Fragmentary Greek Historiography

This article presents an edited Greek text, English translation, and analysis of a new historical fragment, probably from Dexippus’ Scythica, first published by Gunther Martin and Jana Grusková in 2014. The fragment, preserved in a palimpsest in the Austrian National Library, describes a Gothic attack on Thessalonica and the subsequent preparations of the Greeks to repel the barbarian force as it moved south into Achaia. The new text provides several important details of historical, prosopographical and historiographical significance, which challenge both our existing understanding of the events in Greece during the reign of Gallienus and the reading of the main literary sources for this period. In this article we look to secure the Dexippan authorship of the fragment, identify the individuals named in the text, and date the events described in the text to the early 260s A.D.

RE: Facades, illusions & ideological concepts created & promoted by ancient royalty out of necessity; effective creation of an alternate version of reality. It is only by knowing this information that the true nature of ancient texts may be understood correctly. Not knowing, means making incorrect assumptions & conclusions. Important!

This article attempts to provide a realistic, securely contextualised estimate regarding the formation and extent of Posidonius of Apamea's (c. 135-51 BCE) contribution to the Greco-Roman tradition of ethnographic writing about the population groups of Europe - and his much-discussed 'Gallic ethnography' in particular.

The significance of being able to assess correctly the contents and the context of Posidonius' so-called 'ethnography' is obvious, especially when keeping in mind the optimistic and trusting tone that some past reconstructions of his fragments have exhibited. With all the accruing understanding of the tradition of ancient ethnographic writing, a critical eye must be cast at a contribution so often postulated as unsurpassed in its influence.

In this article, I submit the texts usually taken as Posidonian fragments to a reading informed by recent advances in the study of knowledge ordering (e.g. in eds. König & Whitmarsh 2007), information generation 'on the middle ground' (Woolf 2011), and the interplay of Greek writers and Roman audiences (Clarke 1999). There existed a wide range of interlocking 'middle grounds' which the ethnographical writers of the Late Republic navigated, even when they pursued goals to which ethnography was wholly subservient – as ancient ethnography nearly always was. Rather than being a record of his personal observations and meetings with Gauls, to a much greater extent the northern ethnography of Posidonius was constructed through literary processes based on his reading and his conversations with Romans and Greeks.

Appians Keltiké, das vierte Buch seiner vierundzwanzig Bücher umfassenden Römischen Geschichte, behandelt die kriegerischen Auseinandersetzungen zwischen Römern und Kelten, beginnend mit dem von Brennus geführten Angriff auf Rom bis hin zur Eroberung Galliens durch Caesar. Die Keltiké, obgleich nur bruchstückhaft erhalten, stellt eine wertvolle Quelle für die Geschichte der Kelten sowie der römischen Republik dar, denn sie bietet eine Reihe von Informationen, die entweder sonst nirgends belegt sind oder die sich deutlich von den bei anderen Autoren überlieferten Traditionen unterscheiden, da Appian für seine Darstellung auf heute weitgehend verlorene Historiker zurückgegriffen hat. Um so verwunderlicher ist es, daß bislang noch kein Kommentar zur Keltiké veröffentlicht wurde. Dieses Defizit will die vorliegende Publikation beheben: Nach einer kurzen Einleitung folgt der eigentliche Kommentar, in dem zunächst von jedem Fragment der Originaltext und eine Übersetzung geboten wird. Daran schließt sich eine Analyse, die die einzelnen Zeugnisse in möglichst umfassender Weise auswertet. Dabei wird nicht nur die Überlieferung für jedes Fragment diskutiert, wozu die Eigenheiten und die Arbeitsweise der verschiedenen byzantinischen Exzerptoren genauestens untersucht wurden, sondern auch die sehr kontrovers verhandelte Quellenfrage. Ferner wird der historische Zusammenhang, in den das jeweilige Bruchstück gehört, vorgestellt, wofür die gesamte antike Parallelüberlieferung herangezogen werden mußte. Die Übereinstimmungen wie auch die Abweichungen zur übrigen literarischen Evidenz wurden herausgearbeitet, um Appians Position innerhalb der historiographischen Traditionen besser bestimmen zu können. Schließlich wurden mehrfach Überlegungen zum Inhalt der verlorenen Teile der Keltiké angestellt. Der vorliegende Kommentar erfüllt zunächst ein Desiderat der Appianforschung, indem er eine Lücke in der wissenschaftlichen Aufarbeitung dieses Autors schließt. Aber auch die Forschung zur römischen Republik und den antiken Kelten kann von der Arbeit profitieren, mit der eine wenig beachtete Quelle erstmals gründlich erschlossen wird.

La maggior parte dei riferimenti alle città di Magna Grecia nell’opera aristotelica proviene dalla Politica e dalle politeiai. Le poleis occidentali costituiscono dunque un repertorio significativo al quale Aristotele e la sua scuola attinsero all’interno di quel grande laboratorio sulla città che ha contribuito in modo radicale alla formazione dell’immagine della polis greca già a partire dall’antichità. Inevitabilmente, ne emerge un ritratto delle città occidentali fortemente incentrato sugli aspetti politico-istituzionali, e non vi è spazio per notazioni o riflessioni di tipo urbanistico o anche geografico, pur essenziali nella rappresentazione di alcune delle città menzionate (ad es. Turi).
Quali elementi costitutivi della polis aristotelica sono esemplificati dalle città di Magna Grecia? E ancora, quali città italiote sono selezionate e per quale motivo? Si vorrebbe suggerire una risposta a queste domande tenendo conto di due prospettive spesso complementari nell’analisi delle occorrenze aristoteliche: da una parte la trattazione di fatti storici vicini cronologicamente all’autore (o alla sua scuola) o meglio noti e, al contempo, dall’altra l’uso di episodi legati alla memoria e all’immaginario mitico delle città, a questo scopo impiegando come casi di studio anche poleis non più esistenti. È non privo di interesse il fatto che Aristotele ponga sullo stesso piano storico-politico entrambe le categorie. Ne sintetizziamo qui alcuni esempi.
Taranto costituisce un modello ‘classico’ di città ancora al centro della storia politica magnogreca nel IV secolo a.C. Della polis Aristotele e la sua scuola rimandano un’immagine articolata dal punto di vista istituzionale, includendo dati significativi sulla sua fondazione (attraverso l’epitome delle politeiai aristoteliche di Eraclide Lembo, 57 e in Pol. V 1306b 29-31); sulla monetazione (in un frammento della politeia dedicata alla città, 590 Rose, 607 Gigon, ap. Poll., Onom., IX 79-82 Bethe); sulla democrazia tarantina e sul suo funzionamento in due diverse fasi cronologiche, negli anni successivi alla seconda guerra persiana e dopo il governo di Archita (rispettivamente Pol. V 1303a 3-6 e VI 1320b 9-14); sulle vicende storiche legate ai suoi rapporti con Alessandro il Molosso (nel noto frammento dei Dikaiomata 614 Rose, 407,1 Gigon).
Come si può facilmente immaginare, della città di Sibari restano invece solo dati che derivano dalla memoria della polis, una memoria che però fa ormai parte della conoscenza collettiva: oltre a un accenno rapido alla sua fondazione (Sibari è annoverata tra le città in cui il popolamento misto ha dato origine a staseis in Pol. V 1303a 28), Aristotele fa accenno anche alla sua distruzione in termini che lasciano intendere che il suo pubblico conosceva la sorte della città achea. L’accenno a una vicenda mitistorica, la storiella paradossografica dei cavalli dei Sibariti durante il lungo conflitto che caratterizzò la storia arcaica di Crotone e Sibari, si inserisce bene nel medesimo immaginario storico (fr. 583 Rose, 600,1 e 2 Gigon, ap. Athen. XII 520d).
Un caso a sé è costituito da Metaponto, il cui interesse, accanto a quello per Crotone, appare fortemente legato agli studi aristotelici su Pitagora e il pitagorismo (vd. ad es. il noto frammento 191 Rose, 173-4 Gigon, ap. Aelian. VH II 26 e IV 17). Merita però di essere menzionata una notizia, riferibile probabilmente all’età arcaica, circa l’uccisione di un tiranno a Metaponto (nell’Etica Eudemia, 1229a 23), che costituisce una preziosa testimonanza per la storia istituzionale metapontina, altrimenti poco nota. Lo stato di dipendenza dalla sfera tarantina nel IV secolo a.C. sembra aver favorito la presenza nell’opera aristotelica della città achea in relazione a vicende riguardanti l’età arcaica.

A critical assessment of the early development of Boiotian local historiography and of its impact on our knowledge of the history of the region.

Special thanks are due to the editors of the TSO-Supplements series, Hans Beck and Fabienne Marchand, for their invaluable support and help.

Poco a poco va ganando fuerza la necesidad de entender y estudiar los procesos coloniales en la Antigüedad desde una perspectiva que vaya más allá de las teorías aculturacionistas, lo que conlleva la necesidad de emplear enfoques teóricos como el postcolonialismo, en lo referente a las interacciones que se produjeron durante los contactos que pueblos, como griegos o romanos, mantuvieron con muchas de las sociedades con las que tuvieron contacto, a través de los diversos asentamientos que en aquellas regiones se establecieron desde época temprana.

Los procesos de construcción identitaria pueden, así, ponerse en relación con los conflictos inherentes a los desarrollos de sociedades coloniales, expresados muchas veces a través de cultos, ritos y mitos. Cualquier tipo de encuentro cultural representa un proceso complejo, a todos los niveles, entre grupos sociales, que debe abordarse lejos de las teorías basadas en la influencia unidireccional que, por este motivo, tienden a realizar un nivel de análisis superficial donde muchas facetas de interrelación se dejan de lado o se niegan, pero de las cuales tenemos noticias gracias a las fuentes clásicas y arqueológicas. Es necesario intentar ahondar en el punto de vista de los colonizados, en la medida en que ello nos sea posible (Loomba, 1998), dado que es lógico pensar en la existencia de una transferencia multilateral de ideas, costumbres, etc., entre los sujetos que mantuvieron un tipo de contacto prolongado o, al menos, regular, sin que tengamos que entender a los colonizados como meros receptores pasivos.

La teoría postcolonial ha surgido con fuerza para afrontar esa nueva concepción de los procesos de interacción cultural; sin embargo, ¿se ha logrado abandonar por completo las reminiscencias relacionadas con el marco conceptual de la sociedad que intenta definir al “Otro”? ¿Podemos emplear términos como aculturación a la hora de definir un proceso colonial sin que ellos mismos conlleven cierta carga ideológica? No es mi intención dar respuesta aquí a preguntas tan importantes y que, aún hoy, generan un intenso debate, sino sólo exponer el proceso de surgimiento de la teoría postcolonial como un nuevo enfoque teórico surgido de una realidad contemporánea y aplicado a procesos de interacción cultural colonial en diversas épocas.

This paper presents a preliminary edition of two pages of a hitherto unknown historical text, recently discovered in four palimpsest folios of the Vienna ms. Hist. gr. 73. The two pages, deciphered with the use of spectral imaging, deal with the preparation for the attack on Greece during an invasion of “Scythians”, which can be identified with the so-called Herulian invasion of 267/8 A. D. into the Roman Empire, and the defensive measures taken against the invaders at Thermopylae. The recovered fragment sheds new light on the course of events and raises interesting prosopographic questions. On the grounds of content and style, there is reason to believe that it is part of the Scythica by the contemporary historian Dexippus of Athens.

An exam of some of Polybius’ crucial statements on the aims of history writing, on methodology of research, and on aetiology, suggests that Polybius’ views on history and historical methodology were mainly influenced by post-Thucydidean historians (Ephorus and Theopompus especially). The A. suggests that those very instances where Polybius seems to recall Thucydides are due to the mediation of fourth-century historians, confirming that the modern view that Greek historiography suffered a decline after Thucydides must be rejected.

STORIA | RICERCHE www.vitaepensiero.it Le fotocopie per uso personale del lettore possono essere effettuate nei limiti del 15% di ciascun volume dietro pagamento alla SIAE del compenso previsto dall'art. 68, commi 4 e 5, della legge 22 aprile 1941 n. 633. Le riproduzioni effettuate per finalità di carattere professionale, economico o commerciale o comunque per uso diverso da quello personale possono essere effettuate a seguito di specifica autorizzazione rilasciata da AIDRO, Corso di Porta Romana n. 108, 20122 Milano, La pubblicazione di questo volume ha ricevuto il contributo finanziario dell'Università Cattolica.

This paper seeks to offer a fresh interpretation of the literary production of Hecataeus of Miletus, usually regarded as a starting point for historiography or mythography. Firstly, to assess his real contribution to the complex of Greek literature, it is paramount to carefully analyse the proem of the Genealogies (fr. 1 Fowler) and its value as a programmatic statement. It will be shown that the proem is shaped so as to resemble an authoritative heroic speech and that Hecataeus shares his concerns about the reliability of myth-telling with poets like Pindar. Secondly, it will be argued that his work was primarily conceived as a means to rewrite those stories already told in the epics (not only Homer and Hesiod but also the Epic Cycle and local sagas). Hecataeus’ contribution to archaic Greek literature fits into an open network of epic texts, as a cross-cultural comparison with the Hebrew Bible shows, and perhaps it can be best described as a form of “rhapsody in prose”, which entails a good degree of reworking of contents and the strong affirmation of an authorial persona free of the Muses’ patronage

Chercher à étudier l'image des Parthes chez Arrien est une entreprise légitime: Arrien participa peut-être à l'expédition parthique de Trajan, il était encore vivant à l'époque de la guerre parthique de Lucius Verus, et il est l'auteur de Parthika qui racontaient l'expédition de Trajan mais contenaient également une évocation des premiers temps de l'histoire des Parthes ainsi qu'un récit des guerres qui opposèrent Romains et Arsacides à partir de l'époque de Crassus 1 . Cette oeuvre, dont on connaît le contenu grâce au résumé de Photius, était encore abondamment lue à l'époque byzantine 2 .

This paper offers a brief investigation of what the fragments of

the third-century BC author Duris of Samos reveal about the

relationship between comedy and history. I argue that his citations of

comic poetry match his stated concern for vividness in historical

narrative. I also consider the light shed on Greek historical writing in

the fourth and third centuries by Duris’ practice of using comedy as

historical evidence. Given his interest in multiple genres and his

connection to the Peripatetics, it would not be surprising if Duris turned

to comedy more frequently than his predecessors had done.

This paper examines the source, transmission and historical significance of an unattributed quotation in Suda Θ 438: Θωράκιον. Concerning Hannibal and elephants, the fragment evidently originates in a historical work on the Second Punic War. Long-term recognition that the compiler(s) of the Suda drew this category of exemplary citation indirectly via lost volumes of the Excerpta Constantiniana assists in delimiting the possible candidates for authorship. While older scholarship doubtfully assigned the text to Polybius [fr. 162B], lexical evidence and contextual arguments are adduced in favour of Diodorus. The technical content of the fragment is assessed and integrated into scholarly debate regarding the equipment and handling of Carthaginian war-elephants.

Convivenze etniChe, sContri e Contatti di Culture in siCilia e Magna greCia aristonothos Scritti per il Mediterraneo antico Vol. 7 (2012) Convivenze etniche, scontri e contatti di culture in Sicilia e Magna Grecia a cura del Dipartimento di Studi Letterari Filologici e Linguistici La curatela di questo volume è di Francesca Berlinzani.

Les Parnes, peuple nomade venu des steppes, envahissent en 239 av. J.C. la Parthyène, petite satrapie séleucide du nord-est de l'Iran de laquelle ils tirent le nom de Parthes sous lequel on les désigne par la suite. Ce n'est qu'au second siècle, sous le règne du grand roi Mithridate I (171-138 av. J.C.), qu'ils entament la série de conquêtes qui fait d'eux les maîtres de la plus grande partie de l'Orient antique : dans les années 140, Mithridate conquiert tout l'Iran et la plus grande partie du royaume gréco-bactrien à l'exception de la Bactriane proprement dite ; il s'empare ensuite de la Babylonie 1 . Les rois séleucides réagissent face à cette avance. En 140-139, Démétrios II lance une campagne de reconquête qui finit mal : son armée est détruite et il est fait prisonnier chez les Parthes. Son frère Antiochos VII, dix ans plus tard (130-129 av. J.C.), emmène à son tour une armée au-delà de l'Euphrate afin de délivrer son frère et de récupérer les territoires conquis par les Arsacides, sans plus de succès : il est tué au cours d'une bataille. Après cet échec, les Séleucides renoncent à reconquérir les territoires qui leur ont échappé. Sur les deux guerres de reconquête menées par les Séleucides contre les Parthes au second siècle av. J.C., nous disposons, dans la tradition juive, de quelques lignes de I. Macc. consacrées à Démétrios II (I Macc. 14, 1-3 ; 100 av. J.C.). La tradition gréco-romaine est plus fournie, mais tardive. Le récit le plus long et le plus complet se trouve dans les Histoires Philippiques de Trogue Pompée, oeuvre de l'époque d'Auguste que nous ne connaissons que dans la version abrégée qu'en a donné un certain Justin à la fin du second siècle ou au troisième siècle 2 ; les autres sources sont constituées par des fragments des livres 33-34 de Diodore de Sicile et par quelques brèves mentions de Flavius Josèphe et d'Appien. Les auteurs de la tradition gréco-romaine se fondent cependant sur des sources plus anciennes : ils ne sont pas les premiers à avoir évoqué les Parthes ni les rapports entre Parthes et Séleucides, clementiamque ac justitiam, quanto ignota barbaris tanto gratiora, capesseret).

Diodorus and Plutarch provide completely different accounts of the battle at the Eurymedon (ca. 466 b.C.). Diodorus’ version, traditionally regarded as historically unreliable, possesses a literary and inherent logic. Plutarch’s detailed account preserves entwined fragments of various 4th century BC authors: rather than trying to unravel and isolate each one, they may be seen as a case of ‘cumulative’, clustered fragment embedded in Plutarch’s narrative. Plutarch may have mainly relied on Callisthenes’ account which, contrary to Jacoby’s proposal, probably came from the work titled Deeds of Alexander. Both Diodorus’ text and the fragmentary authors preserved by Plutarch are part of a long-standing tradition which begins in the 4th century – with a surge at the time of Alexander – and regards the Persian wars, and especially the battle at the Eurymedon, as a model and ideological repository.

Com'è ovvio attendersi, lo storico "minore" del V secolo a.C. Xanto di Lidia costituisce, all'interno del lessico Suda 1 , una presenza quasi impercettibile: il suo nome non ricorre, nell'immenso repertorio enciclopedico bizantino, che due sole volte 2 , e in aggiunta in una delle occorrenze la menzione è sicuramente -e si direbbe paradossalmente -frutto di errore 3 . Tuttavia, tale indubbia e comprensibile irrilevanza appare inversamente proporzionale all'interesse che le notizie ivi conservate assumono per la ricostruzione della sua sfuggente figura e, in parte, della sua opera 4 . Infatti, la voce che lo concerne * Desidero ringraziare Gabriella Vanotti per l'invito a partecipare al Convegno esoprattutto -per la disponibilità e per la pazienza. 1 L'edizione fondamentale è ovviamente quella di A. ADLER, Suidae Lexicon, I-V, Lipsiae 1928Lipsiae -1938. Ove non diversamente specificato, i rimandi al nome della Adler nelle note che seguono si riferiscono a Prolegomena e apparati della sua edizione. 2 Suda, s.vv. Ai[ swpo~ [AI 334 Adler] (= XANTH. FGrHist 765 T 1b); Xav nqo~ [X 9 Adler] (= XANTH. FGrHist 765 T 1a): l'edizione di riferimento per Xanto è ancora quella di F. JACOBY, Die Fragmente der griechischen Historiker (d'ora innanzi FGrHist), III C, Leiden 1958, n. 765, pp. 750-758. 3 Si tratta di Suda, s.v. Ai[ swpo~ [AI 334 Adler] (= XANTH. FGrHist 765 T 1b), su cui vd. infra. 4 Su Xanto vd. in particolare H. HERTER, s.v. Xanthos (25), der Lyder, in RE IX A2 (1967), coll. 1353-1374; agli studi ormai classici (e.g. L. PEARSON, Early Ionian

Abstract: The essay takes into consideration the encyclopaedic work of Pliny the Elder – his Natural History – as a test-case to collect and study the information he gives about the region of Lydia, in a double direction: on one side, it discusses the data he offers about the mythical and historical past of the Lydian kingdom from a “Greek” perspective, for their historical and historiographical value; on the other side, it takes into account Pliny’s description of Lydian geography and economy in his times, analysing them from a “Roman” point of view. The aim is to advance some methodological observations about the value of Latin texts as “cover-texts” for the Archaic Greece (and Lydia) history.

Il volume è stato pubblicato con i fondi dell'Università degli Studi di Roma «Tor Vergata» e Ateneo conservano cinque frammenti di due opere di Istro sull'Egitto: le colonie degli Egizi o dell'Egitto (≠Apoikiv ai Aij guptiv wn o ≠Apoikiv ai th` Aij guv ptou) e un lavoro sulla città di Tolemaide (Peri; Ptolemai? do~).

"Abstract. – This paper aims to address some of the questions raised by the study of fragmentary prose writers from a methodological point of view. It especially concerns the study of intermediate authors, that is: the authors who (seem to) bear witness to lost writings within their own works. Whereas scholars of the 19th and 20th centuries were first of all concerned with gathering so-called fragments, a more critical view developed in the last decades of the 20th century. Some scholars pointed out that fragments were the result of a selection and adaptation made by an intermediate author, and they consequently tried to take this into account in the process of interpretation. Now, this requires complex analysis. This paper argues, first, that general studies on the methods and aims of a specific intermediate author can and should help in this process, second, that considering the intermediate authors can and should play a role at many levels of interpretation. Such needs are exemplified with concrete examples. It is, first, shown how the general study of Athenaeus' methods and aims has recently influenced the edition and interpretation of historical fragments found in his work, so that it could play an essential role in determining such important features as the chronology of the quoted historian or the paternity of value judgements. Then, it is argued that the study of intermediate authors may help assessing whether a fragment may be considered a witness to the original text’s vocabulary, as well as determining whether an explanation is due to the original or to the intermediate author. The study of intermediate authors consequently appears to be integral to any solid interpretation of fragments.

Résumé. – Cet article aborde des questions méthodologiques soulevées par l’étude des auteurs en prose uniquement connus par le biais de fragments. Il concerne plus spécialement l’étude des auteurs intermédiaires, c’est-à-dire des auteurs qui (semblent) témoigner d’œuvres perdues dans leurs propres œuvres. Alors que les savants des XIXe et XXe siècles se souciaient avant tout de recueillir ce qu’on appelle des fragments, une approche plus critique s’est développée dans les dernières décennies du XXe siècle. Des savants ont souligné que les fragments résultaient d’une sélection et d’une adaptation dues à un auteur intermédiaire et ils ont essayé d’en tenir compte dans le processus d’interprétation. L’analyse requise est dès lors complexe. Cet article soutient d’abord que des études générales sur les méthodes et objectifs d’un auteur intermédiaire spécifique peuvent et doivent contribuer à ce processus, ensuite que la prise en compte des intermédiaires peut et doit jouer un rôle à différents niveaux d’interprétation. Cette nécessité est illustrée par des exemples concrets. On montre ainsi, en premier lieu, comment l’étude générale des buts et méthodes d’Athénée a récemment influencé l’édition et l’interprétation de fragments d’historiens trouvés dans son œuvre, au point de jouer un rôle essentiel dans la détermination de questions aussi importantes que la chronologie de l’auteur cité ou la paternité des jugements de valeur exprimés. Puis, on soutient que l’étude des auteurs intermédiaires peut aider à savoir si un fragment peut ou non témoigner du vocabulaire de l’original, tout comme à déterminer si une explication est celle de l’original ou de l’auteur intermédiaire. L’étude des auteurs intermédiaires apparaît donc indispensable à toute interprétation solide de fragments. Ces considérations de méthode sont d’autant plus nécessaires que l’histoire antique s’appuie inévitablement sur de nombreux fragments.
"

(2009). Zeitschrift des Deutschen Archäologischen Instituts, Zentrale Berlin, Hrsg. H.-J. Gehrke -O. Dally, Jahresbericht des DAI 2008, München, 5-6. ISBN 978-3-7774-2501-6.

(2010).  Zeitschrift des Deutschen Archäologischen Instituts, Zentrale Berlin, Hrsg. H.-J. Gehrke -O. Dally, Jahresbericht des DAI 2009,  München, 5-6. ISBN 978-3-7774-3071-3.

(2011). Zeitschrift des Deutschen Archäologischen Instituts, Zentrale Berlin, Hrsg. H.-J. Gehrke -O. Dally, Jahresbericht des DAI 2010, München, 5-6. ISBN 978-3-7774-4871-8.

(2012). Zeitschrift des Deutschen Archäologischen Instituts, Zentrale Berlin, Hrsg. H.-J. Gehrke -O. Dally, Jahresbericht des DAI 2011, München, 5-6. ISBN 978-37774-5821-2.

By analyzing the complex tradition on the asserted similarity between the proems in the works of Ephorus and Theopompus that was brought together in Photius (Bibl. CLXXVI 121a, 23-24), the present study intends to sketch the evolution of the biographical cliché about the two historians being disciples of Isocrates, as forestalled in the aphorism of the goad and the rein attributed to Isocrates. The idea that a basic preconception – namely, an almost consequential connection between the teachings of Isocrates and the stylistic features of the (presumed) disciples – is underlying Photius' testimony seems to prompt an interpretation in contrast with the well-known position expressed by Schwartz, and to suggest that ancient critics had already come to view those stylistic features in the works of Ephorus and Theopompus as characteristic of the school of Isocrates. In addition, there was the biographical tradition of the two having been co-disciples, which was already consolidated and considered as a fact. Against the theory according to which  the historical reality of the the teachings of Isocrates may constitute a subsequent and fictitious elaboration substantiated by acknowledging analogies with the style of the orator, the traditional data merged in Photius, as well as the comparison with analogous scholastic traditions such as that of Demosthenes's "disciple of Plato", lead one to assume that the biographical data were the "a priori", while the stylistic elements functioned as a "tekmerion a posteriori".

The story of the single combat of M. Valerius Corv(in)us with a Gaul is one of the most famous Roman legends, as is evident from the unusually high number of attestations. A common element in all these testimonies is that the Roman was helped by a raven in this duel. Only a fragment from Appians Κελτική (Celt. F 10), treating this episode, does not mention the raven at all. For this obvious divergence from the rest of the tradition previous scholarship has offered various explanations, but ultimately all of them remain unsatisfactory. This paper attempts to show that Appian knew the raven story very well. In fact, his text (of which the extremely fragmented state has not always been taken into due account) can be connected with a parallel passage in Dionysius of Halicarnassus (ant. Rom. 15, 1,1–2) and so be freed from the (supposedly) isolated position within the tradition about the single combat of Valerius.

Die Erzählung vom Zweikampf des M. Valerius Corv(in)us mit einem Gallier gehört zu den berühmtesten römischen Legenden, wie an den ungewöhnlich zahlreichen Bezeugungen zu ersehen ist. Ein allen Berichten gemeinsames Element ist, daß dem Römer in diesem Duell ein Rabe zu Hilfe kam. Lediglich ein diese Episode behandelndes Fragment aus Appians Κελτική (Celt. F 10) erwähnt den Rabe überhaupt nicht. Für diese augenfällige Abweichung von der restlichen Überlieferung wurden in der Forschung bislang verschiedene Erklärungen geboten, die aber letztlich allesamt unbefriedigend bleiben. Dieser Beitrag versucht zu zeigen, daß Appian die Rabengeschichte sehr wohl kannte. Sein Text, dessen extrem stark fragmentierter Zustand nicht immer gebührend in Rechnung gestellt wurde, läßt sich nämlich mit einer Parallelstelle bei Dionysios von Halikarnaß (ant. Rom. 15, 1,1–2) verknüpfen und so aus der (vermeintlich) isolierten Position in der Überlieferung zum Zweikampf des Valerius befreien.

Un demi-siècle après Ctésias, Dinon de Colophon et Héraclide de Kymè poursuivent la tradition des Persica, récits grecs entièrement consacrés au passé et aux coutumes de l’empire perse. Sans dédaigner les anecdotes piquantes et les histoires d’intrigues, ces deux auteurs décrivent l’univers du Grand Roi, de ses prérogatives et du faste qui l’entoure aux subtiles hiérarchies qui organisent sa cour. Ils dévoilent tout un pan méconnu de la vision grecque des Perses. Leur témoignage est cependant biaisé tant par leur point de vue grec que par la transmission fragmentaire de leurs textes et requiert de ce fait une approche spécifique.
Le présent ouvrage donne pour la première fois, avec le texte et la traduction de leurs fragments, un commentaire qui prend en compte leur mode de transmission et qui les confronte à l’ensemble des sources, grecques et non grecques, textuelles et iconographiques. Il permet d’apprécier dans chaque cas les apports de ces sources à l’histoire de l’empire et propose enfin une vue synthétique du genre des Persica.

Comptes rendus :
– Bryn Mawr Classical Review 2009-10-46, par Michael Weiskopf.
http://bmcr.brynmawr.edu/2009/2009-10-46.html.
– Revue des Études anciennes 112/1, 2010, p. 225-227, par Pascal Payen.
– L'Antiquité classique 79, 2010, p. 387-389, par Monique Mund-Dopchie.
– The Journal of Hellenic Studies 131, 2011, p. 220-222, par Eran Almagor.
– Rivista di Filologia e di Istruzione Classica 141, 2013, p. 184-192, par Lellida Todini.
– Syria 90, 2013, p. 509, par Maurice Sartre.

Im Gegensatz zu fast allem, was sich an historischer Literatur aus der Zeit vor Thukydides erhalten hat, behandelt sein Werk die Geschichte seiner eigenen Zeit». L'osservazione di Kurt von Fritz 1 non varrà forse a descrivere in modo esaustivo la ragione dell'unicità di Tucidide nella storia della storiografia classica 2 , ma serve almeno a fornire una spiegazione -una delle possibili, s'intende -del perché la critica moderna * Al Professor Guido Schepens (Università di Lovanio) e al Professor Riccardo Vattuone (Università di Bologna) vanno la mia più profonda gratitudine e riconoscenza per la costanza con cui da entrambi è stata seguita e favorita la realizzazione di questo lavoro. Un ringraziamento va anche al Professor Nino Luraghi (Università di Harvard) per un utilissimo colloquio avuto sul testo.

This paper aims at exploring many issues concerning the difficult task of collecting quotations and text re-uses of lost historians. The subject is addressed not by author or by work, but focusing on a topic and discussing sources that belong to different genres and are characterized by different degrees of preservation. The test-case is constituted by the sources on the revolt of Samos (440-439 BC).