World affairs

Security discourse has radically changed over the years, especially since the Post-Cold War period. The traditional concept focuses on state security and national security, and is essentially based on realist and neo-realist paradigms. However, in 1994, the United Nations Human Development Report for the first time elaborated the notion of human security and the associated Human Development Index (HDI). Human security advocates a people-centric approach to security. The two foundational principles on which human security is based are "freedom from fear" and "freedom from want." I evaluate the notions of state security versus human security and examine how South Asian countries have fared regarding the human security indices. I conclude that, despite advances in some areas, various HDI parameters show that the human security record is still rather dismal in South Asia. There remains a critical need to improve it.

Security discourse has radically changed over the years, especially since the Post–Cold War period. The traditional concept focuses on state security and national security, and is essentially based on realist and neo-realist paradigms. However, in 1994, the United Nations Human Development Report for the first time elaborated the notion of human security and the associated Human Development Index (HDI). Human security advocates a people-centric approach to security. The two foundational principles on which human security is based are “freedom from fear” and “freedom from want.” I evaluate the notions of state security versus human security and examine how South Asian countries have fared regarding the human security indices. I conclude that, despite advances in some areas, various HDI parameters show that the human security record is still rather dismal in South Asia. There remains a critical need to improve it.

India's participation in the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation (SCO) raises a fundamental question: Is this a strategic opportunity to influence regional security and connectivity, or a risk-laden alignment with adversaries? This paper reinterprets India's engagement with the SCO through the lens of a new theoretical framework-Counterbalance Engagement Theory (CET). CET suggests that India remains part of the SCO not to conform or align, but to contain the influence of dominant players from within, prevent institutional capture, and assert its strategic autonomy. This approach reflects India's calculated and layered diplomacy in a complex regional setting.

The disappearance of bipolar system following the disintegration of the Soviet Union, has also changed many strategic concepts. Central Asia, as a part of the Soviet empire, has become an arena for regional and global challenges after these transformations. The region, already faced with various political, economic, social and cultural problems, soon became a location for the activities of Islamic fundamentalists, which in turn intensified regional crisis. Different sociopolitical problems made the ground for these activities. The basic question of this paper is: What is the role of NATO enlargement and its effects on security provision in Central Asia? This paper tries to answer that, “what role can NATO play in Central Asia in order to provide security in this region specially after September 11 th and the following events”. Based on current security issues in Central Asia, America has seriously emphasized on socio-economic reforms under the” Greater Middle East” framework. Centra...

Following the outbreak of the Russo-Ukrainian war (2022), and the globalisation of economic warfare, members of the BRICS group declared their intention to push back the international role of the US dollar. This would weaken the capacity of the US to take advantage of the key currency function of the dollar unilaterally, and it would protect the BRICS countries and those collaborating with them from various sanctions. This study examines the consequences of the weaponisation of the dollar in the light of financial history, and also presents an overview about the possibilities of the countries which are looking for alternative solutions.

What impact does the Russo-Ukrainian War have on Taiwanese citizens' attitudes toward self-defense? To investigate this question, we utilized seven waves of representative surveys conducted by the Institute for National Defense and Security Research (INDSR) between September 2021 and March 2023 (n = 10869) in Taiwan. We examined two major hypotheses: 1) war support after the war should increase for all citizens, and 2) the effect should be visible only among partisans. Using two surveys fielded before and after the Russian invasion, we found out that war support did not change significantly. Instead, we found a pattern of polarization based on partisanship. Subsequent analyses using seven waves reached the same conclusion. The partisan hypothesis also received additional support from a robustness test. Overall, our paper highlights the importance of context in studying public reactions toward security threats. Policy and theoretical implications were discussed at the end of the paper.

This article examines the evolution of Slovakia-Taiwan relations, focusing on the early 2020s (specifically 2020–2023), a period marked by a shift toward closer ties. Despite adhering to the One China policy, Slovakia has strengthened its engagement with Taiwan, driven by both regional and domestic factors. Regionally, the Central and Eastern Europe (CEE) region’s disillusionment with unmet Chinese economic promises has led to a pivot toward alternative partnerships, including Taiwan. Domestically, Slovakia’s 2020 government shift introduced a more Taiwan-receptive policy, aligning with the EU and NATO’s cautious approach to China. The analysis highlights Slovakia’s adoption of a low-visibility, pragmatic model that contrasts with the high-profile symbolic approaches of fellow CEE ‘vanguard’ states (the most active players in political interactions with Taiwan) like Czechia and Lithuania. Slovakia’s strategy involves pursuing a ‘positive’ agenda with Taiwan with minimal public attention, redirecting criticisms of China to parliamentary channels and conducting symbolic actions vis-à-vis China. While this approach reduces risks of Chinese backlash and minimises domestic politicisation, it also limits public awareness and support. Nonetheless, the Slovakia-Taiwan relationship has seen tangible, durable gains. Slovakia’s approach offers a viable blueprint for other states interested in engaging with Taiwan without provoking China.

Climate change is real and has been affecting Africa
disproportionally. This is because the majority of Africans
depend on nature to advance their livelihoods. Energy
transition seems to be the most trending strategy to fighting it.
Fortunately, at the centre of energy transition are critical
minerals that are vastly available in Africa. This study reviews
60 relevant academic works to argue that climate change calls
for innovations which could create not only a net good for
society, but also help Africa to grow economically. This would
happen if Africa shifts from investing in supply chains to
engaging in global value chains through investing in
downstream activities that go beyond refinery. It is, however, important for Africa to ensure that investing in global value chains does not compromise economic, social and environmental requirements of sustainable development.

States are driven by a complex web of national interests, encompassing security, economic prosperity, and the preservation of sovereignty. The pursuit of national interests provides the guiding principle for states, influencing their actions and policies in the international arena. Foreign
policy acts asthe instrument through which nations articulate and implement their national interests on the global stage. States formulate foreign policies to safeguard their security, enhance economic well-being, and establish alliances that advance their strategic objectives. Diplomacy is the primary means by which nations engage with each other, seeking to resolve conflicts, build alliances, and negotiate agreements. Effective diplomacy requires skillful navigation of geopolitical complexities,
balancing national interests with the interests of other nations. Geopolitical factors, such as geographical location, access to resources, and historical relationships, significantly influence national interests and foreign policy choices. Power dynamics among nations, regional
considerations, and global trends further contribute to the dynamic nature of international affairs.
Analyzing conflicts, such as the Russia-Ukraine war, underscores how national interests, foreign policy decisions, and diplomatic strategies interact within the broader context of geopolitical theory. The case study of the Russia-Ukraine war, 2022 provides valuable insights into the
complexities and nuances of state behavior, illustrating how nations balance competing interests and navigate geopolitical challenges. The intricate interplay of these elements highlights the everevolving nature of global politics and the imperative for states to strategically manage their role in the international community.

This essay reviews ecological economist, Giorgos Kallis’ recent book, ‘Why Malthus Was Wrong and Why Environmentalists Should Care’ (2019) to review the debate around population and sustainability. In the name of sustainability and resource scarcity, debates on population tend to blame the poor without adequately problematizing structural inequalities that sustain racial capitalism and stimulate scarcity. This narrative is a remnant of the Malthusian thesis that problematized population growth in relation to food scarcity without problematizing utilitarian human wants. In this essay, I review this book because the author expands on the politics of scarcity and urges us to nurture ethics and the politics of limits. My contribution in this extended review comes in offering a perspective from post-colonial countries like India, and in the global South more broadly, that align with ‘other’ notions of limits, the good life, and sustainability.

James S. Denton, died on June 18th, 2018, after a long and valiant battle with cancer. His contribution to this journal, the United States's oldest journal of international affairs and an icon of international scholarship, was beyond significant. As Director of the World Affairs Institute, Jim took over WAJ, first as publisher and later in the role of editor himself when he also launched a sister project, the World Affairs website. He injected the same vigor and dynamic new ideas into this journal as he did in his earlier presidency of the National Forum Foundation (1984-1997), executive directorships of Freedom House (1997-2001) and Heldref Publications, his 2014 Transatlantic Renewal Project (promoting closer ties between the United States and Europe), and his varied additional projects to strengthen democracy in post-communist Europe. Yet WAJ held a special place within this impressive career and, I believe, also in Jim's heart. A consummate leader, conversationalist, and organizer who had an extraordinarily eclectic and wide-ranging knowledge on a myriad of topics, his most unique gift was bringing people together. It is a gift that has strongly influenced the journal under his editorship and beyond it. In the World Affairs website obituary, Joshua Muravchik (2018) underlines this talent for reaching out: "He would read something that grabbed his attention, then reach for the phone and call the author or the subject of the article, and a relationship would

Welcome to the summer 2020 issue of World Affairs. At the time I am writing, we are witnessing unparalleled global uncertainty; social distancing; health system overload; rampant negative media sensationalism; enforced lockdown in Europe, the United States, and many other regions; and lasting economic upheaval across the world as a result of the rapid global spread of COVID-19, the novel coronavirus. There is a slim possibility that, by the time this issue of the journal goes to press, the immediate situation may have relaxed a very little in Europe, the United States, and elsewhere, as it appears to have done in Wuhan, China, where the virus originated. But projections indicate more than a little relaxation is extremely unlikely in the West, and unthinkable in other regions that have yet to face the worst onslaughtoften with far fewer resources and woefully inadequate infrastructure. If lockdowns are relaxed, we can expect a series of waves of new infections in consequence for months to come-mitigated only by the hoped-for success of leveling-out strategies to alleviate, periodically, the pressure on our overburdened health systems and their tireless, courageous employees. The fact that the COVID-19 virus is extremely communicable, especially by those who may be asymptomatic, perhaps for weeks, has made it a much greater, speedier global threat than prior outbreaks such as the SARS (severe acute respiratory syndrome) or MERS (Middle East respiratory syndrome) epidemics of recent years. And governments are racing to even try to keep up, despite the fact that in May 2018 a policy exercise occurred in which something similar to the current coronavirus pandemic was simulated and debated to identify then-government capabilities and policy weak spots in the event of a real global pandemic in the future. At the time, a New York Times article covered the one-day policy simulation and opined: "This mock pandemic killed 150 million 922011WA FXXX10.

Our winter issue's cover image of the twisted gun statue in United Nations Plaza, New York, resonates particularly strongly at present. I write this note just hours after a gunman opened fire on a packed bar in Thousand Oaks, California, with what police reported to be a legally owned 0.45 caliber semi-automatic handgun (BBC News 2018). At least twelve people died, ten more were injured by the shots, and a further 18 suffered injuries as they attempted to escape (Queally et al. 2018). The immediate media debate is centering on whether the gunman had posttraumatic stress disorder or another mental illness (see, for example, BBC News 2018; Queally et al. 2018; Ronayne and Pritchard 2018). However, in view of the rising statistics on gun violence and mass shootings in the United States 1 and elsewhere, 2 the refrain that has been emanating from the White House (and the National Rifle Association [NRA] HQ) that America's gun violence is attributable to mental health problems, not gun problems (see, for example, Rogers 2018), rings more than hollow. The United States undoubtedly has a serious gun-violence problem. And it may well be unique to the country. But gun-related death rates are on the rise in many parts of the world, including in high-income Organisation for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD) countries like Ireland or Canada (see Lopez 2018). Issues of gun violence and gun control are most definitely world affairs. Following the Thousand Oaks massacre, California Senator Dianne Feinstein repeated her call for greater "intestinal fortitude" from congressional Republicans and the president, and stronger federal gun 1 In the first week of November 2018, there were six mass shootings on U.S. soil leaving 18 dead and 31 injured (Gun Violence Archive 2018). According to the Gun Violence Archive (2018), October saw 30 more mass shooting incidents in the United States bringing the 2018 total up to 307 as of November 8.

Welcome to the summer 2021 issue of World Affairs (WAJ)! As the global rollout of the COVID-19 vaccine progresses apace, how international cooperation and burden sharing will proceed now looms as one of the most important issues in world affairs-this year and for the foreseeable future. The general topic of international cooperation during the pandemic has been engaged in several WAJ articles over the past 18 months (see, for example, Kavalski 2021; Klimkin and Umland 2020; Smith and Fallon 2020) and will very likely continue to do so. Many governments, research institutes, and pharmaceutical companies have, of course, invested considerable public and private national resources in developing, testing, regulating, manufacturing, and distributing the COVID-19 vaccines at an unprecedented speed. Where the political will, policy decisiveness, national resources, and sufficient governmental and geographical infrastructure are present, mass national and international vaccination is already well underway. 1 Critical questions nevertheless remain concerning those countries where such resources are less prevalent. A key case in point of late

NM Highlights: Navajo Nation. Reopening guidelines for employers. COVID Updates. Prison cases. Capitol budget faces $100M shortfall. Health Secretary warning to Lea County. APS Budget shortfall. Statewide testing site locations. UNM scientists work to develop vaccine. US Highlights: WHO funding suspended. International Highlights: China déjà vu lockdown. EU resolution adopted for investigation. Epidemiology: Wastewater used to detect outbreaks. Discharged COVID patients not infectious. Healthcare Policy Recommendations: Disability rights consideration. Practice Guidelines: Guidelines on safe extubation and COVID-19-related rash classification. Testing: Sputum sample better than nasopharyngeal. Drugs, Vaccines, Therapies, Clinical Trials: NIH partners with other agencies. Low-dose HCQ reduces fatality. Hydroxychloroquine no benefit. Moderna's vaccine criticized. 44 new COVID-19 trials registered. Other science: RAAS inhibitors. Biomarkers for disease severity. Immunosuppression and immunodeficiency link. Virtual clinical exams for students. Postoperative mortality. Improved quarry environment. All of our past briefings are maintained in a UNM library repository here. Our continuously curated practice guidelines in the context of COVID-19 can be found here. Our continuously curated therapeutic evidence is maintained here. You may submit content for future briefings here. NM Highlights • Navajo Nation has highest infection rate per capita in U.S Navajo nations have 2,304 cases per 100,000 people compared to 1,806 cases per 100,000 in New York. The Nation has reported nearly 4,000 COVID-19 cases in a population of 175,000. President Nez says factors such as multiple generations living in one household, 30-40% of families lacking water, and food deserts have increased spread for Navajo Nation. Currently a strict stay at home order is in place. • State report outlines reopening rules for New Mexico employers A 47-page report released by the New Mexico Department of Health provides guidance for business to reopen safely. • NM reports 6 more COVID-19 deaths and 104 additional cases on May 19 As of today (5/19), the total positive cases and total deaths in the state are 6,192 and 276, respectively. The state has performed 142,246 tests, there are 204 individuals currently hospitalized for COVID-19, and 1,882 COVID-19 cases have recovered. NMDOH portal featuring epidemiologic breakdown of cases.

In this article, I examine the ROC president's discursive response to PRC efforts to limit Taiwan's future possibilities and undermine confidence in Taiwan's future. I argue that the capacity to imagine the future, and perceiving agency to affect future outcomes, is crucial for national resilience. Since Taiwan is routinely exposed to factors known to cause reduced self-efficacy and moraleuncertainty, threat, marginalization, restricted agency, circumscribed action repertoiresit is crucial that Taiwanese people have a meaningful sense of "what are we striving for?" and confidence that they have the agency to realize these aspirations. The article sets out an empirical examination of discursive constructions of the future as a vector for enhancing cohesion and resolve in Taiwanese society. Foregrounding a novel dimension in the study of Taiwan, the article contributes both an interpretivist account of President Tsai Ing-wen's discourse and opens a new avenue for research on the largely neglected issue of futurity in cross-Strait relations.

This article assesses an assumption pervasive in one strain of arguments in favor of stringent immigration controls. The assumption affirms that-for the case of regular admissions-to a certain extent states are permitted to prioritize the interests of their citizens and residents by issuing exclusionary immigration policies (call this the priority assumption). Using the normative methodology of applied international ethics, I suggest some broad constraints to this priority assumption that have a bearing on justifications for current practical immigration policy in Europe, North America, and beyond. I do so by redefining borders as domestic-international institutions that open up borders not only to (internal) standards of justice but also to standards of international legitimacy.

Africa is considered to have a large proportion of the world's natural resources, yet its balance of trade remains in deficit if compared with other trading partners. Nevertheless, this trend poses a challenge to the economic growth and development of Africa. The present research paper provides analysis on economic growth based on World Bank indices such as export of goods and services, industry value added, gross capital formation, and agriculture value added vis-à-vis gross domestic product (GDP) over a period of 9 years on selected African countries

Africa is considered to have a large proportion of the world's natural resources, yet its balance of trade remains in deficit if compared with other trading partners. Nevertheless, this trend poses a challenge to the economic growth and development of Africa. The present research paper provides analysis on economic growth based on World Bank indices such as export of goods and services, industry value added, gross capital formation, and agriculture value added vis-à-vis gross domestic product (GDP) over a period of 9 years on selected African countries

There is much debate about the impending collapse of the liberal international order. It is provoked by the shifts in material and military capabilities from emerging peer and near-peer competitors, some of whom were not part of the original grand bargain and others that are in a stronger position to renegotiate the bargain. As one critical element of the liberal international order, we ask, during power shifts: is the liberal international trading order (LITO) durable and resilient? When and why will the LITO collapse? Does the relative decline of the hegemon alone explain these outcomes? In advancing a second-image reversed plus argument, we highlight how a shift in the nature of the foreign commercial orientation of peer and near-peer contenders can alter the domestic balance of power of two broad and logrolled coalitions competing to capture the state and thus affect whether the erstwhile leader defends, renegotiates, or abandons the trading order it created. To better understand these forces, we examine two paradigmatic cases: Britain in the 1930s and the United States in the 2000s.

We investigate persistence and determinants of deaths from conflicts in a sample of 163 countries for the period 2010 to 2015. The empirical evidence is based on Generalised Method of Moments. First, the findings are contingent on income levels, religiousdomination, landlockedness, regional proximity and legal origins. The persistence of deaths in internal conflict is more apparent in coastal, French civil-law and Islam-oriented countries, compared to landlocked, English common law, Christian-oriented countries, respectively. Second, the following factors are generally responsible for driving deaths from internal conflicts: homicides, conflict intensity and conflicts fought. Furthermore, incarcerations have negative effects on internal conflicts. Justifications for the established tendencies and policy implications are discussed.

A major shift in tone regarding the ideological nature is hard to overlook in the latest white paper China has issued on Taiwan (Jakub Porzycki/NurPhoto via Getty Images) REGISTER The Interpreter features in-depth analysis & expert commentary on the latest international events, published daily by the Lowy Institute.

This paper examines the changing dynamics of summit-level dialogue between the African Union and the Great Powers, using offensive realism as a theoretical lens. A qualitative approach with an in-depth literature review was developed. The findings indicate that there is a power transition tendency in Africa towards a bipolar arrangement. Moreover, the findings show that the ongoing great power competition in Africa is motivated by a clash of national interests as they all feel that Africa will play an important role in their quest for global primacy. China’s partnership success under the Forum on China-Africa Cooperation compels the United States to consider a foreign policy shift towards Africa, resulting in the US aid syndrome mentality towards Africa being recently replaced by improved trade and investment agreements. The competition, however, favoured Africa, as these great powers embraced the African Union’s claim to join the G20 to avoid losing Africa in their race to global influence. However, some of the summits exposed several African countries to economic difficulties and debt traps because of their inadequate bargaining leverage with lenders, either individually or collectively. From this perspective, one could argue that the ongoing great powers summit under the auspices of the African Union may produce a zero-sum outcome unless the current weak bargaining power is improved, thereby posing a sovereignty threat to many debt-burdened African countries, as some lenders are merciless in dominating key economic sectors if debts are not repaid on time.

The empirical data on the effect of a high debt-to-GDP ratio on economic growth is conflicting. The article used the GDP Indicator to investigate the trajectory in the debt-to-GDP ratio in 45 nations in Sub-Saharan Africa during the COVID-19 Pandemic and to determine whether there is a point at which public debt becomes damaging to the region's economy. The major results demonstrated that as long as the economies of Sub-Saharan Africa continue to expand, a high debt-to-GDP ratio is not always negative; in fact, the majority of nations with a debt-to-GDP ratio greater than the 77 percent threshold had increased economic growth. Additionally, the paper discovered that countries in the region may face a high debt-to-GDP ratio as a result of excessive spending prompted by the Covid-19 pandemic, as well as an unpredictable slowdown in economic activity as a result of movement restriction policies imposed by subregional governments. Another intriguing conclusion is that Sub-Saharan Africa's average debt-to-GDP ratio of 56.6 percent in 2020 is much lower than the suggested limit of 77 percent. However, the report advised that governments reduce wasteful spending without jeopardizing the region's economic development rate. Finally, fiscal policies should be accompanied by monetary policies to promote effective public investment, simplified tax expenditures, increased public financial management, and better debt management and transparency.

This article offers a comprehensive review of the process of political reform in Jordan under the reign of King Hussein and King Abdullah II from 1989 to the present. It also identifies obstacles to political reform. Main findings include that political reform in Jordan is an old and popular demand, and that the process of political reform in the country has made some achievements. However, these achievements have not been enough to push real and lasting reforms forward. The study presents a number of policy recommendations. The most notable concern is the need for further constitutional amendments to consolidate the democratic principle of "sovereignty of the people," reduce the executive authority's access to other authorities, and reconsider the laws governing political life, to build a state ruled by law and institutions, to establish a society of justice and equality, and to overcome the instabilities manifested in the Arab Spring.

NUCLEAR WEAPONS HAVE REVOLUTIONIZED the practice of war in the 20th century. Prior to the invention of such weapons in 1945, states in conflict could weigh their chances of military success against an adversary based on the expected costs and benefits of going to war. Since the introduction of nuclear weapons, however, the balance of this strategic calculus has changed considerably. Deterrence theorists argue that nuclear weapons now take the risk out of this calculationthe incredible destructive capacity of these weapons imposes such a high price on both warring parties that it renders any military victory virtually meaningless. In his pioneering work The Absolute Weapon, Bernard Brodie expressed this sentiment: "thus far the chief purpose of our military establishment has been to win wars. From now on its chief purpose must be to avert them. It can have no other useful purpose."' This paper questions the basic soundness of the nuclear deterrence regime between India and Pakistan, and argues that the possibility of deterrence failure in this context is significant. Given the historical, geographic and psychological context of these rival states, nuclear weapons are more likely to create greater insecurity (than security) for James Lo is an MA student at Brock University. He would like to thank Pierre Lizle and the anonymous referees for their comments on an earlier draft of this article.

This article compares the United States' and China's international efforts of responding to the current coronavirus (COVID-19) pandemic and considers how the global public is receiving both to project how such measures would likely shape the international leadership competition. How do the international efforts of the United States and China on COVID-19 affect their respective soft power? How does the global public perception of the United States' and China's COVID-19 efforts affect their competitive advantage for global leadership? Based on the theory of soft power, I use Europe and Africa as cases with global perception data from the Pew Research Center (2017-2020) to argue that China would likely win some admiration for its COVID-19 efforts. However, it is unlikely to substantially shape positive global public perception of China to gain a competitive edge over the United States. This argument is based on the narrative China presents in the pandemic, its diplomatic style, and the ideational attachment the U.S. style has established. I utilize a phenomenological approach with narrative analysis.

The purpose of the chapter is to analyze Africa's economic successes in the past half century, to understand not only what made it possible but also and more importantly what risk factors may eventually bring it to an end or compromise it. While it may not be possible for Africa to alter, for now, its position in the world system, it may nonetheless create the conditions for sustained economic growth and development by deepening democracy, enhancing the stability of political regimes and by reducing the incidence of tropical diseases.

One of the problems that scholars encounter when conducting research is that data from Africa are poor. Indeed, they either do not exist in a complete sense or they are not of good quality in the sense of lacking validity and reliability. Using various sources of available data on corruption and tourism, we show that lack of quality data in Africa not only limits the continent's ability to generate a pertinent body of knowledge but also prevents analysts from generating the evidence that policy makers need to make proper decisions in influencing the development of the continent. We go on to argue that the problem of data quality in Africa is due to the lack of research culture rather than just scarcity of resources, as argued in the literature. It is in this context that we advocate for inculcation of research culture in Africa for development of the continent.

Africa has experienced over a decade of sustained economic growth. However, since the outbreak of Ebola, there have been pertinent questions as to whether and what extent such outbreaks have developmental implications in the continent. It is in this context that this article investigates whether and to what extent the ongoing COVID-19 pandemic affects the development of Africa's economies. Using data from various international organizations, we show that the pandemic has indeed slowed down African economies, albeit in differing degrees across various regions of the continent. However, the slowdown is moderate compared with economies in high-income countries and the world economies as a whole. We contend that while it is difficult to predict when the crisis is going to end, the continent can navigate itself out of it by leveraging on the ever-increasing global prices of agricultural products and natural resources.

Even if data analysis in Africa has allegedly allowed analysts to expand the boundaries of inquiry, social science research in the continent has been hindered by several problems. Some of these problems could be viewed as subcategories of the idols that Francis Bacon had identified. We show in the present article that bad data lead to bad analyses, which in turn lead to misleading interpretations, and, misleading interpretations lead to a type of knowledge that is distinctively different from the real and objective knowledge. We conclude by recommending that to avoid most, if not all, of the research problems in Africa, social science researchers should realize that social phenomena are embedded in an infinite web of relations from which only true meaning can emerge. It follows that, to gain a proper appreciation of such network of relations, social phenomena must be approached at various levels from different perspective.

The importance of the Shanghai Cooperation Organization's (SCO's) counterterrorism mechanism has increased manifold in the wake of the recent terrorism surge following the US withdrawal from Afghanistan. However, a concerted effort from the SCO platform in response to emerging threats has not been envisaged primarily because of consensus issues between the member states. This paper attempts to respond to one central question: why the SCO is failing to develop consensus on counterterrorism strategy in the contemporary situation? Through a descriptive analysis of the existing literature on the subject, the paper finds that interstate rivalries and narrow-minded approaches are overshadowing SCO's collective security mechanism. To make SCO's counterterrorism mechanism more effective, the paper suggests that China and Russia, being the founding member have to go the extra mile in dealing with the consensus issue which is grave and increasing. Other member states such as India and Pakistan need to shun their narrow-minded security approaches to allow the organization to work in a more collective and collaborative way to fight the recent terrorism wave in the region.

Dos historias sobre la crisis de la Eurozona han dominado los relatos académicos y populares en los últimos cinco años: 1) virtuosos países del norte de Europa frente a los derrochadores del sur, y 2) una mera extensión de la crisis bancaria de los años 2008-9 en el mercado de bonos de la Eurozona. Este artículo propone que la crisis económica es realmente una crisis geopolítica, que refleja la discordancia entre el modelo

This essay is dedicated to all the women, men and children who have, in the wake of terrorism let loose in the lands of their birth and history, inherited from the twentieth century a life of exile. They have seen death and destruction by violent uprootment, by environmental deprivation, by the retreat of the state, and by the resultant disappearance of cultural, ecological and universal interconnectedness.

La solidez de la solidaridad frente a la fantasía del individualismo La Solidez de Francisco Estudios mundiales revelan una creciente inestabilidad emocional, inseguridad y desencanto incluso en países con altos niveles de buena salud, riqueza y educación. Crece una percepción subjetiva de que las cosas carecen de coherencia y que el mundo híper-racional que prometía todas las respuestas, hace agua por todos lados… "Solidez" está en la raíz etimológica de la palabra solidaridad. Es la construcción social segura y firme en la que nos hacemos responsables de la fragilidad de los demás buscando un destino común. Se ejecuta mediante el servicio: "Servir significa cuidar a los frágiles de nuestras familias, de nuestra sociedad, de nuestro pueblo» (FT 115). la realidad es más importante que la idea" y descuidar al herido del camino echa por tierra todas las fantasías ideológicas...que solo provocan grietas en la sociedad. Es a partir de la solidaridad, que siempre es un proceso inteligente, cuando los seres humanos podremos tejer un entramado social que Francisco llama Pueblo, familia extendida, fraternidad con un destino común, con una cultura del encuentro... Francisco insiste en la solidaridad no sólo como virtud moral sino como un principio de arquitectura social...que busca enfrentar los sistemas injustos para construir una fraternidad para el bien común "La solidaridad, entendida en su sentido más hondo, es un modo de hacer historia y eso es lo que hacen los Movimientos Populares" (FT 116) 03.08.2023 Guillermo Jesús Kowalski "En estos momentos donde todo parece diluirse y perder consistencia" (FT 115) Un reciente estudio del PNUD (Programa de las Naciones Unidas para el Desarrollo) revela una creciente sensación de inseguridad entre la población, a pesar de los años de desarrollo. Seis de cada siete personas en el mundo sufren inseguridad. Esta sensación es global. Países con los

The Arab Spring revealed that when the youth are marginalized, they can resort to informal political movements that may be characterized by extremism and criminality. However, when they join formal groupings, such as political parties, and are well utilized within them, they can become an active political force. This article explores the extent to which American and Egyptian political parties offer opportunities for youth inclusion in their structure and decision-making processes. By conducting semi-structured interviews with young members of the largest two Egyptian parties and the Democratic and Republican parties in the United States, the study argues that when young people develop a long-term interest in politics, they join political parties. Moreover, they are included in the party structures and decision-making processes when they are included in party activities and positions, as well as trusted, heard, and supported within the party. The existence of a national plan and poli...

Africa has experienced over a decade of sustained economic growth. However, since the outbreak of Ebola, there have been pertinent questions as to whether and what extent such outbreaks have developmental implications in the continent. It is in this context that this article investigates whether and to what extent the ongoing COVID-19 pandemic affects the development of Africa’s economies. Using data from various international organizations, we show that the pandemic has indeed slowed down African economies, albeit in differing degrees across various regions of the continent. However, the slowdown is moderate compared with economies in high-income countries and the world economies as a whole. We contend that while it is difficult to predict when the crisis is going to end, the continent can navigate itself out of it by leveraging on the ever-increasing global prices of agricultural products and natural resources.

Even if data analysis in Africa has allegedly allowed analysts to expand the boundaries of inquiry, social science research in the continent has been hindered by several problems. Some of these problems could be viewed as subcategories of the idols that Francis Bacon had identified. We show in the present article that bad data lead to bad analyses, which in turn lead to misleading interpretations and misleading interpretations lead to a type of knowledge that is distinctively different from real and objective knowledge. We conclude by recommending that to avoid most, if not all, of the research problems in Africa, social science researchers should realize that social phenomena are embedded in an infinite web of relations from which only true meaning can emerge. It follows that, to gain a proper appreciation of such network of relations, social phenomena must be approached at various levels from different perspective.