Roman Republican Numismatics

(also: Heldenschau). In Vergil's Aeneid, Anchises, like Aeneas, may be seen as a pattern of Augustus, as his survey of his progeny reflects Augustus' censorial activity (Augustus conducted his first census, without holding the office of censor, in 28 B.C.E.). This theory is supported by: verbal cues alluding to Rome’s topography and the location for the upper-class recognitio equitum; technical terms used to describe Anchises’ activity as he assesses his descendants; Anchises’ hortatory and monitory speech, similar to that of censors known from other literary works; and Vergil's choice of heroes to represent the Republic, most of whom were also censors or from families of censorial status.

This examination of C. Duilius (consul in 260 BCE) and his achievements consists of a series of linked hypotheses, each suggested by direct evidence for Duilius' activities and contextualized by near-contemporary precedents (wherever possible) or relevant analogues from slightly later periods. Taken together, these hypotheses suggest that the elogium on Duilius’ rostral column may be read not only as an account of a capable commander who destroyed the myth of Carthaginian supremacy at sea, but also as an encomium on a generous benefactor to Rome’s citizenry. The inscription’s redactor successfully asserted Duilius’ preeminence among his peers, symbolized by the imagery and position of the rostral column commemorating his naval victory that was erected by order of the Senate and Roman people near the Comitium and Rostra. The cumulative evidence also suggests that the inscription’s reference to Duilius’ distribution of ‘naval booty’ to the Roman people involved the conversion of massive amounts of captured bronze, including the rostra removed from Punic ships, into “coinage,” i.e., the brick-sized aes signatum coins dated to c. 260 which bear naval imagery. Thus, by turning a mundane medium of exchange into a vehicle of propaganda through which his exploits and generosity could be ‘broadcast’, Duilius was able to reemphasize his new status as the first Roman celebrate a naval triumph. He could do this because the coins constituted a special triumphal/manubial issue under his authority, and he was therefore not subject to the constraints, real or implied, that kept Rome’s annual moneyers from issuing coins with personally significant types for another 125 years. His sudden emergence as a leading figure in Rome was rewarded with other honors, including a prestigious censorship in 258 and a perpetual personal honor, also bestowed by the SPQR, that allowed him to “triumph” to the end of his long life.

From the article's conclusion:
"Gaius Duilius has long been acknowledged as the first Roman to win a sea-battle, the first to celebrate a naval triumph, the first to be honored with a rostral column, and the first to present a gift derived from naval booty to the Roman people. Indeed, he came to be seen primarily as the man who set Rome on the road to maritime expansion and, ultimately, domination of the Mediterranean world. He was remembered also as the first (if not only) man to have a flute-player and wax-torch bearer accompany him home from feasts, as if he were perpetually triumphing. Now, we may add to Duilius’ list of firsts: he was the first politician to utilize Roman coinage to broadcast a new ideology of Rome’s (hoped for) naval greatness and dominance of the Mediterranean; he was also, it seems, the first Roman politician to use coinage as a medium for self-promotion, a century and a quarter before anyone would do it again."


Key words:

Gaius Duilius
Rostral Column
Naval Triumph
Naval Warfare
Battle of Mylae
Aes Signatum
Roman Navy
Roman Republic
Roman numismatics
Roman Topography
Punic Wars
First Punic War
Roman Epigraphy
Latin Epigraphy
Trireme
Quinquireme
Roman ships
Fasti Triumphales
Summi Viri
Octavian
Augustus
Forum Augustum / Augusti

(Also: Heldenschau). From the Intro:
“Arms and the Man I sing…”  So Vergil begins his epic tale of Aeneas, who overcomes tremendous obstacles to find and establish a new home for his wandering band of Trojan refugees. Were it metrically possible, Vergil could have begun with “Cities and the Man I sing,” for Aeneas’ quest for a new home involves encounters with cities of all types: ancient and new, great and small, real and unreal. These include Dido’s Carthaginian boomtown (1.419–494), Helenus’ humble neo-Troy (3.349–353) and Latinus’ lofty citadel (7.149–192).  Of course, central to his quest is the destiny of Rome, whose future greatness—empire without limit (1.277–278)—Jupiter prophesies to Venus as recompense for the destruction of her beloved Troy, but whose foundation ultimately depends on Aeneas’ success at establishing a foothold in Italy (1.257–296).

Although Rome’s notional/traditional foundation will occur several centuries after Aeneas’s final victory, Vergil has his hero interact with the future city in several ways, including two well-known passages. In the first (8.95–369) he tours Evander’s Pallanteum, the physical site of future Rome, taking delight in his surroundings and learning local lore (8.310–312, 359), yet fails to perceive that this place will become the imperial metropolis. In the other (8.625–731), he examines a creation of Vulcan, a shield engraved with vignettes of Rome’s future history from Romulus to Augustus triumphant, the action-packed imagery of which Aeneas also fails to comprehend (8.730).  Of course, references to Rome (and its culture) are not restricted to Jupiter’s prophecy and the iconic events in Aeneid 8: James Morwood cogently argues that, elsewhere in the Aeneid, Vergil’s descriptions of, or allusions to, structures built or rebuilt by Augustus give Rome a strong presence throughout the poem.  The present essay expands upon his concept in significant ways to argue that Augustan Rome—its history, its aristocratic culture, and the city itself—is completely present, albeit in palimpsestic form, in Aeneid 6–8.

Overview:
“Rome in the Underworld” demonstrates that Vergil’s description of Elysian topography, combined with Anchises’ censorial activities in Aeneid 6, characterize this section of the Underworld as a ‘premortal’ version of Rome’s underlying landscape in which important religious and political activities take place simultaneously. “A Didactic City-Walk” examines the visual inspiration for the Parade of Heroes (also Aeneid 6), and how Vergil’s descriptions and groupings of Rome’s future leaders allow his audience to visualize Anchises leading Aeneas through key commemorative zones in Rome’s (future) historic center, areas heavily populated by statues of great men in Vergil’s day.  It concludes with an examination of the simultaneously chiastic and linear structure of themes, activities, people and topography through which Anchises, Aeneas and the Sibyl ‘travel’ on their journey of discovery. “Palimpsestic Rome” explores the features of Latinus’ city (Aeneid 7), the terrain of Evander’s Pallanteum (Aeneid 8) and the cityscapes engraved on Aeneas’ shield (Aeneid 8) which, when (re)integrated with the ‘premortal’ Rome of Aeneid 6, comprise a comprehensive vision of Augustan Rome, its aristocratic culture, and its future-perfect history.

This paper is a reply to the by far too pessimistic view about numismatic quantification offered by T.V. Buttrey in a recent issue of the NC. It deals with extrapolation by hoard (master hoard of M.H. Crawford; Garonne hoard; cistophori from Pergamum, Ephesus, Tralles, etc.), the original number of obverse dies, number of coins struck per die (discussing the Delphic evidence put in broad perspective with Middle Ages and Modern times, but also favorable cirumstances of short reigns or precisely dated issues - Mithridates Eupator, Crepusius, joint reign of Justin and Justinian), attrition rate, and evoking the fortunes of Roman Republican Coinage.

The publication presents the results of research completed within the ‘Coins of the Roman Republic in Central Europe’ project implemented at the Institute of Archaeology, University of Warsaw. The author discusses the coins of the Roman Republic found in East-Central Europe north of the Sudetes and the Carpathian mountains (the territories of Poland, western Belarus and western Ukraine) – issues from the period of the first Roman emissions until 27 BC.
The region of interest was never a part of the Roman state. This means that all of the Roman coins found in this territory must be treated as imports. The main aim of this study is to specify the time, causes, circumstances and directions of the import of Republican coinage to the study area, and to determine its uses in this region.
The book includes a foreword written by Aleksander Bursche and contains the inventory of the finds with a comprehensive commentary. It is both numismatic and archaeological in its subject matter, placing itself somewhere on the border between these two disciplines.

La production monétaire constitue l’un des usages les plus importants et
les mieux connus de l’argent en Occident nord-méditerranéen, et s’impose à ce titre comme un objet d’étude privilégié pour la caractérisation de la destination des métaux précieux au sein de cet espace. L’inadéquation entre les principaux espaces producteurs de minerai argentifère et de monnaies d’argent suggère l’ampleur et l’originalité des flux métalliques entre les péninsules ibérique et italienne. L’étude numismatique et archéométrique des principaux monnayages régionaux lève partiellement le voile sur la géographie de ces circuits d’approvisionnement, sur les stratégies économiques et les procédés techniques mis en œuvre au sein des ateliers monétaires concernés. Cet article met plus particulièrement en évidence l’hétérogénéité des stocks d’argent employés par les pouvoirs émetteurs ibériques et les différentes  séquences d’approvisionnement de l’atelier de Rome au cours des deux derniers siècles av. n. è.

Engraved Gems and Propaganda in the Roman Republic and under Augustus deals with small, but highly captivating and stimulating artwork – engraved gemstones. Although in antiquity intaglios and cameos had multiple applications (seals, jewellery or amulets), the images engraved upon them are snapshots of people's beliefs, ideologies, and everyday occupations. They cast light on the self-advertising and propaganda actions performed by Roman political leaders, especially Octavian/Augustus, their factions and other people engaged in the politics and social life of the past.

Gems can show both general trends (the specific showpieces like State Cameos) as well as the individual and private acts of being involved in politics and social affairs, mainly through a subtle display of political allegiances, since they were objects of strictly personal use. They enable us to analyse and learn about Roman propaganda and various social behaviours from a completely different angle than coins, sculpture or literature.

The miniaturism of ancient gems is in inverse proportion to their cultural significance. This book presents an evolutionary model of the use of engraved gems from self-presentation (3rd-2nd century BC) to personal branding and propaganda purposes in the Roman Republic and under Augustus (until 14 AD). The specific characteristics of engraved gems, their strictly private character and the whole array of devices appearing on them are examined in respect to their potential propagandistic value and usefulness in social life.

The wide scope of this analysis provides a comprehensive picture covering many aspects of Roman propaganda and a critical survey of the overinterpretations of this term in regard to the glyptic art. The aim is the incorporation of this class of archaeological artefacts into the well-established studies of Roman propaganda, as well as the Roman society in general, brought about by discussion of the interconnections with ancient literary sources as well as other categories of Roman art and craftsmanship, notably coins but also sculpture and relief.

Il est généralement admis que le titre d’imperator sous la République, bien que communément employé par les auteurs dans le sens de « chef d’armée », n’aurait désigné, dans son acception technique, que le général « appelé » imperator à la suite d’une victoire. Cet article tente de saisir l’évolution historique qui mena à cette situation paradoxale effectivement attestée durant les dernières décennies de l’époque républicaine. Nous mettons à l’épreuve l’hypothèse d’une polysémie du nomen imperatoris dans les documents officiels républicains : tout (pro)magistrat détenteur de l’imperium pouvait légalement se désigner comme imperator, et la présence du titre dans les inscriptions ou les monnaies ne doit pas être interprétée a priori comme faisant référence à une appellatio imperatoria. Celle-ci pourrait avoir fait son apparition dans le contexte idéologique particulier de la guerre sociale et des conflits civils des années 80 av. J.-C. Elle ne devint en tout cas fréquente qu’à partir des années 60, et constituait alors une étape liminaire dans la série des honneurs octroyés aux généraux vainqueurs.

It is generally maintained that under the Republic the title imperator, although commonly used by the authors in the sense of “military commander”, in its technical meaning only denoted a general who had been hailed (“called”) imperator after a victory. This article is an attempt to grasp the historical evolution which led to this paradoxical situation, actually attested in the last decades of the republican era. I here test the hypothesis of a polysemy of the nomen imperatoris in republican official documents: every (pro)magistrate holding imperium could legally designate himself as an imperator, and the use of the title in inscriptions or coins must not be interpreted a priori as referring to an appellatio imperatoria. This ceremony may have made its appearance in the ideological context of the social war and the civil conflicts in the 80s. In any case, it only became frequent in the 60s, and it was seen as a preliminary step to the set of honours granted to victorious commanders.

This paper is very much a review of the conference Statistics and Numismatics (Statistiques et numismatiques) hold in Paris in Sept. 1979. Contributions of Michael Metcalf, Jörg Müller, Mora Màs, Giles F. Carter are reminded. A comparison of methods (including Brown, Carcassonne, Good, Guilbaud, Lyon, Lyon-Carter, Mora Màs and Müller) is then given for the issue of Republican denarii of Crepusius (whose dies are numbered), the Byzantine solidi sturck under Mauricius and Tiberius at Carthage and the Alexander's issues of drachms at Sardis and Miletus. The average number of coins struck by obverse die is also discussed.

As a result of the exceptional diversity of coin types (many of which depicting deities) in the Roman coinage from the 130s B.C. onwards, coin iconography is a privileged source for studying the references to the religious sphere in the “political communication” in Rome. This paper focuses on the coinages issued during the Roman civil wars from the 1st century B.C. to the Severan time. Some examples illustrate the functions and the “fields of intervention” of the deities that are depicted on these coins, and shed light on the composition of the “coin pantheons”. The conclusion stresses that the particular interest for some gods attested by the coin types led occasionally into the creation of new cults, a fact that invites not to create a too rigid separation between religion strictly speaking and the sphere of “free interpretations”.

En raison de l’exceptionnelle diversité des types monétaires (représentant très souvent des divinités) qui caractérise le monnayage romain à partir des années 130 av. J.-C., celui-ci est une source privilégiée pour étudier les références à la sphère religieuse dans la « communication politique » à Rome. La contribution se concentre sur les monnayages frappés durant les guerres civiles qui scandèrent l’histoire romaine du ier siècle av. J.-C. jusqu’à l’époque des Sévères. Quelques exemples illustrent les fonctions et domaines de compétence des divinités représentées et les logiques de composition des « panthéons monétaires ». La conclusion souligne que les dévotions affichées dans les types monétaires ont, dans certains cas, donné lieu au développement de nouveaux cultes, ce qui invite à ne pas créer une séparation trop rigide entre la sphère de la religion stricto sensu et celle des « interprétations libres ».

En este presente se analiza un conjunto de monedas Romano Republicanas colocadas a modo de escondrijo, posible ocultamiento, en el poblado prerromano de Castillejos II. Su estudio metrológico y su contextualización histórica intenta arrojar luz a cerca de la incipiente circulación monetaria correspondiente al siglo II a.C. en la futura provincia romana de Lusitania.

Cet article aborde sous un angle nouveau le problème de la chronologie des émissions syllaniennes aux légendes L. SVL(L)A IMP(E) (RRC 367-368) et L. SVLLA IMPER ITERVM (RRC 359). La première partie est consacrée à la signification du titre d’imperator, qui désigne Sylla a priori comme « commandant détenteur de l’imperium ». Le classement traditionnel des séries implique une utilisation arbitraire de l’itération, qui n’est pas la plus vraisemblable. La suite de l’article propose donc une réévaluation des éléments fondant les datations communément adoptées. Au terme de cet examen, l’hypothèse suivante est mise à l’épreuve : l’émission 'L. Sulla imperator' aurait été produite vers 90-89, durant la guerre sociale, et les monnaies 'L. Sulla imperator iterum' à partir de la fin de l’année 84, pour financer la campagne en Italie.

This paper sheds new light on the problem of the chronology of the Sullan issues with the legends L. SVL(L)A IMP(E) (RRC 367-368) and L. SVLLA IMPER ITERVM (RRC 359). The first part deals with the meaning of the title imperator, which a priori designates Sulla as a “commander cum imperio”. The traditional order of these series involves an arbitrary use of the iteration, which is not especially probable. The following sections of this paper intend therefore to reassess the elements on which the common dating rests. Finally, the following hypothesis is tested: the coins 'L. Sulla imperator' could have been issued ca. 90-89, during the Social War, and those of the series 'L. Sulla imperator iterum' issued from the end of 84 onwards in order to fund the campaign in Italy.

Sicily seemed not to play an important role during the civil war between Caesar and Pompey the Great. Despite downplaying the importance of the island in the historical narratives concerning the conflict motifs referring to Sicily were placed on some of the coins struck in the period (Crawford 1974, nos 439, 445/1 and 457). Usually they were interpreted as a part of ancestral propaganda (Crawford 1974, nos 439 and 445/1) or as a means of emphasizing the moneyer’s status in order to promote himself (Crawford 1974, No. 457). This article approaches the problem of interpretation of the coinage in question from another perspective. By placing this issue in the historical context in which they were minted this paper tries to show that in fact the coins were meant for the Sicilians in the first place. Therefore the Sicilians are seen as the preferred recipients of propaganda messages transmitted via these coins in order to win them to the moneyer’s cause. Since the coins referring to Sicily were minted by both sides of the conflict they may be seen as a part of a propaganda war over  Sicily.

The Hellenistic quarter of Poggiarello Renzetti, within the city walls of Vetulonia, was explored in the late 19th century by Isidoro Falchi. In this area he recovered a large number of coins with legend “vatl”, now in the collection of the National Archaeological Museum in Florence, that confirmed the attribution to Vetulonia. Unfortunately little information was recorded about their find and the dating of the series is still under discussion. The yearly excavation campaigns undertaken between 1985 and 1990 in this quarter have provided new numismatic data. The excavations brought to light a domus built at the end of the 3rd/beginning of the 2nd century BC and destroyed probably under Sulla. This paper presents the numismatic finds, that consists of a sardo-punic bronze coin, several sextans of Vetulonia and asses and fractions of the Roman Janus/prow series. For the first time specimens of Vetulonia have been recovered in a stratigraphic context, associated to pottery and other materials. The new data support the hypothesis that sextans of the “trident with dolphins” series were probably minted in the last quarter of the 3rd century BC  and were still circulating during the 2nd century BC.

Economie antique. La guerre dans les economies antiques, Entretiens d'Archeologie et d 'Histoire, 5, Saint-Bertrand-de-Cornminges, 2000, p. 337-364. Guerres et monnayages Cl /'epoque hellenistique. Essai de mise en perspective suivi d'une annexe sur le monnayoge de Mithridate VI Eupator Francois de Callatay LA GUERRE : CAUSE MAJEURE DES DEPENSES DE L'ETAT La plupart de nos Etats modernes connaissent aujourd'hui des situations ou la part des

The considerable linguistic variety in the Iberian peninsula in the pre-Roman period was reflected in inscriptions on coinage. Greek and Punic scripts were used in the colonies and cities with settlers belonging to these cultural groups. The North-eastern Iberian signary was used in the Iberian area and and was borrowed in order to write the Celtiberian language while South-eastern Iberian is recorded in the south-eastern quadrant of the Iberian peninsula, including parts of the provinces of both Hispania Citerior and Hispania Ulterior. The script known as Tartessian, South-western, or South Lusitanian, about which almost nothing is known, was used on the coinage issued by the mint of Salacia (Portugal). Roman control was the reason why Latin was adopted as the language used for coin legends by many cities in Turdetania from the early 2nd century BCE. As from c.45 BCE, the native scripts disappeared from coin legends.

RESUMEN: El hallazgo en la Península Ibérica de numerosas monedas fundidas con la tipología de los ases romano republicanos ha permitido atribuirlas a este territorio. Estos ases estuvieron en circulación desde mediados del siglo II a.C. hasta las primeras décadas del siglo I a.C. Según la ordenación propuesta, las series iniciales pesan 30-35 g, mientras que las finales no superan los 20 g. Dichas piezas circularon junto a monedas heterogéneas de cecas muy diversas y fueron valoradas de acuerdo con su peso. Se desconocen tanto la naturaleza jurídica como las circunstancias de su fabricación, pero no parecen albergar una intención de fraude. Posiblemente trataron de cubrir una necesidad, respaldadas por unos diseños reconocibles que las homologasen a las romanas oficiales.

ABSTRACT: Several finds of cast coins that copy the Roman Republican asses allow us to establish their origin in the Iberian Peninsula. These asses were in circulation from the 2nd half of the 2nd century until the first decades of the 1st century BC. According to the proposed arrangement, the earliest series weigh 30-35 g, while the latest do not exceed 20 g. They were used alongside coins of many different mints, whose metrology was very varied, and the value seems to be derived from the weight. The view taken here is these coins, whose status is not clear, were not intended to defraud the user, but to fill a gap in the bronze currency, by using familiar designs.

Numismatic finds whose provenance is reliably known give us the possibility of evaluateing in details the territories where the coinage was identified and used. The population patterns and the travel routes networks are factors that determinate the dispersion of the coins. We ought not forget that it is people who carry the coins and move using those route networks connecting different populations. The aim of this work is to study the dispersion of the Laietani Iberian coinage with a goal to analyze whether the aforementioned factors have left their mark on the archaeological and numismatic register, if this is the case, the objective is to interpret them so that we better understand the use and the circulatory pattern of these bronze coins.

We do not know the relationship of coins found to coins lost, coins lost to coins in circulation, or coins in circulation to coins minted. With all these barriers to any direct or absolute interpretation, it must be clear that any attempt to translate the presence of coins on a given site into a simple story of what happened in Antiquity is pointless if the rules of formal logic are followed". (Reece 1988, p. 34) Résumé -Depuis les années 1960, les numismates « de terrain» et les mathématiciens ont mis au point une série d'outils spécifiques (quantification, cartographie) destinés à mettre en évidence des «normes». Ils s'intègrent dans une approche cliométrique de la monnaie. Deux orientations différentes ont été explorées. Celle qui concerne les «mégacontextes» a fait l'objet de l'attention de R. Reece et de son école. En revanche, la recherche sur les «microcontextes», observés au travers de l'évolution chronostratigraphique fine au sein d'un même site, n'a pas connu le même succès. Cet article « historiographique » fait la synthèse des outils disponibles, en insistant sur leurs applications et leurs faiblesses.

Fondato nel 1912 come associazione privata, l'Istituto diventa ente pubblico con sede in Roma per effetto del R.D.L. 3 Febbraio 1936, n. 223. Suoi compiti sono la promozione e la esecuzione di ricerche in campo numismatico, la incentivazione e il coordinamento di attività scientifiche nel settore, la edizione di cataloghi e pubblicazioni interessanti la materia. Per la realizzazione dei suoi compiti istituzionali, l'Istituto collabora con le Soprintendenze e i Musei pubblici, con le Università e gli enti di ricerca italiani e stranieri. Di intesa con il Museo «G. Filangieri» di Napoli e con la Commission Internationale de Numismatique nel 1965 l'Istituto ha creato in Napoli il Centro Internazionale di Studi Numismatici, del cui consiglio direttivo è membro di diritto. Membro della Commission Internationale de Numismatique e di numerose Società Numismatiche straniere, collabora con l'American Numismatic Society per l'edizione della «Numismatic Literature». È membro dell'Unione Internazionale degli Istituti di Archeologia, Storia e Storia dell'Arte in Roma. Possiede una biblioteca specializzata aperta al pubblico, una fototeca di monete e medaglie, una ricca collezione di medaglie, dono del sen. E. Mazzoccolo. NORME REDAZIONALI Gli «Annali» si pubblicano in fascicolo unico ed includono studi teorici, edizioni di materiale e notiziari interessanti la numismatica antica medievale moderna, la medaglistica e la sfragistica.

"Over the years, a number of coins have been found in the territory of Norcia – the ancient Nursia –in northern Sabina. This paper assembles information on these finds, from manuscript sources, from the few published excavation reports, and taking into account unpublished coins held in the Spoleto and Norcia Museums.
The coins surveyed are all of Roman Republican times, and particularly of the period between the conquest of the region by Curius Dentatus, at the beginning of the 3rd century BC and the hectic events of the Bellum Perusinum, towards the end of the Republic.
The overall picture – which, it is hoped, will be a useful building block for future more extensive analysis – shows the significant presence of Roman bronze coins, of both cast and minted series, from the first half of the 3rd century BC on, as well as of a number of foreign coins, which seem to have been drawn into the region in association with Roman coinage.
Silver does not appear to have been present in any significant quantity before the introduction of the denarius, but is well attested from the middle of the 2nd century BC on. ""

All the 5 known tetradachms of Aesillas with the name SVVRA (for Q. Bruttius Sura) have been struck by the same pair of dies. The obverse is linked to regular Aesillas issues (6 coins known for 6 different reverses). We also give a full die-study for the tetradrachms of Thasian types with the letters Q SVR (2 obverses and 5 obverses) which are also linked to regular Thasian types. It seems likely that the Aesillas coinage was intented to pay Roman troops while the Thasian tetradrachms were to pay Thracian auxiliaries.

Cette contribution présente le catalogue des cinq exemplaires répertoriés, ainsi qu’une tentative d’interprétation d’une émission monétaire méconnue, qui présente notamment l’intérêt de nous faire connaître un nouveau Iulius gaulois. Présentant au droit la tête de Jupiter Ammon et au revers un sphinx, divers indices permettent d’en situer l’émission dans les années 30/20 av. J.-C., peut-être sur le territoire trévire.

This contribution presents a so far overlooked Celtic coin type which mentions an hitherto unkown Gallic Iulius. It offers a catalogue of the five known copies as well as a tentative interpretation. The coins sport the head of Jupiter Ammon on the observe and a sphinx on the reverse; its minting can be placed in the 30s-20s BC, possibly on the Treveran territory.

This paper compares the cistophoric production patterns of Tralles and Ephesus in the course of the Mithridatic Wars. The data deriving from die studies and hoard analyses hint at a provincial coordination of the production patterns of these mints, mints, probably due to Roman intervention.

This paper addresses both historical linguistics and the history of realia, especially numismatics. It focuses on the concrete implications of the etymological data concerning the Latin verb aestimāre that are reappraised from the very beginning of historical linguistics onwards. First aestimāre is scrutinized in order to show how the meaning of this verb evolved from ‘determine, estimate the extrinsic value of a thing’, ‘estimate the damages to be paid’ (within the framework of a lawsuit)’ to ‘pay attention’, then to ‘judge, think’. The same semantic evolution can be observed in the few words morphologically related to aestimāre: the original technical meaning vanishes, and the verb ultimately expresses a mind process like other Latin verbs such as putāre ‘clean, trim, prune…’, hence ‘reckon, judge, think…’. Regarding its formation aestimāre (Archaic Latin aestumāre) appears to be the derivative of a compound noun *ais tómos ‘one who cuts bronze’; such a morphological process is regular in Latin and in many other Indo-European languages as well. Moreover the compound agent noun *ais tómos is morphologically and semantically close to libri pens ‘one who causes the scale(s) to hang down’. The etymology of the verb aestimāre indeed finds a decisive support in the realia of the Italian Peninsula. The economical use of weighed metal is attested in Rome after the 5th c. BC in the literary sources, in the vocabulary (stipendium in the context of the mancipatio) and in the archaeological data as well. Even more significant is the first mention of the compound ex īstimāre (3rd-2nd c. BC) that follows the period when the early Roman coinage develops. Firstly, coined bronze and silver with legends in Latin appeared from the end of the 4th c. BC onwards, and then, heavy ingots (aes signatum) and discs (aes grave) of cast bronze at the beginning of the following century. When observing the ingots it can be asserted that many of them were deliberately divided into two pieces or into smaller fragments. The cutting of ingots only makes sense inside the framework of a divisional value system: as a matter of fact using such a system implies that people refer to a stable standard, the Roman pound, which favoured the increasing use of weighed bronze. Hypothesizing that cutting concerned specifically ingots is perfectly compatible with the etymology proposed for aestimāre and understood as the action performed by an *aistómos ‘one who cuts bronze’.

Antony’s monetary policy in the East represented a real ‘revolution’, a turning point for the bronze coinage produced and circulating in the Eastern provinces of the Empire. In the iconography and the weight of bronze coins, he and his magistrates introduced radical changes that became the norm over the course of the Augustan period.In support of this thesis, this chapter will first focus on iconographical innovations introduced in the 40s BC both by bronze civic coinages in Greece and Asia and by Roman official coinages such as the fleet coinage. In the second part of this chapter I will argue that Antony’s years in the East (from 42 BC to the battle of Actium) introduced bilingual Roman denominational marks on Greek and Roman bronze coinage, new denominations and weight standards in order to establish a metrological correlation between the two monetary systems. Several metrological innovations introduced in these years, such as a non-silver sestertii and the quartuncial standard, became the norm in the
Augustan Age.

In this paper, the authors are presenting the data about 60 specimens of Hellenistic and Roman Republican coinage found on the hillfort of Radučka glavica, located at the very edge of southeastern Liburnia, on the corridor between the main crossings over the upper valleys of the Krka and Zrmanja rivers. Coins minted in Numidia, Carthage, Ptolemaic Empire, southern Italy, Sicily, Macedonia, and the Roman Republic are represented, and among them is a group of 26 already published coins, which were previously thought to originate from the Drniš area. However, with new information, it is established that these coins originate from the Radučka glavica hillfort, which complements the knowledge about the circulation of coins in pre-Roman Liburnia.

L'incontro intende proporre la riflessione su una particolare categoria di monete, ossia quegli esemplari che furono deliberatamente spezzati in due o più porzioni nel corso della loro circolazione, con la finalità di originare due o più 'monete' di valore minore, in periodi di insufficiente approvvigionamento di nominali divisionali da parte delle zecche. La tematica sarà affrontata con aggiornate metodologie di analisi, soprattutto sulla base della documentazione da recenti scavi archeologici che, grazie allo studio contestuale, può fornire indicazioni cronologiche più sicure. Appare anche necessario indagare i modi d'uso e il rapporto che la moneta frazionata intrattiene con i nominali di piccolo conto contemporaneamente circolanti, allargando l'ambito di indagine sia in senso geografico che cronologico, così da definire quadri regionali e questioni economiche, che possano poi comporre una visione generale, nella quale si evidenzino difformità e analogie.

This article aims to shed new light on the coin series RRC 403, struck in 70/69 BC and signed by the moneyers Calenus (consul in 47 BC) and Cordus. The first section restates the probable belonging of Cordus to the Mucii Scaevolae family. Nevertheless, although the majority of scholars currently follows Crawford’s identification of Cordus with Publius Mucius Scaevola (pontifex ca. 72-60 BC), the so far-ignored Gaius Mucius Scaevola, the younger brother of Publius, who lived in the first half of the first century BC, could be an ideal candidate as well. The second section discusses the interpretation of the coin types: while the obverse representation of Italia and Roma alludes, as is known, to the census carried out in 70/69 BC, the jugate heads of Honos and Virtus, personifications associated in particular with Gaius Marius, probably recall the seven times consul. This mixture of themes attributable to Pompeian and Marian entourages can be easily explained by taking into consideration the figures of Fufius Calenus and Scaevola Cordus – the former a well-known popularis politician, and the latter the brother-in-law of Pompey.

A puzzling plated republican denarius was found decades ago in the civil town of Aquincum. Due to its
worn state its identification was troublesome, but it turned out to be an imitation of M. Furius’ coin minted
in 119 BC. It is unique for Aquincum, and also quite rare in Pannonia, which raises a number of questions.
Even more perplexing are the two mountings on the obverse, which served to fasten the coin to some other
object. It is unfortunately impossible to tell, when and why this 2nd century BC plated denarius appeared in
the 2–3rd centuries AD civil town.

Oggi Flora viene comunemente associata ai fiori e al mirabile ritratto che di lei ha saputo fare Botticelli nella celeberrima Primavera, ma per gli antichi Romani ella era una dea ben più complessa di quanto si possa pensare. Il dominio sulla fioritura è senza dubbio la sua caratteristica principale, che deve originariamente essere ricondotta alla sfera agraria e alle piante eduli per poi estendersi sempre più alle piante ornamentali, dando efficace dimostrazione di come ella, non diversamente da tutte le altre divinità antiche, non sia un’entità immutabile, ma si adatti al cambiamento dei tempi e dei costumi. La complessità della sua figura è confermata dal culto a lei riservato, che trova la sua massima espressione nei Floralia, festa gioiosa e licenziosa durante la quale le prostitute giocano un ruolo di spicco in qualità di mime, ma che prevede anche l’esecuzione di pratiche finalizzate a scopi agrari (sparsiones e venationes). La presente monografia analizza tutti gli aspetti concernenti la dea e i riti a lei dedicati, estendendo la trattazione anche alle testimonianze provenienti dai territori italici e all’iconografia, che spazia da quella antica a una selezione di opere moderne.

Today Flora is commonly associated with flowers and with the wonderful portrait that Botticelli made of her in his well-known Primavera. For ancient Romans however, she was a far more complex goddess than what may be
expected. Her main feature being her domain over the flowering process, it must nonetheless be originally connected to the agricultural sphere and to the edible plants and only later on gradually extend to the ornamental plants as well. This process provides an effective demonstration of how Flora – just like all other ancient deities – wasn’t perceived as an unchanging entity, but on the contrary she adapted to the changes of times and traditions.

Call for proposals - Workshop on Roman Numismatics / Appel à candidatures pour un atelier de formation en numismatique du monde romain à Paris
WHO? : EPHE & UMR 8210-AnHiMA, BNF-Département des monnaies, médailles et antiques, Musée Carnavalet-Histoire de Paris
WHEN & WHERE? : 1, 2 & 3 oct. 2018 Paris (IIe), INHA
CONTACT : antony.hostein @ ephe.sorbonne.fr

Any large amount of data raises processing and interpretation issues. Coin finds, particularly hoards made of several thousand pieces, are no exception. In front of a great number of specimens, a comprehensive study, conducted with methods usually applied to small finds, becomes a difficult target to achieve. Statistics, as well as Computer Science, can provide important analysis tools and solutions allowing the researchers to extract relevant information from finds data. This contribution examines how Statistics and Computer Science can support the work of numismatists. It presents at an introductory level what is still available today and what could become affordable hopefully not too far in the future, going through the major pros & cons. It shows how large and articulated amounts of data – from denominations of coins to the mints of origin, from image descriptions to weights and diameters – can be managed and organized in a smart way along with coin images into a structured information system.
The analysis is carried out under an engineering perspective, always focusing on aspects such as application limits, implementation costs and the effort required in terms of human resources.

L'article revient sur la question controversée de la 'lex Papiria', une loi qui réduisit le poids de l’as à une demi-once (soit un poids théorique d’environ 13,5 g) et qui peut être située en 90 (ou 92) av. J.-C. (mais pas en 91, comme proposé dans le RRC).

Se plantean nuevas propuestas de lectura para dos esgrafiados de Pollentia (Alcudia, Mallorca) y para una de las leyendas de una emisión insular de plomos monetiformes. Las tres inscripciones fueron publicadas como ibéricas, pero todo apunta a que son latinas. Los esgrafiados parecen indicaciones de propiedad, con un nombre de origen púnico y otro latino, mientras que las leyendas son de lectura muy dudosa. Por otro lado, se reafirma la consideración de una lámina de plomo de procedencia irregular, con un supuesto texto ibérico, como falsa.

[This paper revisits two graffiti from the Roman city of Pollentia (Alcúdia, Majorca) and one of the legends of a group of locally issued coin-shaped lead tokens. The three inscriptions were previously regarded as Iberian, but in all probability they are Latin. The graffiti seem to be indications of ownership, one containing a name of Punic origin and the other a Latin name, whereas the reading of the legends is very doubtful. The study also discusses a lead tablet of unknown provenance bearing a text that has been regarded as Iberian. There can be no doubt that it is a modern forgery.]

The Late Hellenistic didrachms struck in the name of the people of Leukas form a spectacular heavy silver coinage – standing nearly alone for that size in that area at that time – characterized by a rich variety of Greek names. What Barclay V. Head summed up, after Postolakas and Imhoof-Blumer, in his Historia Nummorum more than a century ago has not been challenged up to now:

“In B.C. 167 Leucas was separated by the Romans from the Acarnanian Confederacy, but it continued to be a place of importance, and, like Corcyra, appears to have retained its autonomy under Roman protection. To this period may be ascribed the long series of silver coins with magistrates’ names (Prytaneis?), of which more than forty are known”. 

This paper aims to demonstrate that this coinage was a very compact one, characterized by many die-links between different names, and that, consequently, these names cannot be magistrates’ names (prytaneis or whatever). The compactness of this coinage as well as its heavy military flavor is likely to be linked with a major Roman involvement in the area. It is likely and argued that, as for the Ainianes, the bulk of these didrachms has to be connected with Sylla during the first Mithradatic war.

This paper has now been published in the Numismatic Chronicle, volume 178,  2018, pp. 123--64.

For a PDF offprint, please contact the author.

The version posted here is a draft of a paper that I have been working on for quite some time.  I have tried to make the statistics as comprehensible as possible.  It examines a curious pattern in the sequence of Roman Republican hoards from Iberia and Italy at the end of the second century BC.