Ancient Greek Historiography

Coletânea de artigos:
Prefácio: Os (dois) homens que sabiam demais
Jacyntho Lins Brandão......................................................................................17
Introdução – O mito dos primeiros tempos, ou A narrativa dos
inícios e os inícios da narrativa
Anderson Zalewski Vargas..............................................................................23
PARTE I – HERÓDOTO
Capítulo 1 – Heródoto: historiador, etnógrafo, geógrafo
Airton Pollini...................................................................................................41
Capítulo 2 – Historiador ou contador de histórias?
Leonor Santa Bárbara.....................................................................................71
Capítulo 3 – O proêmio das Histórias de Heródoto
Tatiana Oliveira Ribeiro..................................................................................85
Capítulo 4–Heródoto e o Egito: considerações sobre o livro II –Euterpe
Maria Aparecida de Oliveira Silva................................................................113
Capítulo 5 – Heródoto arqueólogo: tesouros de Delfos e de
outros lugares
Sophie Montel................................................................................................123
PARTE II – TUCÍDIDES
Capítulo 6 – Tucídides: entre a verdade das ações e as
palavras dos discursos
Sandra Lúcia Rodrigues da Rocha..................................................................141
Capítulo 7 – Política e retórica: os discursos na História
da Guerra do Peloponeso
Esther Paglialunga....................................................................................................157
Capítulo 8 – O escritor Tucídides e seu leitor
Luiz Otávio de Magalhães..............................................................................181
Capítulo 9 – Densus et breuis: considerações sobre o estilo
de Tucídides
Adriana Manuela de Mendonça Freire Nogueira...........................................201
PARTE III – HISTÓRIA E TRADIÇÃO
HERÓDOTO E TUCÍDIDES: TRANSMISSÃO E RECEPÇÃO
Capítulo 10 – Xenofonte e Tucídides: uma recepção negativa
Roberto Nicolai............................................................................................221
Capítulo 11 – A peste de Atenas: Tucídides e Lucrécio
Antonio Ruiz Castellanos..............................................................................237
Capítulo 12 – A investigação de Heródoto e sua interpretação
no Ocidente
Jorge Ordóñez Burgos.....................................................................................261

Analyses of Appian’s Civil Wars 4 have tended to focus on source criticism, usually to assert the author’s dependence on his sources for the content, structure, and historical views in his work. This paper examines the structure of Civil Wars 4 and the author’s narrative choices throughout the book to better understand how Appian used his source material to depict in highly ambivalent terms both the triumvirs and the liberators. This analysis demonstrates Appian’s authorial independence and allows us to better understand how he viewed Rome’s civil wars and how he attempted to unite them thematically throughout his Civil Wars.

Apresentação: esta série destina-se a publicar estudos de fundo sobre um leque variado de temas e perspetivas de abordagem (literatura, cultura, história antiga, arqueologia, história da arte, filosofia, língua e linguística), mantendo embora como denominador comum os Estudos Clássicos e sua projeção na Idade Média, Renascimento e receção na atualidade. Breve nota curricular sobre a Coordenação do volume

Athenaeus’ Deipnosophistae preserves an invaluable treasure of quotations from authors whose works have been lost. The work takes the form of an extensive literary banquet, in which knowledge is transmitted dialogically by twenty-nine learned anqueters. The quotations from historians, in particular, offer crucial insight into how Athenaeus employs and integrates his sources. The historians of the fourth century BCE, although temporally distant from Athenaeus, are perfectly woven into the fabric of the text and play a key role in shaping the reception of ancient historiography during the Imperial period. Throughout the work, Athenaeus constructs a web of intertextual references that link page to page, paragraph to paragraph, and book to book. Book III accentuates this network of quotations, as the authors appear to communicate with one another within the many themes included in this part of the work. This thesis aims to examine how Athenaeus makes use of his literary sources and to contribute to the study of the reception of Greek historiography in the Imperial age and to the understanding of the dialogue between erudition and historical memory in Imperial Greek literature.

The paper examines papyrological sources recording pay for work in the second century BC, compares the rates to those known for the third century, and uses wheat equivalents to try to compensate for pay rates calculated on the silver standard (third century) and those calculated on the bronze standard (second century).

A relação entre tempo e verdade é um assunto constantemente revisitado pelas historiografias. Desde registros antigos, é possível identificar reflexões de consciência da aporia engendrada pelo transcorrer do tempo e pelas concepções que se possam (e não possam) ter daquilo que é verdade. Uma das formas de investigá-la é a historiografia, ora entendida como pesquisa pertinentemente demonstrável da experiência temporal humana. Assim podemos nos aproximar das Histórias de Políbio (c. 200 – c. 117 A.E.C.), político proveniente da elite do koinón aqueu que se torna historiador quando da sua captura pela nobilitas romana. Tal como Políbio teria vivido a desagregação de uma hegemonia transrregional, a Macedônia Antigônida, Demétrio de Falero (c. 350 – c. 280), político ateniense considerado polímata, teria vivido a desagregação da Pérsia Aquemênida: expressiva correlação nos é transmitida pelo fragmento historiográfico mais extenso que temos do segundo, mediado pelo primeiro. Parte de pesquisa em andamento, esta apresentação propõe uma hermenêutica histórica capaz de compreender temporalizações nas Histórias de Políbio (c. 200 – c. 117 A.E.C.) ao sugerir um diálogo entre a teoria da historicidade da memória de Jan Assmann e a História Conceptual de Reinhart Koselleck a partir da História Antiga. Desse modo, analisamos o trecho XXIX, 21, em que as palavras de Demétrio são lembradas (mnēmoneúō) na medida em que elas fariam ver o que Políbio entende como a verdade (alḗtheia) trazida pelo tempo: a desagregação de grandes poderios, não obstante sabida, é inesperada e de vivência provocadora de radical mudança na relação humana com a própria história. Ao fim, trabalhamos duas hipóteses: (a) a de que o tempo é reconhecido por Políbio como elemento de transformação qualitativa da experiência humana, e; (b) a de que o conceito de desagregação (katálysis) temporaliza o de história neste autor, porquanto indica temporalizações do meio político em que se encontrava e de sua obra. Nesse movimento, problematizamos projeções de modelos temporais como historia magistra uitae ou de tempo cíclico aos antigos e, precipuamente, às historiografias gregas e do mundo helenístico, ao passo que defendemos o uso de categorias apreendedoras do tempo na construção de uma hermenêutica compreensiva dedicada a esse tipo de fonte.

A few speeches have thunderous applause, wide reach, and be cherished for long. On the 80 th UN General Assembly concluded recently, the PM of Barbados Mia Mottley made a scathing and powerful speech that millions across the world said that she elevated through her speech she said that "They make a desert and call it peace'. This is the phrase that she took for Calgacus in his work Agricola.

This is an English translation of a paper originally published in Portuguese.
Its complete reference is: Benedetti, Pedro. Para compreender o papel da Fortuna no destino do império em Amiano Marcelino. Primordium, v. 1, n. 2, 2017, p. 247–272.

There are a few modifications. In this version, I abandon the idea of the Enmannsche Kaisergeschichte in favor of a lost History of Aurelius Victor, as proposed by Justin Stover and George Woudhuysen, but that does not change the overall argument of the article.

This article aims to elucidate the role of the goddess Fortuna and her attributes in the course of the events described by Ammianus Marcellinus. first, we will situate the author's place on a context of historiographical production in Late Antiquity. Secondly, we will try to determine to what extent classical historians influenced his writing, his narrative and his historical thought. Afterwards, we will analyse the transformation of the qualities and domains of Fortune up to the Late Antiquity and, lastly, by coordinating such elements, we will attempt to comprehend how this deity emerges in Ammianus' work as a motive power that influenced in some of the most remarkable events of the Late Roman Empire.

Abstract: The 4th century B.C. can be considered a saeculum breve, compressed between the end of a pan-Hellenic conflict, which had decreed the failure of a radical democracy, and the establishment of the Macedonian kingdom. In between, the critical reflection of a society, such as the Athenian society, incapable of accepting a secondary role in the political, economic and cultural history of the Hellas, and which reacts by attempting to readapt the old schemes of its golden age to the new feeling of Greek man. The twelve contributions collected here aim to highlight various aspects of those changes characterising an extraordinary period, a veritable building site for the creation of a new world.

This paper investigates Herodotus’ allusions to democratic tenets dear to fifth-century Athens in Books 7 and 8 and how democracy is there suggested as an actionable possibility for all peoples. The paper also explores what Herodotus might have thought about democracy and how reflecting on it was a means for him to examine his own writing (section II). A discussion of Herodotus’ broad meditations on democracy in 7.10, 7.101–3, and 8.140–3 considers their historiographic and practical implications, showing that the Athenian democratic tenets Herodotus may have had as references formed a nucleus from which he elaborated a complex view of democracy, i.e., as a peaceful counterpart to imperialism (section III). Section IV examines some trade-offs and implications one may derive from the intertwining of allusions to democracy and the writing of history. The paper’s chief conclusions are summarized in section V: that the use of allusions allows Herodotus to discuss constituent parts of a democracy, not only those specific to the Athenian democracy, but also those appropriate to all possible forms of democracy.

El presente trabajo pretende analizar las relaciones internacionales en el mundo griego a finales del siglo V. Su objetivo principal es tratar de demostrar cómo el proyecto político de una facción espartana concreta actuó como detonante en el auge de las relaciones internacionales que se produjo en la Hélade en ese período. Éste fue un precedente directo de todos los hechos que marcarán el inicio del siglo posterior, entre los cuales destacan la campaña de Ciro, el Joven, la guerra espartano-persa y la guerra de Corinto.This paper wants to emphasize that the political project of a mere Spartan party was what actually triggered the crisis of the international relations within the Greek World at the very end of the Fifth Century BCE. Therefore, already in the next century, Cyrus the Younger’s campaign, the Persian- Spartan War and the Corinthian War can hardly be explained without such a significant precedent

The article explores the tradition about the unsuccessful attempt of the Spartan harmost Sphodrias to capture Piraeus in 378 BC. Since Sphodrias acted without an order, in Sparta he was brought to trial as a state offender. He owed his acquittal solely to king Agesilaus. The analysis of the tradition of Sphodrias' trial leads the author to the conclusion that Agesilaus controlled the entire administration of Sparta, including the judicial panel. In Sphodrias' trial the opinion of one person-Agesilaus-decided the outcome of the vote. The acquittal of Sphodrias initiated by Agesilaus is a weighty testimony to the great authority which this king possessed in the first decades of the 4 th century BC (before the battle of Leuctra).

The article explores the tradition about the capture of Thebes fortress Cadmea by the Spartan commander Phoebidas (382 BC). The purpose of the article is, first, to consider the degree of participation of King Agesilaus in the capture of Cadmea, and, secondly, to find out the reason why Agesilaus defended Phoebidas in court. The author concludes that Agesilaus' defense of war criminals like Phoebidas and Sphodrias had disastrous consequences for Sparta. According to the author, the blame for the violation of the Peace, the break of relations with the allies and the defeat of the Battle of Leuctra can be partly laid on Agesilaus. Rezumat. Articolul explorează tradiția despre cucerirea fortăreței Cadmeea de către comandantul spartan Phoebidas (382 î.Hr.). Scopul articolului este, în primul rând, de a analiza modul în care regele Agesilaus a participat la cucerirea Cadmeei și, în al doilea rând, de a afla motivul pentru care Agesilaus l-a apărat pe Phoebidas în instanță. Autoarea concluzionează că apărarea de către Agesilaus a criminalilor de război precum Phoebidas și Sphodrias a avut consecințe dezastruoase pentru Sparta. Potrivit acesteia, vina pentru încălcarea păcii, ruperea relațiilor cu aliații și înfrângerea în bătălia de la Leuctra pot fi pusă parțial pe seaama lui Agesilaus.

Scholars have long identified anachronisms in the Hebrew Bible as evidence of disreputable storytellers whose writings are impaired by a poor sense of the past they claim to describe. This study questions this interpretative stance and reassesses the theory of anachronism that informs it. This effort at redress is aimed principally at the presuppositions we harbor about our access to the past and the sense of time that informs our historical research. The challenge posed by the ancient writings of the Hebrew Bible, I contend, is not simply a different appraisal of anachronisms from their modern readers, but more fundamentally a distinct framing of temporal experience that privileges continuity over the sense of discontinuity to which our historical studies are often keyed. A more sympathetic position advanced in this study toward anachronism proposes an interpretive openness to experiences of time not fully captured within the modern forms of history that have been placed on them.

The Parallel Lives style examination and biography is one of the oldest forms of historical inquiry, providing a comparison between a foreign subject and a more familiar subject as a frame of reference. This style of examination was popular for dissertations in the 19th century among military historians writing about generals who were stylistically known as “Great Captains” for much of history. While the moral comparisons of such histories in bygone eras possess less utility, multimodal comparisons of lives that readers have more and less contextual background to provide a model to bridge the gap between foreign and familiar subjects. The two subjects of this inquiry are Publius Cornelius Scipio Africanus of the Middle Roman Republic during the Second Punic War, and Duke Federigo da Montefeltro of the Italian Renaissance, who attempted to live a life modeled on both Caius Julius Caesar and Publius Cornelius Scipio Africanus. Both subjects were paragons of martial virtue in their respective eras in very different cultures. Given the degree of information contextualization required for adult learning, providing bridging context improves the quality and amount of retention by the reader. It is for these reasons that paralleling two subjects using a multimodal method to parse the components for examination and delivering the information in a contextualizing frame based on Bloom’s Taxonomic Model of Adult Learning is posited as a valid approach to teaching history, one that can speak interdisciplinary languages and appeal to wider audience bases. The use of modern research methods and integrated reasoning creates an updated approach, which delivers a procedural historical example for deep dive, theoretically aligned analysis.

These are the proofs of an essay that will appear in Εἰρηνάρχης, a Festschrift for Kostas Buraselis. The essay analyses the different versions about Cylon's attempt at tyranny and shows that there were two traditions, one hostile to the Alcmeonids and another Athenian tradition, which claimed that the officials who killed the Cylonians were punished soon after their crime. The traditions must be understood in the context of Greek beliefs about supplication and pollution for impiety. The essay also shows that the law of Draco about homicide was not enacted to address problems arising from the murder of the Cylonians.

The concept 'zero equivalence' refers to those words with no equivalent lexical items in the target language. Such was the case of dēmagōgos and its cognates when medieval translators had to translate Aristotle's Politics, Moerbeke and Oresme. This article aims to analyse the strategies preferred by these translators and how they have influenced how we conceive demagogy in negative terms. I contend that their particular interpretation of the Aristotelian text and their use of foreignisms shaped what we understand by demagogues in modern Western languages, as leaders who threaten the status quo.

Trans lations of Greek passages are my own, unless otherwise noted. This collective memory be gins with the figure of Marcus Aurelius, whom Herodian memorializes in his final days as he is about to pass power to his son Commodus. With this scene, Herodian introdu ces the issues of memory and emulation that will play a significant role in the history.² 2 Chrysanthou (forthcoming): "Paying tribute to one's memory (μνήμη) is another recurrent idea in Herodian's History […]" (with further examples from Herodian's history, many of which are discussed in detail below). In Herodian's work, Marcus left behind a political world in which he united his constit uencies through his own virtuous behavior.³ By beginning with the collective memory of Marcus Aurelius, Herodian emphasizes Marcus' status as a model ruler.⁴ 4 As many have observed, Herodian's idealized image of Marcus Aurelius can be used to judge the em perors to come,

Information from recently published papyri is combined with papyrological and epigraphical data already known to examine the current state of knowledge of the role of cleruchic land in Hellenistic Egypt. Over time, a system that started as a means of rewarding elite Macedonian cavalry forces and of tying them to their new home was extended to the infantry and different ranks of the police force. Furthermore, as Ptolemaic concerns
developed in the second century BC, the institution was opened up and key local Egyptian families are found as recipients of cleruchic land, at least in Upper Egypt where the regime was subject to on-going threat. Members of such well-established families are shown to have been important in administrative and religious, as well as in the military sphere. Finally, attention is drawn to changing local differences in the fiscal relationship of cleruchic land to the central royal treasury.

The purpose as usual is to give YOU ALL another chance to ignore my work and in particular my offer of a new approach to scholarship, the opposite of what this immortal quotation describes:

The ideology of professionalism that is so appealing to occupational groups and […] practitioners includes […] exclusive ownership of an area of expertise and knowledge, and the power to define the nature of problems […] as well as the control of access to potential solutions [Evetts 2013].

Here the specific point are two clauses from Menander that were wholly mistranslated by Bekker, Niebuhr and/or Classen and those mistranslations conitnue uncritically to be repeated by the professionals.  But Clemenceau was right.  Eastern Roman history and the Greek language are too grave a matter to leave to the specialists. La histeria me absolverá

Inspired by recent scholarship in the blue humanities, this article explores the role of oceanic imagery in Friedrich Schiller's 'Der Ring des Polykrates' (1797). The ballad, which reworks an episode from Herodotus' Histories, centres on a Greek king who throws his ring into the sea in an ill-fated attempt to forestall divine envy. By tracing how Schiller's source material extends beyond Herodotus to a wider array of Greek myths and tragedies, including Euripides' Hecuba, the article argues that the ocean figures as a site of ambiguity in which lost objects take on alternately tragic and comic resonances. Schiller's poem both acknowledges the ballad genre's longstanding association with maritime imagery, and also ironizes this trope by showing how its protagonists recoil from looking too deeply into the sea. The article concludes by considering the afterlife of Schiller's ballad in Korngold's comic opera, Der Ring des Polykrates (1916).

Cette étude porte sur le traité fragmentaire Θαυμασίων τῶν εἰς ἅπασαν τὴν γῆν κατὰ τόπους ὄντων συναγωγή (Mirabilia), attribué à Callimaque. Le texte ne subsiste que par des extraits transmis par pseudo-Antigonos de Carystos. En replaçant cette oeuvre dans le cadre de l’activité érudite de Callimaque à la bibliothèque d’Alexandrie, l’article en analyse les caractéristiques et les objectifs. Deux axes sont privilégiés : d’abord l’étude de la méthode du pseudo-Antigonos dans le traitement des sources aristotéliciennes, et ensuite l’examen des fragments de Mirabilia chez d’autres auteurs, comme le Paradoxographus Palatinus ou Stéphane de Byzance. L’ensemble vise à éclairer la transmission, la réception et la portée culturelle du traité

https://www.degruyterbrill.com/document/doi/10.1515/9783111592688/html

This book examines the biographical and political tradition of Lycurgus of Sparta in ancient Greek and Latin literature. It provides a detailed analysis of sources from the fifth century BCE to late antiquity, offering a deep exploration of the development of the ancient tradition on the Spartan lawgiver.

The author presents the subject in chronological order, creating a well-organized collection of information that is easy to read and convenient to consult. The analysis begins with the first mentions of Lycurgus in the fifth century by Herodotus and Simonides, then proceeds to cover the authors of the fourth century, including Xenophon, Plato, Aristotle, and Ephorus, as well as the Hellenistic period. Starting from the first century BCE, the study also includes Latin authors, such as Cicero and Titus Livius, in the discussion. A significant chapter is dedicated to Plutarch, the most crucial source for Lycurgus' tradition. Lastly, the book includes the analysis of selected passages from imperial Greek authors and significant late antique sources on the lawgiver to study the reception of this figure beyond Plutarch.

This study is aimed at scholars working on or interested in Spartan history and tradition.

Relecture de l'épisode de l'accession de Didius Julianus chez Hérodien à l'aune du mélange des genres et des interactions littéraires.

New perspectives on Herodian's narrative of the accession of Didius Julianus in light of strategies of genre-blending and literary interactions.

A generation ago, Moses Finley said that the councils and assemblies in the Homeric poems were not genuine deliberative bodies, but looser, less productive gatherings.1 Finley and others regarded these bodies as transitional, so that regular councils and assemblies appear only later, in systems like those identified with Lycurgus and Solon.2 In recent years, scholars have returned to an older view that Homeric deliberative bodies were well enough organized to make decisions, even if leaders or dissenters could undermine these decisions.

During the course of two centuries, numerous changes occurred affecting the Greeks living in the western Mediterranean, notably in the evolution of new political structures. The emergence of a distinctive Syracusan leadership, even if rather short-lived, is the most dramatic example. Moreover, civic communities under the control of Syracuse became ever more diverse and heterogeneous as these cities were populated with mercenaries employed by the rulers. These employees then became the citizens of their poleis, abandoning their former status in other often far-flung states or regions to create a unique social and ethnic mix in Sicily and southern Italy that was accepted as Greek. However, the growing power of Rome and the continued ambitions of the Carthaginians spurred on even more drastic changes in Sicily and Magna Graecia. Eventually, including Syracuse, all became subjects of the res publica. The focus here begins with the populist and dynamic rule of Dionysius I (405-367) and how it was later perceived, then the collapse of the ruling dynasty in a further round of family infighting, as had happened before with the ending of Deinomenid control in the 460s. The decline of Syracuse's power in the 340s was reversed by Timoleon. However, the form of government which he substituted for tyranny, was neither a strong independent democracy nor a cohesive enough oligarchy, and made it liable for subversion. Agathocles seized power as the next tyrant, and, with Gelon more probably in mind than Alexander the Great, moved towards becoming a king with full monarchical paraphernalia. More stasis followed his death until Hieron, first tyrant, and then benign ruler, another basileus, came to an arrangement with Rome at the start of the First Punic War and prospered. After his death in 215 his heir Hieronymus unwisely moved Syracuse into an alliance with age-old enemy Carthage. Following his murder in 214, the Romans responded quickly by besieging Syracuse and, then for the first time in its history, sacking the city. This paper is a version, with variations, of the publication in The World of the Western Greeks (2025).

El presente capítulo aborda la incidencia transformadora de la educación superior en el cumplimiento de los Objetivos de Desarrollo Sostenible (ODS) 1, 2, 3 y 10 en América Latina y el Caribe, particularmente en México. Se analiza cómo la enseñanza universitaria se posiciona como un pilar fundamental para la erradicación de la pobreza (ODS 1), al generar oportunidades y promover la movilidad social que reduce las disparidades económicas. En cuanto al Hambre Cero (ODS 2), se examinan las contribuciones académicas y de investigación que fortalecen prácticas agrícolas sostenibles, como los huertos familiares, esenciales para la seguridad alimentaria y el bienestar comunitario.

Respecto al ODS de Salud y Bienestar (ODS 3), se subraya el rol educativo en la promoción de comportamientos saludables y la atención a retos sanitarios complejos, como las enfermedades raras, resaltando la urgencia de una cobertura universal. Finalmente, para la Reducción de las Desigualdades (ODS 10), el texto explora cómo una educación superior inclusiva y equitativa, que supere los enfoques economicistas y priorice la formación ciudadana, es indispensable para contrarrestar las brechas socioeconómicas y tecnológicas. Este análisis enfatiza el potencial de la universidad para impulsar un cambio civilizatorio hacia una sociedad más justa y con equidad de oportunidades en la región.

Oggetto del presente studio sono le 36 occorrenze di ἐμπειρία
e le 46 occorrenze di ἔμπειρος presenti nel Corpus Platonicum5.
Nell’uso platonico dei due termini si possono, innanzitutto, individuare
tre diversi aspetti con differenti esiti semantici: 1) semantica ordinaria; 2) semantica dinamico-processuale; 3) semantica della competenza.

This essay seeks to come to a preliminary understanding of Herodotus' conception of logos by studying the motifs of true and false speech as they are developed throughout first books of the History. I begin by examining his account of what he takes to be the "Persian" understanding of truth-telling and how it is ultimately self-undermining, terminating in Darius' affirmation that truth and lie are equivalent and only used pragmatically in the service of gain. The commitment to telling the truth, then, is grounded in but also conceals the fundamental human desire for the good. Next, I consider Herodotus' understanding of Greek poetry's "lies like the truth." In Homer, Herodotus finds an understanding of logos that accounts for the interplay of truth's disclosure and concealment. Homer's poetry beautifies and so conceals the first things, but in so doing leaves clues that may be followed in order to uncover its concealed origin. Herodotus' own logos follows Homer's example by looking for those traces in all human logoi that point beyond their concealment to the truth of the first things. Herodotus' unfolding of the play of truth and concealment in logos can be understood as a profound commentary on the thought of Heraclitus (especially his fragment B123) and suggests a deeper and more nuanced understanding of the tension between nomos and physis than is usually attributed to the historian.

espanolLa tradicion griega vincula la muerte del regente Pausanias de Esparta con fantasmas. En este articulo nos centramos en el conocido episodio que involucra al mismo Pausanias y a una doncella bizantina, transmitido por Aristodemo, Plutarco y Pausanias el Periegeta. La multiplicidad de versiones exige un analisis comparativo, que realizamos teniendo en cuenta los tres espacios donde se desarrolla la accion narrativa (civico, intimo y ritual). Los resultados indican una concordancia entre Plutarco y Pausanias el Periegeta, asi como una disonancia entre ellos dos y Aristodemo. Esta diferencia afecta especialmente al tratamiento del personaje de la doncella, propiamente fantasmal en Plutarco y Pausanias el Periegeta, pero no en Aristodemo. EnglishGreek tradition links the death of regent Pausanias of Sparta with ghosts. In this paper, we focus on the well-known episode that revolves around Pausanias himself and a Byzantine maiden and is transmitted by Aristodemus, Plutarch and Pau...

Abstract: In Vita 364, Josephus reports that Agrippa II had written sixty-two letters endorsing the accuracy of the Bellum Judaicum. A scholarly consensus holds that these letters were part of an ongoing collaboration by which Agrippa provided feedback on drafts during the work’s composition. This article challenges that interpretation. I argue that Agrippa’s sixty unquoted letters were addressed not to Josephus but to others, and aimed at promoting the Bellum among elite readers.

An examination of recurring motifs and generalized statements in Polybius’ Histories shows that he understood the Hellenistic courts and their representatives as a homogeneous phenomenon. Philip V in particular and the events at his court served him as a model. His view of the courts was significantly influenced by Aratus of Sicyon. Polybius portrays the courtiers as negative examples from which his readers should draw the appropriate lessons. His aims (universal history, didactic function of historiography) and methodology (analogies) thereby defined the selection of topics presented and, as a result, led more to uniformity than differentiation.

García García, E. M., “‘Perversas son las mujeres’. Mal y feminidad en el judaísmo antiguo”, en D’Amico, C. (ed.), Al margen de la norma. Manifestaciones y representaciones siniestras de lo femenino en contextos religiosos del Próximo Oriente antiguo, Universidad de Sevilla, 2024, pp. 131-147. ISBN: 978-84-472-2632-0.

O antigo Mar do Ponto, hoje conhecido como Mar Negro, é um dos mais importantes da história. No período helenístico, ficou conhecido o argumento segundo o qual ele se tornaria um pântano raso, dado o seu aluvionamento e a ignorância com relação a esse processo. Ao propormos um diálogo da História Antiga com a História Ambiental, partimos do conceito recente de desastre socioambiental e o aproximamos à tipologia do desastre nas Histórias de Políbio (c. 200 – c. 117 A.E.C.) e à sua investigação sobre o Mar do Ponto. O nosso objetivo é compreender a semântica dessa experiência e de refletir sobre a historicidade da consciência humana de sua dependência do ambiente. Por isso recorremos à linguagem na qual essa experiência se conceptualiza na medida em que as ações humanas e o destino do mar são temporalmente articulados pelo autor. Concluímos, enfim, que há similaridades expressivas entre a semântica contemporânea e a antiga, dado que Políbio advogava por uma ética consequente do ser humano de investigar para melhor se adaptar ao ambiente. Esperamos, igualmente, que este seja um ensejo para fortalecer os laços entre História Antiga e História Ambiental.

Antik Yunan’da diğer eskiçağ halklarında olduğu gibi, tanrılarının onayı olmadan hiçbir eyleme girişilmezdi. Yaşamın her alanında etkili bir şekilde varlık gösteren tanrıların, insanların en önemli uğraşlarından biri olan savaşlarda da yanlarında oldukları kabul edilirdi. Antik Yunan’da savaş ile tanrılar arasında kopmaz bir bağ bulunmaktaydı. Öte yandan ritüeller, toplumlarda evrensel bir unsur olarak karşımıza çıkar. Büyük çaplı sosyal ve politik olaylardan günlük kişisel eylemlere kadar kutsal ya da seküler birçok ritüel, geçmişten günümüze kadar tüm kültürlerde varlığını sürdürmüştür. İnsan yaşamının her yönü bir şekilde ritüelle iç içedir ve savaş da istisna değildir. Ancak, ritüellerin yaygınlığına karşın onları anlamak ve yorumlamak her zaman kolay olmayabilir. Savaş ritüellerini ve uygulamalarını incelemek toplumların öncelikleri hakkında önemli ipuçları sunar. Yunanlılar için savaş yalnızca bir strateji sorunu değil aynı zamanda tanrıları memnun etme ve eşitliğe dayalı toplumsal yapıya koruma süreciydi. İnsan yaşamının, onurunun ve refahının büyük riskler taşıdığı savaş deneyimleri ve travmaları, doğaüstü ve kutsal olana başvurularak anlamlandırılmıştır. Bu yüzden Yunanlılar tanrılarıyla iletişime geçmek ve onların desteğini kazanmak için savaş öncesinde, sırasında ve sonrasında çeşitli ritüeller gerçekleştirmiştir. Savaş yalnızca bir askeri eylem olmanın ötesinde, dinsel törenlerle iç içe geçmiş bir süreçti. Yunanlılar, savaşın kaderinin tanrılar tarafından belirlendiğine inanıyordu ve bu doğrultuda savaşa karar verdikten sonra belirli aşamalarda ritüeller uyguluyordu. Bu ritüeller, yalnızca tanrılardan destek almayı amaçlamakla kalmaz, ayrıca kutsal düzenin bir parçası olarak toplumsal yaşamın diğer alanlarına da örnek teşkil ediyordu. Bu çalışmada Yunan toplumlarının savaşlarda ilahi olanla nasıl iletişim kurduğu ve savaş ritüellerini nasıl uyguladığı ele alınacaktır. Yunanlıların savaşlarda tanrılara atfettikleri rolü kehanet, kurban, zafer anıtı ve diğer yerleşik ritüellerin savaş ve seferdeki önemini inceleyerek savaşın dinsel ve toplumsal yönlerini anlamaya çalışacağız.

C. seeks to demonstrate that modern academic theories presenting Gallienus as a cavalry reformer are based on insufficient evidence. In doing so, he follows in the footsteps of a long-neglected article by M. Springer ('Die angebliche Heeresreform des Kaisers Gallienus', in: Krise -Krisenbewuβtsein -Krisenbewältigung [1988], pp. 97-100). But unlike Springer's piece, C.'s book details the history of scholarship on this issue. This review focuses on the arguments that seem most pertinent to the question of whether we accept or reject the idea that Gallienus made changes to the cavalry, however we envision those changes. Chapter 1 discusses scholarship on Gallienus in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, and Chapter 2 focuses on Hermann Schiller, who in 1883 became the first to suggest that Gallienus made a change to the cavalry. Schiller noted a passage of Cedrenus, which derives from the Byzantine historian Symeon Logothetes. According to Symeon (80.3), Gallienus 'first established cavalry units (ἱππικὰ τάγματα). For the soldiers of the Romans were generally infantry'. C. suggests that Symeon misinterpreted an earlier account describing Gallienus' efforts in favour of the equestrian order (ἱππικόν τάγμα), noting that Byzantine authors usually use καθίστημι to mean 'ordain'/'appoint' to an office. This is an intriguing idea that should be carefully considered, but Symeon on three other occasions uses καθίστημι to mean 'make' or 'establish as' (42.17, 44.10, 49.2), and I find 'ordained the equestrian order' an awkward alternative. Chapter 3 critiques the ideas of Emil Ritterling and Alfred von Domaszewski, who discussed this topic in the 1900s. In 1903 Ritterling noticed that Dalmatian cavalry are first securely attested and became a prominent military unit during the reign of Gallienus: they were participants in his assassination (e.g. Zos. 1.40.2), distinguished themselves in Claudius' Gothic war (HA, Claud. 11.9; Zos. 1.43.2) and participated in Aurelian's Palmyrene war (Zos. 1.52.3). The 48 units attested in the Notitia Dignitatum are likely relevant, but C. expresses reasonable reservations about Ritterling's attempt to use the Notitia to make more specific conclusions about Gallienus' cavalry. Chapter 4 considers the ideas of Léon Homo, who in 1913 revealed the biases of Latin accounts against Gallienus and promoted an image of him as a reformer. C. rejects the Greek claim (Zos. 1.40.1; Zon. 12.25) that the general Aureolus was 'commander of all the cavalry' and was stationed in or had seized Milan when he rebelled against Gallienus in 268. C. notes that Aurelius Victor (HAb 33.17) instead has Aureolus commanding legions in Raetia, and he suggests that the Greek authors have duplicated Aureolus' cavalry command at the battle of Mursa in 260, narrated by Zonaras (12.24). However, as regards this battle, Zonaras does not speak of 'all the cavalry' (Gallienus led the Mauri), and the Historia Augusta (Aur. 18.1) likewise claims that Aurelian, during Claudius' reign and before becoming emperor, commanded all the cavalry. Neither Aureolus' command over all the cavalry nor Aurelian's are associated with a specific battle (cf. p. 152). Aureolus may have held this and the Raetian command at different times, leading to confusion in the sources, but it is possible that they overlapped, as Milan was located on one of the roads connecting Raetia and Italy, and Gallienus was absent, fighting the Goths in the Balkans (cf. Marcus Aurelius' praetentura Italiae et Alpium [ILS 8977]; L. de Blois, Image and Reality of

It surveys some of the theoretical discussions surrounding the concept of hypoleptic discourse, a competitive frame of textual communication in which agonistic intertextuality and authorial rivalry are perceived as unique and fundamental features of the Greek textual tradition. Hypolepticdiscourse is a triangular relationship between an author, a predecessor, and a common topic, in which authors could compete over their claims to  truth and accuracy. We then examine the main agonistic instances against rival authors from Thucydides’ first book, focusing on how they relate to the notion of hypoleptic discourse.  Finally, the text concludes with some remarks about Thucydides’ contribution to the devel￾opment of this kind of competitive framework within classical historiographical tradition.

When, in the aftermath of the conquests of Alexander the Great, his generals divided the empire, Egypt fell to Ptolemy, son of Lagos. He and his successors had to cope with the fact that they were a minority ruling in a populous country with an enormous indigenous cultural tradition. It was an obvious necessity to adapt to that cultural tradition. So it is logical that the involvement of the Greek dynasty with indigenous language and writing was considerably more intense in Egypt than elsewhere. This is evident in the enormous number of Egyptian-language official inscriptions in the Ptolemaic period. For Ptolemy II, the case is remarkable. We have several highly important historical inscriptions of his time, stylised as official royal declarations, in purely hieroglyphic form, without any Greek version. This should be pointed out all the more because, from Ptolemy III onward, the high actions of the state were declared mostly in the synodal decrees, and these are mostly trilingual—h...