dominates  society,  and  woman  is  relegated  to  the  submissive  and  subservient position in family and society. Modern-day women writers, such as Anuradha Roy, often take on issues and social situations where women are assuming new roles to bring aboutchange in the  social  status  of  women.  In All  the  Lives  We  Never  Lived, Gayatri’s revolt against her husband is born out of her husband’s domineering nature

Race in Irish Literature and Culture provides an in-depth understanding of intersections between Irish literature, culture, and questions of race, racialization, and racism. Covering a vast historical terrain from the sixteenth century to the present, it spotlights the work of canonical, understudied, and contemporary authors in Ireland, Northern Ireland, and among diasporic Irish communities. By focusing on questions related to Black Irish identities, Irish whiteness, Irish racial sciences, postcolonial solidarities, and decolonial strategies to address racialization, the volume moves beyond the familiar frameworks of British/Irish and Catholic/ Protestant binarisms and demonstrates methods for Irish Studies scholars to engage with the question of race from a contemporary perspective.

I first encountered William Monsell, the first Baron Emly of Tervoe, some fifty years ago, when I examined his papers and correspondence in the National Library of Ireland in Dublin. Because of the spotty nature of the collection, however, it was difficult to form a coherent picture of him, although two things became patently clear: he was very well connected and obviously influential. Over the years, I have met Monsell again and again in the archives in Rome, London, and Dublin. He has always remained, however, a shadowy and lurking figure, refracted by the light of more powerful personalities, whether a Pius IX, a Gladstone, a Newman, or a Cardinal Cullen, and therefore always oblique and somewhat mysterious.

In 1930s Ireland, modernist writing developed at a conjuncture of national and international influences. The second generation of Irish modernism responded to national culture in the context of international debates about literary form. The purpose of this thesis is to present a nuanced understanding of the relationship between Irish and European literary discourse in the work of Thomas MacGreevy, Sean O'Faolain and Samuel Beckett: three writers who formulated Irish writing within a self-consciously international frame. Drawing on recent critical approaches to modern Irish writing and on contemporary theories of modernism, this thesis argues that Irish writing in the 1930s reflected many of the debates and tensions in international modernism. In the first decades of independence, attitudes to literary form, to cultural nationalism, and to the role of the writer in the public sphere were being reshaped. These attitudes formed the basis of alternative formulations of Irish modernism. The three writers considered here approached the relationship between Ireland and Europe from different perspectives, and figured the possibilities of international influence on national literary culture in diverse ways. Consideration of the national and international networks of influence underlying the aesthetic projects of MacGreevy, O'Faolain and Beckett illuminates their 1930s writing, and has broader implications for the understanding of Irish literary culture. The first chapter argues that MacGreevy's critical writing formulated a national version of conservative modernism. MacGreevy combined Catholic and republican attitudes with a high modernist approach to the role of art in mass democracy. The second chapter focuses on O'Faolain's realist aesthetic in relation to contemporary debates about modernism and realism. O'Faolain's attitude to national culture developed from a conflict between artistic integrity and social responsibility which reflected tensions in both national and international literary discourse. The third chapter contextualises Beckett's 1930s fiction in the avant gardist elements of Irish literary culture, and argues that his aesthetic developed as a specifically national manifestation of late modernism.

This paper explores the political-cultural dimensions of public
monuments in South Asia with a focus on India and Nepal. Monuments
beyond their artistic and commemorative functions serve as powerful tools
for shaping collective memory, asserting national identity and articulating
political ideologies. Drawing on theoretical frameworks such as Maurice
Halbwachs’ concept of collective memory, Pierre Nora’s idea of lieux de
mémoire and Benedict Anderson’s notion of the ‘imagined community,’ this
paper critically examines how monumental architecture is used to narrate
official histories while often excluding marginalized voices. Case studies from
India (Ram Mandir in Ayodhya and the Statue of Unity) and Nepal (the
reconstructed Dharahara Tower, Pashupatinath and Lumbini) demonstrate
how monuments become instruments of nationalism, post-disaster resilience
and cultural diplomacy. The paper also highlights shared cultural symbols
between the two nations such as Sita and Buddha, and reflects on the potential and limitations of heritage as a unifying force. Ultimately, it argues for an inclusive, participatory approach to public art that reflects the pluralistic
identities of South Asian societies ensuring that monuments represent not only dominant narratives but also the histories of those traditionally left
unheard

The trajectory of James O'Donnell from the famine-ravaged fields of County Tipperary to the commercial wharves of St. John's, and ultimately to the cloistered halls of Rockwell College, illuminates the complex dynamics of nineteenth-century Irish emigration, entrepreneurial success, and philanthropic vision. This study, drawing upon an extensive corpus of archival materials including contemporary newspaper accounts, business records, genealogical documentation, and institutional archives, reconstructs the life of a man whose individual agency intersected with broader historical forces to create lasting change across two continents. O'Donnell's story transcends the conventional narrative of emigrant success; it reveals the sophisticated networks of mutual support that bound Irish communities across the Atlantic and demonstrates how accumulated capital could be transformed into educational endowments that sustained multiple generations.

To an expectant House of Commons, the then Foreign Secretary. Sir Geoffrey Howe reported that the Gibraltar shootings had prevented 'A dreadful terrorist act'. He also stated that when challenged the terrorists had 'made movements which led the military personnel operating In support of the Gibraltar police to conclude that their own lives and the lives of others were under threat. In the light of this response. they were shot. Those shol were subsequently found not to have been carrying arms.• In answer lo a question from George Robertson , the then Labour Deputy Foreign Affairs Spokesman, Sir Geoffrey wenl on:

This thesis examines traditions in Irish and Scottish song with the aim of offering a context for the Thomas Moore's Irish Melodies and Robert Burns' songs. It also explores points of intersection and divergence in both content and methodology between the two songwriters and the national music traditions of which their songs form a part. The introduction sets out observations and patterns in criticism on both Moore and Burns as well as offering a bibliographic overview of their lives and musical development. Chapter one considers the way in which Moore and Burns' songs problematise racial profiling by both travel writers who stressed the barbarity of the Irish and Scottish, but also challenged antiquarian preoccupation with attempting to redress these assertions of barbarity by glorifying historical achievements -particularly those of a musical or literary natureof the Irish and Scottish. Chapter two draws attention to the fact that observations made of Irish love song are often applicable to Scottish song before proceeding to examine how Moore's and Burns' songs manifest and subvert qualities identified within the Irish love-song tradition. Chapter three identifies methods used to depict landscape and nature in Irish and Scottish song and the degree to which Moore and Burns employ similar strategies or deviate from the existing song practise. Ultimately, by undertaking close 'readings' of their songs, this thesis aims to highlight what separates and unifies the songs of Moore and Burns from material produced by their predecessors, contemporaries and successors and in so doing, hopes to contribute to the recognition or, in Moore's case, restoration of each as Bard of their respective nations.

Der Begriff der Dekadenz liefert ein wichtiges Instrument, um die große Affinität des Kinos zu Richard Wagner zu erklären. Denn das Kino, das auf der Leinwand jede menschliche Regung ins Unermessliche vergrößert, Augen und Ohren überwältigt und im dunklen Saal zu Tränen rührt, das ohne Pathos und Emotionen im Kern nicht existieren würde, bewegt sich im engsten Umkreis der Dekadenz. Ausgehend von Friedrich Nietzsches Wagner-Kritik wird in den versammelten Beiträgen untersucht, wie weit Nietzsches Analyse auch für ein bestimmtes Filmkonzept gilt, das Wagner’sche Topoi, musikalische oder personelle Konstellationen oder ästhetische Konzepte übernimmt. Das Spektrum der erörterten Themen reicht von Erlösungsfantasien und der Überwindung des Todestriebes im Hollywood-Kino, über Verfallsgeschichten bei Regisseuren wie Luchino Visconti und Hans Jürgen Syberberg bis zu den Wagner-(An-)Klängen im Bereich des Horror- und Fantasyfilms.
Mit Beiträgen von Elisabeth Bronfen, Jörg Buttgereit, Bernd Kiefer, Peter Moormann, Andreas Urs Sommer und Marcus Stiglegger.

Irish literature, as well as that of Wales and Scotland, is often disregarded as post-colonial by colonised groups outside Britain since these countries have been perceived as accomplices of the Empire (Said, 1994). However, they were the first territories to suffer from the English invasion and colonisation. "The Wind that Shakes the Barley" (Loach, 2006) is a post-colonial audiovisual narrative about the Irish process of decolonisation and belongs to the category of Resistance literature. "The Wretched of the Earth" (Fanon, 2004), is used in this paper to analyse this film. While Fanon explores the Algerian revolution and reclaims the voices and agency of the black population from white oppressors, Loach and Laverty depict the Irish revolution and show the struggles that white colonised subjects also went through. Both cultural products focus on the fight for liberation and self-determination from the eyes of rebels. They expose the shared experience of colonialism—despite ethnic differences—as well as the anti-colonial endeavours that the oppressed undertook to break free and regain their sovereignty.

Siobhan Dowd’s novel Bog Child explores a legacy of self-sacrifice in Ireland. From a contemporary context, it explores the second hunger strike of Long Kesh prison in the 1980s and a fictionalised famine in the first century as a more ancient example. Using Kathleen Jamie’s notion of ‘surfacing’ and Oona Frawley’s ‘memory cruxes’ as launching points to explore Bog Child, this paper works to illuminate how these temporally distant events are intricately connected through an extended history of self-sacrifice and hunger in Ireland. In the process, it also explores how, in that extended history, gendered notions have crept in, how they are reinforced and how they can be challenged. Bog Child is at its core a novel about the repetition of history, and particularly of historical cultural trauma, but one that ultimately works to offer a compassionate end to this repetition, as the paper will conclude.

This article lists the names, and other information,  on approximately 3,000 persons identified as victims or perpetrators of crimes  in Ireland in the period 1821-1860.  The names were extracted from proclamations or 'Wanted Posters' published to seek information which would lead to capture of the perpetrators of the  crime, and offering rewards for same.  Thousands of such proclamations were published in the Dublin Gazette between 1821 and 1860.  The vast majority of those named are crime victims. The content usually includes an address and often other information on the victim's household and their circumstances, as well as on the crime. It was originally published as an e-book by Flyleaf Press (now closed) in 2022.

Prefacing his tour de force Modern Ireland in 1988, Roy Foster impressed upon the reader the importance of understanding the modern Irish experience in terms of 'varieties of Irishness'. Modern Ireland, Foster advanced, was characterised by 'a fragmented polity: varieties of peoples defining their "Irishness" differently'. Written at the height of the Troubles, and the attendant revisionist conflict, the history of modern Ireland was framed as an 'island story': north and south. Charting the contours of Irish History twenty-five years after the peace, a new generation of scholars have begun to map the 'varieties' of Irish experience-beyond borders. Surveying the field of Irish History from transnational perspective, this review article offers potential future directions of travel. Drawing on a range of my current areas of research, and engaging with intellectual debates beyond the island, the article explores intersecting issues facing Irish Studies scholars(ship) around the world: research, archives, funding. Decentring historiographical debate, in turn, can open Irish History to new areas of scholarly inquiry. How can we make equitable the future study of modern Ireland, between the 'global' and the 'local'? How can we make accessible the academic opportunities of Irish History? How can we make representative twenty-first century 'varieties of Irishness' across the world? In short, in what academic, intellectual, and cultural spaces, can we develop a truly Global Irish Studies? ….

One of the most ancient ideas in the bardic tradition of Ireland was that Ireland is a woman, a woman that has to be worshipped, wooed and defended with the supreme prize of life, if needed. This image of the land that becomes alive in the persona of a woman goes back to ancient times when the Irish chieftains were symbolically married to their land. If the chieftain was wise and good, then the land was fertile and beautiful, like the traditional feminine prototype; but if the ruler was wicked and incompetent, then the land was unproductive. This tradition was taken up by many poets of the Irish Revival and was attributed a revolutionary role. Love is the only ideal that keeps people alive and the Irish poets have found the perfect way to call the Irishmen to fight: Ireland was presented under the mask of a mother, a wife or a lover. In this way a perfect duality and a perfect unity of two elements is created; the fighter (the man) unifies with the country (the woman) in perfect love, beyond any earthly or ephemeral experience. The metaphor becomes more powerful if we think of the mythical and universal symbol of the land as primordial mother of everything.

In the British Parliament, L81'.1906", which suggested the interesting avenue of exploring the connection between Irish Hone Rulers end II'dian political leaders. The present writer, while subsequently on holiday in Countt Galvay, Ireland, stumbled across & copy of Prank Thigh O'Donnell's A History: pt_the Irish Parliamentary Party and was confiraed In his rather tentative idea of e'cwnlntng the validity of the extraordinary o].ains and allegation. oonta.tn.d within this work. Irish biographies, memoirs, and histories, revealed litti. about 0 'Ibnnell and nothing at all about the Xndian intereet of the Irish Parliamentary party under either Isaac Butt or Qiarles Stewart Parnell. That this investigation developed into a reappraisal of the Home Rule movenent between 1870 and 1386 from the angle Of it. significance in the extended empire, is due partly to circumstance, partly to di.. cuasiens on the enbj eat with Mr. Owen Dudley Edwards of Edinburgh tbiyer.ity. Mr. Edwards 'a"ged to conjure up the flavour of the period and almost to bring the character. involved, not least 0 'Ibimell him.. self, to life, a. only en Irishnan can do. It is doubtful whether, without hi. invaluable advice and criticism, the writer would have been able to negotiate the many pitfalls of a hitherto unt4llr field. The greatest debt, however, is to Professor V.0. Kiernan who, despit. the numerous oa1l on his time, provided over tour years of research vital though alway, tactful counsel and supervision. With the benefit of Prof.ssor' Kiernan 'a profound knowledge t Didian and Dtperial }Lt.tory, the writer was able to tackle, it not always to overcame, the ap.cial problem involved in the coorthation of several diitinct, but overlapping, themes. xi The Nation, a weekly journal edited by A. M. Sullivan from 1856 to 1877, and then by T. D. Sullivan, was committed at a very early stage to an obstructive parliamentary policy, and took a much more extreme line on political tactics, on land_reform, and on self-government. While it advocated C'Donnell's interventionist policy it seemed to look on imperial affairs from the narrow focus of Ireland's self-interest. By and large, "1ngland's difficulty, Ireland's opportunity", O'Connell's old slogan, represented its attitude to Britain's foreign cocuplicatiorls. Founded in 1870, PatrIck Ford's Irish World, which had the largest circulation of any weekly in the United States and which, with fluctuations, was widely read in Ireland, was emphatically anti-English. A declared enemy of the British empire, the full weight of its propaganda was directed towards the destruction of the Union and of British power throughout the world. In effect, it was a vehicle not only for Ford's views about a universal crusade against landlordism, but also of Fenian attitudes towards the empire. No real study has been made by the writer of United Ireland, a left wing Parnellite paper founded in 1881, or of Richard Pigott's Flaçj of Ireland and Irishman, both written from a popular pro- Fenian standpoint. Fenian papers and Police and Crime Records in the State Paper Office, Dublin, are of special interest for the history of the Land League and National League • They contain, among other things, reports furnished by local District Inspectors of the Ro yal Irish Constabulary of the Land League meetings and speeches, which are helpful in estimating the popular awareness of political struggles elsewhere in the empire. Copies of correspondence from British Consular Agencies in America to the Foreign and Home Offices/ xii Offices also convey some idea of the organisation and subversive activity of the Clan na Gael seen through British eyes. In this respect, the F.O.S. papers in the Public Record Office, London, provide a more complete picture of what was being discussed and planned in Fenian circles, a useful emendation to the valuable John Devoy collection, used here in the published selection of the bulk of its material edited by William O'Brien and Desmond Ryan. Biographies and memoirs of the period yielded very little, either about O'Donnell or about his eccentric views on the empire, although T. M. Mealy in Letters and Leaders of my Day and T. P. in ?eroir g of an Old Par1ianentarian contribute some interesting 'asides'. Michael Davitt's The Pa'1 of Feudalism in Ireland is essential reading for the land agitation, and has an important section on a scheme of democratic intervention for adoption by the Parnellite party in 1883. His impressions of India and his attitude to the empire are discussed in Leaves from a Prison Diary. Despite being an essential cog in the nationalist machine from 1873 to 1906, Alfred Webb strangely remains a very shadowy figure. However, the National Library of Ireland possesses three volumes of his press cuttings together with one or two draft letters (Ms 1745-7], which are relevant to his interest in Indian nationalism and to his tour of duty as President of the Madras Congress. The secondary material on the period is considerable, but apart from I.. P. Curtis's Coercion and Conciliation in Ireland, 1880-1892, and P. N. S. Manaergh's The Irish Question 1840-1921, does/ xiii does not touch on the imperial implications of the Home Rule movement. Mary Cuznpston's article, "Some Early Indian Nationalists and their Allies in the British Parliament, 1851-1906" in Englisi Historical Review (1961), is a possible starting-point and introthction to th, whole subject of the Irish-Indian connection. On the internal organisation and development of the Home Rule party the writer is deeply indebted to the very detailed studies by Dr David Thornley and Dr Conor Cruise O'Brien. Both Isaac Butt and Home Rule and Parnell and his Part 1880-9Q help to place O'Donnell's imperial and interventionist programmes within their proper Irish context. B. Indian In conjunction, the Northbrook, Temple, Lytton, Ripon, Hartington and Dufferin papers, deposited in the India Office Library, provide an extensive range of manuscript material on Indian administration, on aspects of Indian policy, on parliamentary debates on India, on political gossip in London and Calcutta. The letters between the Governors-General and the Secretaries of State, which are the fullest and tend to be at once discursive and frank, throw a good deal of light on the way official policy was arrived at. Letters from political correspondents in England, because they do not take background krowledge for granted, are particularly useful in describing the situation at Westminster. While the activities of the Irish Home Rule Psxty and the twists and turns of the Irish Question are not always a major talking point, they form a constant theme running through most of the correspondence. Lord Ripen, for example, was particularly interested in the Irish land agitation, partly because he had to frame new tenancy and/ xiv and rent legislation for India. Lord Dufferin, the Ulster peer who was Governor-General at the time of the crisis over the first Hqrue Rule Bill and of the formation of Congress, was struck by the concurrence of both events. His papers are remarkable for very pronounced views on nationalist agitation, Irish and Indian. The Charles James O'Donnell saga, his quarrel with the Bengal Government over several years, the nature of the complaints against him, is well documented and preserved in the Rijon collection. Published Parliamentary papers, Indian Proceedings and India Office Departmental records, were of value for their official accou'itc of the Bengal famine of 1874, the remission of the cotton duties, the lowering of the age limit for I.C.S. candidates, the Vernacular Press Act, the Afghan War of 1878-80, and mining speculation in Mysore State. Most of the material for the specialist study.of Indian Gaol Reform (Chapter Nine) is also derived from these sources. The Parliamentary Debates, which have been extensively used, touch on most of these issues, as well as conveying the degree of interest felt by the average M.P. in Indian grievances and the extent to which these stirred the political scene. In the absence of readily accessible Indian private papers, it is difficult to talk confidently about "Indian nationalist" opinion, at least in reference to leading political figures. However, as in Ireland newspapers represented various sections of the politically consc*us. The Bengali English-language pr.ss, largely, as the first to flourish, taking the lead in native journalism, was the most important, and its influence spread throughout/ xv throughout India. Calcutta was not only the administrative capital and seat of government, it also had the largest number of news. papers. Pride of place is usually accorded to the Hindoo Patriot, a weekly journal edited at that time by the highly respected Kristodas Pal • This was the first newspaper to openly acknow.. ledge and court the services of the Irish Home Rule party and of Frank Hugh Dnnell in particular. However, because it was closely allied with aristocratic and landowning interests, and was in fact the acknowledged organ of the British Indian Association, it took a fundamentally conservative position on social matters. After the death of Kristodas Pal in 1834 it gradually drifted away from the mainstream of nationalist life. On the other band, the rival Bengalee, which under Surendranath Banerjes editorship atterpted to speak for the educated middle classes, took a more advanced line not only on land tenure and semindar-rijot relations, but also on constitutional agitation. Its awareness and knowledge of the Irish struggle for self-government was the most acute. The Indian Mirror, which became the only Indian-edited Englishlanguage daily in Northern India, fell somewhere between the two, not as socially conservative as the former nor as politically motivated as the latter, but responding with generosity and readiness to O'Donnell's 1883 initiative and to the call for national unity. The Mahratta, launched...

In the British Parliament, L81'.1906", which suggested the interesting avenue of exploring the connection between Irish Hone Rulers end II'dian political leaders. The present writer, while subsequently on holiday in Countt Galvay, Ireland, stumbled across & copy of Prank Thigh O'Donnell's A History: pt_the Irish Parliamentary Party and was confiraed In his rather tentative idea of e'cwnlntng the validity of the extraordinary o].ains and allegation. oonta.tn.d within this work. Irish biographies, memoirs, and histories, revealed litti. about 0 'Ibnnell and nothing at all about the Xndian intereet of the Irish Parliamentary party under either Isaac Butt or Qiarles Stewart Parnell. That this investigation developed into a reappraisal of the Home Rule movenent between 1870 and 1386 from the angle Of it. significance in the extended empire, is due partly to circumstance, partly to di.. cuasiens on the enbj eat with Mr. Owen Dudley Edwards of Edinburgh tbiyer.ity. Mr. Edwards 'a"ged to conjure up the flavour of the period and almost to bring the character. involved, not least 0 'Ibimell him.. self, to life, a. only en Irishnan can do. It is doubtful whether, without hi. invaluable advice and criticism, the writer would have been able to negotiate the many pitfalls of a hitherto unt4llr field. The greatest debt, however, is to Professor V.0. Kiernan who, despit. the numerous oa1l on his time, provided over tour years of research vital though alway, tactful counsel and supervision. With the benefit of Prof.ssor' Kiernan 'a profound knowledge t Didian and Dtperial }Lt.tory, the writer was able to tackle, it not always to overcame, the ap.cial problem involved in the coorthation of several diitinct, but overlapping, themes. xi The Nation, a weekly journal edited by A. M. Sullivan from 1856 to 1877, and then by T. D. Sullivan, was committed at a very early stage to an obstructive parliamentary policy, and took a much more extreme line on political tactics, on land_reform, and on self-government. While it advocated C'Donnell's interventionist policy it seemed to look on imperial affairs from the narrow focus of Ireland's self-interest. By and large, "1ngland's difficulty, Ireland's opportunity", O'Connell's old slogan, represented its attitude to Britain's foreign cocuplicatiorls. Founded in 1870, PatrIck Ford's Irish World, which had the largest circulation of any weekly in the United States and which, with fluctuations, was widely read in Ireland, was emphatically anti-English. A declared enemy of the British empire, the full weight of its propaganda was directed towards the destruction of the Union and of British power throughout the world. In effect, it was a vehicle not only for Ford's views about a universal crusade against landlordism, but also of Fenian attitudes towards the empire. No real study has been made by the writer of United Ireland, a left wing Parnellite paper founded in 1881, or of Richard Pigott's Flaçj of Ireland and Irishman, both written from a popular pro- Fenian standpoint. Fenian papers and Police and Crime Records in the State Paper Office, Dublin, are of special interest for the history of the Land League and National League • They contain, among other things, reports furnished by local District Inspectors of the Ro yal Irish Constabulary of the Land League meetings and speeches, which are helpful in estimating the popular awareness of political struggles elsewhere in the empire. Copies of correspondence from British Consular Agencies in America to the Foreign and Home Offices/ xii Offices also convey some idea of the organisation and subversive activity of the Clan na Gael seen through British eyes. In this respect, the F.O.S. papers in the Public Record Office, London, provide a more complete picture of what was being discussed and planned in Fenian circles, a useful emendation to the valuable John Devoy collection, used here in the published selection of the bulk of its material edited by William O'Brien and Desmond Ryan. Biographies and memoirs of the period yielded very little, either about O'Donnell or about his eccentric views on the empire, although T. M. Mealy in Letters and Leaders of my Day and T. P. in ?eroir g of an Old Par1ianentarian contribute some interesting 'asides'. Michael Davitt's The Pa'1 of Feudalism in Ireland is essential reading for the land agitation, and has an important section on a scheme of democratic intervention for adoption by the Parnellite party in 1883. His impressions of India and his attitude to the empire are discussed in Leaves from a Prison Diary. Despite being an essential cog in the nationalist machine from 1873 to 1906, Alfred Webb strangely remains a very shadowy figure. However, the National Library of Ireland possesses three volumes of his press cuttings together with one or two draft letters (Ms 1745-7], which are relevant to his interest in Indian nationalism and to his tour of duty as President of the Madras Congress. The secondary material on the period is considerable, but apart from I.. P. Curtis's Coercion and Conciliation in Ireland, 1880-1892, and P. N. S. Manaergh's The Irish Question 1840-1921, does/ xiii does not touch on the imperial implications of the Home Rule movement. Mary Cuznpston's article, "Some Early Indian Nationalists and their Allies in the British Parliament, 1851-1906" in Englisi Historical Review (1961), is a possible starting-point and introthction to th, whole subject of the Irish-Indian connection. On the internal organisation and development of the Home Rule party the writer is deeply indebted to the very detailed studies by Dr David Thornley and Dr Conor Cruise O'Brien. Both Isaac Butt and Home Rule and Parnell and his Part 1880-9Q help to place O'Donnell's imperial and interventionist programmes within their proper Irish context. B. Indian In conjunction, the Northbrook, Temple, Lytton, Ripon, Hartington and Dufferin papers, deposited in the India Office Library, provide an extensive range of manuscript material on Indian administration, on aspects of Indian policy, on parliamentary debates on India, on political gossip in London and Calcutta. The letters between the Governors-General and the Secretaries of State, which are the fullest and tend to be at once discursive and frank, throw a good deal of light on the way official policy was arrived at. Letters from political correspondents in England, because they do not take background krowledge for granted, are particularly useful in describing the situation at Westminster. While the activities of the Irish Home Rule Psxty and the twists and turns of the Irish Question are not always a major talking point, they form a constant theme running through most of the correspondence. Lord Ripen, for example, was particularly interested in the Irish land agitation, partly because he had to frame new tenancy and/ xiv and rent legislation for India. Lord Dufferin, the Ulster peer who was Governor-General at the time of the crisis over the first Hqrue Rule Bill and of the formation of Congress, was struck by the concurrence of both events. His papers are remarkable for very pronounced views on nationalist agitation, Irish and Indian. The Charles James O'Donnell saga, his quarrel with the Bengal Government over several years, the nature of the complaints against him, is well documented and preserved in the Rijon collection. Published Parliamentary papers, Indian Proceedings and India Office Departmental records, were of value for their official accou'itc of the Bengal famine of 1874, the remission of the cotton duties, the lowering of the age limit for I.C.S. candidates, the Vernacular Press Act, the Afghan War of 1878-80, and mining speculation in Mysore State. Most of the material for the specialist study.of Indian Gaol Reform (Chapter Nine) is also derived from these sources. The Parliamentary Debates, which have been extensively used, touch on most of these issues, as well as conveying the degree of interest felt by the average M.P. in Indian grievances and the extent to which these stirred the political scene. In the absence of readily accessible Indian private papers, it is difficult to talk confidently about "Indian nationalist" opinion, at least in reference to leading political figures. However, as in Ireland newspapers represented various sections of the politically consc*us. The Bengali English-language pr.ss, largely, as the first to flourish, taking the lead in native journalism, was the most important, and its influence spread throughout/ xv throughout India. Calcutta was not only the administrative capital and seat of government, it also had the largest number of news. papers. Pride of place is usually accorded to the Hindoo Patriot, a weekly journal edited at that time by the highly respected Kristodas Pal • This was the first newspaper to openly acknow.. ledge and court the services of the Irish Home Rule party and of Frank Hugh Dnnell in particular. However, because it was closely allied with aristocratic and landowning interests, and was in fact the acknowledged organ of the British Indian Association, it took a fundamentally conservative position on social matters. After the death of Kristodas Pal in 1834 it gradually drifted away from the mainstream of nationalist life. On the other band, the rival Bengalee, which under Surendranath Banerjes editorship atterpted to speak for the educated middle classes, took a more advanced line not only on land tenure and semindar-rijot relations, but also on constitutional agitation. Its awareness and knowledge of the Irish struggle for self-government was the most acute. The Indian Mirror, which became the only Indian-edited Englishlanguage daily in Northern India, fell somewhere between the two, not as socially conservative as the former nor as politically motivated as the latter, but responding with generosity and readiness to O'Donnell's 1883 initiative and to the call for national unity. The Mahratta, launched...

Uluslararası kamu hukuku alanında çalışan bir akademisyen olarak, bu çalışmayı açık kaynaklardan elde edilen veriler ışığında hazırlayarak, mevcut literatüre katkı sunmayı amaçladım. Bu süreçte, herhangi bir siyasal tarafgirlik ya da ideolojik yönelimden bağımsız biçimde, farklı yaklaşım modellerini nesnel ve analitik bir çerçevede sunmaya özen gösterdim. Her ne kadar bu çalışma tam anlamıyla akademik bir makale formatında olmasa da, kişisel kanaatlerimden arındırılmış ve olgusal değerlendirmeye dayalı objektif bir zemin üzerinde şekillenmiştir. Bu nedenle, burada sunulan analiz ve çıkarımlar, özellikle felsefi dayanaklar ya da tarihsel perspektifler üzerinden geliştirilebilecek akademik eleştirilere ve katkılara açıktır. Bu çalışmada, PKK'nın 2025 yılı itibarıyla ilan ettiği fesih süreci yalnızca Lozan Antlaşması'nın tarihsel bağlamı çerçevesinde ve sınırlı olarak ele alınmaktadır. Toplumsal hafıza, travmalar ve soykırım tartışmaları gibi daha geniş kapsamlı tarihsel ve hukuki konuların değerlendirilmesi ise, metodolojik bütünlük ve içerik derinliği açısından ayrı bir çalışmanın konusu olarak ele alınmalıdır. Son tahlilde, bu tür katkı ve eleştirilerin, silahsız ve terörsüz bir toplumsal düzene ulaşma yönünde düşünsel zemini güçlendireceğine inancım tamdır.

Do you not feel the breath of empty space? Has it not become colder? Is more and more night not coming on all the time? Must not lanterns be lit in the morning? Do we hear anything yet of the noise of the grave diggers who are burying God? Do we not smell anything yet of God's decomposition-gods, too, decompose.

Merve DOĞAN KADER *-Kezban ACAR KAPLAN ** Öz Tarih boyunca yaşanan kıtlıklar insan hafızasından silinmeyen olayların başında gelmiştir. "Büyük Açlık" olarak da adlandırılan, 1845-1852 İrlanda Patates Kıtlığı'nın genişliği ve kötü ünü pek çok kıtlığı aşmıştır. İrlanda'daki bu kıtlık sırasında 1 milyon insan hayatını kaybetmiş, 2 milyon insan da başka ülkelere göç etmiştir. O dönemde İrlanda'da yaşanan kıtlık Osmanlı Devleti'nin de dikkatini çekmiş ve Sultan Abdülmecit, İrlandalılara para yardımında bulunmuştur. Hem İrlanda tarihi açısından hem de Osmanlı Devleti'nin yardımı dolayısıyla Osmanlı-İrlanda/İngiliz ilişkilerinde mühim bir yere sahip olan 1845-1852 İrlanda Patates Kıtlığı hakkında Türkiye'de sadece bir yüksek lisans tezi 1 hazırlanmış ve bu çalışmada ağırlıklı olarak yabancı telif eserler ve bazı yabancı gazeteler kullanılmıştır. Bu çalışma ise, dönemin Osmanlı gazetelerinden Takvim-i Vekayi ve Ceride-i Havadis'de konuyla ilgili olarak yayımlanan haberleri ve İngiliz gazetelerinden olup, İngiliz Hükümeti'nin politikalarını halka duyurmasında etkili bir araç olarak da işlev gören The Times gibi birincil kaynakları esas alarak, İrlanda Patates Kıtlığının Osmanlı basınındaki yansımalarını İngiliz yayın organı The Times ile karşılaştırmalı olarak sunmayı ve analiz etmeyi amaçlamaktadır.

for their support and assistance throughout this process; and to administrators, Dearbhla Mooney and Irene O'Malley who have helped in countless ways. Special thanks are due to Rebecca Barr, whose knowledge, enthusiasm and active interest in my work was exceptionally helpful. I would also like to thank Marie Boran and Kieran Hoare of the Special Collections library, and Geraldine Curtin of Inter-Library Loans at NUI Galway, who happily answered questions about material and patiently sourced books for me. In Dublin, Charles Benson, of the Early Printed Books Room, at Trinity College, was especially helpful in pointing me to items in their holdings and giving advice on the material that enabled my primary research. I am very grateful to The Eighteenth-Century Literary Research Network of Ireland. Throughout this process, its symposia shaped my thinking on the eighteenth-century world and it furnished a friendly forum in which to engage in ideas. Particular thanks are due to Ian Campbell Ross for providing me with an opportunity to present my work; to Andrew Carpenter, whose lectures and informal talks continue to inspire my own research; to Moyra Haslett, who readily offered her assistance and expressed continued interest in my thesis, and to Amy Prendergast, whose conversations about literary salons and the Irish Bluestockings were always helpful and enjoyable. I would especially like to thank Norma Clarke, whom I met at a critical time during my research. Her generosity, enthusiasm, and insightful interpretations of eighteenth-century women writers continue to inspire my own work. Thanks too, to her son, Nick Tosh, who gave helpful encouragement throughout the process. Many thanks are due to friends who have contributed in countless ways. To longtime friends, Kerstin Mierke and Eva Finkemeier, who continue to include me in their events and correspondence despite my absences and delayed emails; to Amanda Lacy, whose support and encouragement was especially appreciated; to Veronica Johnson and Jennifer Buckley, whose humour and generosity gave me a fresh perspective; to Katrin Urschel, whose dinners and conversations were always enjoyable, and to Nora King, whose encouragement and support throughout this process was particularly helpful. I would also like to thank Norman Healy, who generously donated several books on Swift from his own collection, and to Raymond Keary, for his painstaking and expert assistance with graphics and formatting. Special thanks are also due to my colleagues, past and present, at Charlie Byrne's Bookshop. To Charlie Byrne, whose unstinting generosity and flexibility made this dissertation possible; to Vinny Browne, who injected a vital mix of humour and perspective at critical moments; to Carmel McCarthy, for her engaging conversations on gardening, books, music and film; to Olivia Lally, for her moral support and vegan cuisine; to Jo Greenfield, for keeping me informed on literature beyond the eighteenth century; to Philip Connor and Cian Kiely Cuddy who provided a much needed dose of good humour; to John Carrigy, for his continual encouragement and enlightening conversations on the world past and present; and most importantly, to Megan Buckley, a generous coworker, discerning editor, superb academic, and above all, an inspirational friend. Her astute readings of drafts of these chapters and her unflagging interest in my research have been fundamental to the completion of this thesis. My parents, Martin and Phil, have my special love and continual gratitude. Without their practical support and forbearance this thesis would never have been written. Much love and continual thanks too, to my brothers Brian and Cedric; and to my extended family, Alan, Cora, Gráinne, Aimee, and to Ava, my niece and goddaughter, who was born in May of this year. This thesis is dedicated to her.

Word count: 3511 "I declare that this essay has not been completed in whole or in part by someone else or created artificially, e.g., by a machine or through artificial intelligence. Neither the paper nor parts thereof have been published elsewhere in either paper or electronic form unless indicated otherwise through appropriate quotation marks and footnote referencing." This essay will evaluate the extent to which the opposing sides of the Dublin Lockout of 1913-14 were effectively led. The fact that the dispute was won by the employers in the

James Clarence Mangan, on dokuzuncu asır başlarında İrlanda’da yaşamış, İrlanda’nın milli şairliği mertebesine yükselmiş bir sanatçı ve aydındır. Mangan’ı Türk okuru için ilgi çekici kılan şey ise onun bir Türk dostu olması, genel olarak Şark, özel olarak da Türk kültürü, sanatıyla yakından ilgilenmesidir. İrlanda dışına hiç çıkmayan Mangan, Joseph Freiherr von Hammer-Purgstall’ın Almanca çevirileri üzerinden Osmanlı şiiri ile tanışmıştır. Mangan, Osmanlı şiirine dair izlenimlerini Dublin University Magazine dergisinde, “Literae Orientales” başlığını taşıyan altı makalede İngiliz ve İrlandalı okurlarla buluşturmuştur. Bu makalede Türkiye’de daha önce Mangan’ı konu edinen çalışmalar kısaca özetlendikten sonra Mangan’ın Türk şiirini ele alan altı makalesi incelenmiş ve Mangan’ın görüşleri değerlendirilmiştir. Mangan’ın makalelerinde zaman zaman gerçeklikten kopmasına karşın Türk edebiyatına olumlu yaklaşmasının, Türk edebiyatı üzerine çalışmaları teşvik etmesinin, Türk edebiyatı unsur...

The LLM in Canon Law was taught in the School of Law and Politics at Cardiff University between 1992 and 2024 under the leadership of Professor Norman Doe. The course comprised four taught modules, followed by a dissertation. In the later years of the course, the modules were taught on a rolling basis over two years (i.e. one per semester) and at the conclusion of
each a summative essay of 5,000 words was submitted to determine the grade for the module concerned. The modules comprised: Conceptual Foundations and Historical Development of Canon Law (CLT121); Government and Ministry in Canon Law (CLT122); Doctrine, Liturgy
and Rites in Canon Law (CLT123); and The Interface of Canon Law and Civil Law (CLT124). For the first module studied, which would be either CLT121 or CLT123, depending on the year of intake, a formative essay of 1,000 words would also be required. This collection comprises the five essays submitted by the author during the period September 2022 until April 2024. Also included is a sixth essay of 3,000 words submitted some years
earlier in connection with the Public History module of the University of Dundee’s MLitt in Family and Local History, which also has a religious theme.

This article looks back at the origins of Ireland’s geopolitical division into southern and northern parts, focusing first on key events of the second decade and early third decade of the 20th century in the British Isles. The border established by the Government of Ireland Act of 1920 began to define the geopolitical reality of the entire island in 1922, although its recognition by the Irish side came only as a result of the Good Friday Agreements in 1998. The main object of reflection is not so much the geopolitical fait accompli in the form of the borderline that now separates
the European Union from the United Kingdom, but the Irish border as a socio-cultural phenomenon. This border is defined both through attitudes and reactions to the division on the part of borderlanders (border communities) and by tourists and researchers interested in its modus vivendi/operandi, such as Colm Tóibín, Garrett Carr, and Darach MacDonald. keywords: border, Northern Ireland, Northern Ireland conflict, borderland, geopolitics, border narratives.

The Routledge Companion to Biofiction provides readers with the history, origins, and evolution of this popular genre. Featuring contributions from leading scholars in the field, this authoritative collection foregrounds analyses of biofiction's core foundations through contemporary debates.

The volume is organized into seven sections: Histories of biofiction; Theoretical reflections on biofiction; Biofiction, national models and (trans)national constructions; Biofiction as political intervention; Biofictional case studies; Activating lives: early modern women; and Authorial reflections. This groundbreaking collection features works that refine our understanding of the genesis and evolution of biofiction; theorize its unique and distinctive modes of signifying; reflect on its value for the future and social justice; chart new approaches for doing biofictional analysis; and offer insights from authors of biofiction into the creative process.

This is the first collection to bring together the two main schools of interpreting biofiction – the Francophone and Anglophone – while also shedding light on biofictions in many languages, from or about many continents, and offering a platform to established and new voices alike. It will be essential reading for students as well as advanced scholars interested in biographical fiction.

was born 23 February 1901 in Silvermines Co. Tipperary, one of ten children in the family, eight of whom survived into adulthood. Her parents were retired RIC Constable John O'Brien and his second wife Julia Ryan. At the time of Julia's birth the family had charge of the local Post Office in Silvermines. Julia Ryan married John O'Brien in 1882, despite her parents' wishes-they had no love for members of the police force due to the participation of the Constabulary in the eviction of the family from a landholding in Cross, Co. Limerick during the 1850's. Although married to a policeman, Julia continued the family's antipathy towards the force and following the death of her husband in 1915 she ceased to allow the local policemen to leave their bicycles in the yard of the Post Office while attending mass in the local church, or when off duty and visiting the local pub. She also stopped giving preferential treatment to the local landlord, Lord Dunally, insisting that members of the family queue up to be served in the post office. Given their mothers attitude towards the local police, it is no surprise that members of the O'Brien family were amongst the early members of the Irish Volunteers and Cumann na mBan following the reorganisation of the Volunteers in 1917. Silvermines was the location of one of the earliest deaths connected to actions by the Volunteers following the release of prisoners who had been sent to English jails in the wake of the 1916 Rising. George Sheehan, Boherbee, Silvermines, the elderly father of a British soldier home on leave, was wounded in his home, 2 January 1918, while resisting an attempt to steal his son's rifle. Two days later he succumbed from the effects of his wounds. In the week following the death of George Sheehan, three brothers of Julia O'Brien, Patrick, John and William were arrested. Two trials in Cork, at which the juries failed to agree a verdict, led to a 'nolle prosequi' in the case of Patrick O'Brien, and a third trial of the two remaining brothers being moved to Dublin. As in the Cork trials, the Jury at the Dublin trial also failed to agree a verdict. The Prosecution then commenced to instigate moves to hold a new trial in Belfast, but these were thwarted by Counsel for the defence and the brothers were finally acquitted in November 1919. Outlining her activities during the War of Independence to the Military Service Pensions Board (MSPB) in 1935, Julia O'Brien stated that she joined Cumann na mBan in February 1917 and shortly after was elected to the post of Lieutenant. She stated that she took part in routine activities, drilling and training and also organised First Aid classes and dances in support of prisoners. She claimed she moved guns and bombs to and from an arms dump some distance from her home and also set up the procurement of guns and grenades from some British soldiers. Along with another Cumann na mBan member she cut down a telegraph pole, disrupting communications, to protect the Flying Column while they were located in the Silvermines area. She was also involved in gathering information from RIC and Black and Tan's concerning proposed raids and other operations. This led to her being interrogated and searched on

This article examines the radicalization of “maximalist” Revisionist Zionists from the late 1920s to the 1940s, aiming to fill a gap in the contextualization of the Zionist Right’s ideological historical development. Employing an intellectual historian’s approach, it reconstructs the political language and ideological borrowings of second-tier authors and activists, highlighting their eclectic incorporation of various strategies. At first, it focuses on “Brit Habiryonim,” tracing its transition from Leninist admiration to Italian fascist support. Next, it explores the role of lesser-known Betar movement activists in Italy, who facilitated connections between Palestine-based radicals and Mussolini’s regime. In the third section, amid rising anti-British sentiment, Jewish insurgents draw parallels with Irish Republicans and Sinn Féin. This article argues that the maximalist imagination emerged from a “remix” of diverse European ideas, fueling paramilitary actions of groups like the Irgun and Lehi. It suggests that borrowing from fascist and anticolonial sources reflects intellectual adaptation revealing the logic of mimicry even in the semiotics of violence.

Sinn Féin founder
Arthur Griffith’s use of Hungary as an inspiration for Irish politics has
been read in a celebratory and anticolonial mode, despite the historical
inaccuracies of his interpretation. However, a comparison with the views
of another Irish critic of Hungary’s own colonial relationships highlights
the fact that emancipatory politics for some (Magyars in Hungary, Irish
Republicans) are not necessarily emancipatory for all. More generally,
periphery–periphery encounters do not necessarily work to challenge
hierarchies and power relations: more depends on the ends than on the
rhetorical means.

The purpose of this article is to present the already observed and possible threats to Northern Ireland as a result of the United Kingdom's decision to leave the European Union. The analysis will focus mainly on the socio-political and potentially paramilitary/terrorist dimensions, and to a lesser extent on the economic dimension, although of course this factor is also very important here. The author will not present in detail the reasons for the referendum on leaving the EU by the United Kingdom or the positions of the major parties represented in Westminster, as this would exceed the size of a scientific article. It will focus strictly on Northern Ireland, and the positions of the central government in London, as well as the government of the Republic of Ireland, will be treated marginally, only to the extent necessary to understand the problem.