Resource Mobilization Theory

Global Fundraising Strategies for Impact equips nonprofit professionals and social enterprises with the tools to build sustainable, cross-cultural fundraising approaches. This book explores how to navigate diverse donor landscapes, develop global partnerships, and align fundraising strategies with mission and values. Covering institutional funding, individual giving, diaspora engagement, and digital innovation, it offers a comprehensive guide for organizations seeking to mobilize resources ethically and effectively in the global arena.

Fundraising Innovations explores emerging strategies, tools, and mindsets that are reshaping how social impact organizations mobilize resources. With a focus on authenticity, relationship-building, and community engagement, this book offers practical guidance for nonprofit leaders, fundraisers, and changemakers navigating the evolving landscape of donor relations, digital giving, and value-based fundraising. It challenges extractive funding models and introduces sustainable, mission-aligned alternatives for organizations of all sizes.

İsrail makamlarının açıklamalarına göre, Orta Doğu bölgesindeki diğer ülkeler İsrail'e yönelik olarak saldırgan emeller içindedir. Bu nedenle İsrail, kuruluşunu ilan ettiği 1948 yılından bu yana, düşman ve rakiplerine karşı caydırıcılık oluşturmak amacıyla, güvenlik politikasının bir parçası olarak suikast politikası uygulamaktadır. İsrail'in suikast politikasının başlıca hedefi Filistinli direniş gruplarının liderleri olmuştur. Hamas, Kassam Tugayları, Filistin Kurtuluş Örgütü, İslami Cihad ve el-Fetih gibi yapıların üst düzey liderleri, İsrail'in suikastlarına maruz kalmışlardır. Bu makalede, İsrail tarafından Filistin direnişinin lider ve sembol isimlerine yönelik olarak düzenlenen suikastların, Filistin direnişini zayıflatan veya güçlendiren etkisinin analiz edilmesi amaçlanmıştır. Bu çalışmayı yapmaya yönlendiren sebep; İsrail'in kuruluşundan bu yana resmî bir devlet politikası olarak uyguladığı suikast yönteminin güncel bir aşaması olarak 7 Ekim 2023 tarihinde başlayan "Aksa Tufanı" operasyonunun ardından yeniden yükselişe geçmesi ve bu konuda Türkçe literatürdeki bilgi eksikliğinin giderilmesine katkı sunmaktır. İsrail'in suikast politikasının geçmişten günümüze süregelen özelliği ve çalışmanın kapsamının sınırlı olması nedeniyle, İsmail Haniye suikastına kadar olan süreç incelenmiştir. Çalışmada verilerin toplanması ve analizinin yapılabilmesi için doküman taraması yöntemi kullanılmıştır. Elde edilen bulgulara göre; Filistin topraklarında İsrail'in yayılmacılığına ve işgallerine karşı mücadele eden direniş yapılarının liderlerine düzenlenen suikastlar aracılığıyla, bu isimlerin direniş üzerindeki etkilerinin ve nüfuzlarının yok edilmesi, destekçilerinin ise motivasyonlarının ve inançlarının zayıflaması arzulanmıştır. Ancak deneyimlere, uzmanların görüşlerine ve resmî makamlar tarafından yapılan araştırmalara göre; suikastların kısa vadede örgütlenme, savaşçı temini, emir-komuta zinciri üzerinde olumsuz etkileri bulunmakla birlikte, her suikasttan sonra öldürülen liderin yerine gelen liderlerin direnişi yeniden daha güçlü şekilde canlandırabildikleri görülmektedir. Dolayısıyla, suikastların uzun vadede Filistin direnişi üzerinde stratejik bir fayda sağlamadığı ve caydırıcı bir etkisi olmadığı anlaşılmaktadır.

Alternative collective initiatives often emerge during hard times, supporting citizens and helping them meet their increasing needs through nonmainstream economic activities. To this end, citizens organize formal and informal alternative action organizations (AAOs). Recent studies have shown that the economic crisis was a trigger for the founding of a wide variety of new AAOs, especially in the countries most affected, such as Greece and Spain. One aspect of AAOs untouched so far, however, is their life span. This article investigates factors that impact on AAOs’ ability to stay active online, using fresh data on their organizational profiles from their organizational websites. It offers a comparative, systematic analysis of the age structure and the activity rate of AAOs in nine European countries (Greece, Germany, Italy, France, Spain, the United Kingdom, Poland, Switzerland, and Sweden), for the 2007-2016 period. Following the classic resource mobilization theory, we conclude tha...

Şeyh Yasin’den, El Rantisi’den ve Heniyye’den sonra da direnişe ve mücadeleye devam etmiş olan Hamas’ın Sinvar’dan sonra yok olması, direnişten vazgeçmesi veya teslim olması mümkün mü?

Bugün Yahya Sinvar öldürüldü diye zafer çığlıkları atanlara ve artık Orta Doğu’da yeni bir dönem başladı diyenlere kötü bir haberim var. Ortada değişen hiçbir şey yok. Zira İsrail’in işgali sona ermediği sürece ne Hamas biter ne de direniş.

Alternative collective initiatives often emerge during hard times, supporting citizens and helping them meet their increasing needs through nonmainstream economic activities. To this end, citizens organize formal and informal alternative action organizations (AAOs). Recent studies have shown that the economic crisis was a trigger for the founding of a wide variety of new AAOs, especially in the countries most affected, such as Greece and Spain. One aspect of AAOs untouched so far, however, is their life span. This article investigates factors that impact on AAOs’ ability to stay active online, using fresh data on their organizational profiles from their organizational websites. It offers a comparative, systematic analysis of the age structure and the activity rate of AAOs in nine European countries (Greece, Germany, Italy, France, Spain, the United Kingdom, Poland, Switzerland, and Sweden), for the 2007-2016 period. Following the classic resource mobilization theory, we conclude tha...

Tanzania is diversifying wildlife investments. The Special Wildlife Investment Concession Area, (the SWICA) is set aside. The regulations to achieve the purpose are in place.The regulations enlighten on the procedures of carrying out investments within the SWICA. This paper reviewson this new investment scheme;whether itwill spare the ecosystem, specifically, the safety and survival of wild animals.The invited investments activities connote disturbance on the lives of wild animals. This paper observes that, the cumulative promulgation of the regulations threatens the life of wild animals. The apprehension of ecosystem disturbances in the SWICA is too wide to connote probable security on the lives of wild animals. Moreover, the avenues for some actors to excises "their wisdom," aside of the regulations may invite unnecessary difficulties between the investors and the authority. Lastly, wild animals are likely to suffer a significant prejudice if investments in the SWICAs get through.

Το βιβλίο πραγματεύεται τη μακρά διαδρομή της έρευνας και της θεωρίας για τη συλλογική δράση και τα κοινωνικά κινήματα στις κοινωνικές επιστήμες. Αφετηριακά, ανατέμνονται οι προσλήψεις των συλλογικά δρώντων στις προνεωτερικές κοινωνίες από τους οργανικούς διανοούμενους της εποχής και στη συνέχεια τα εγχειρήματα μιας κοινωνιολογικής κατανόησης των κοινωνικών και πολιτικών κινημάτων στις αρχές του 20ού αιώνα. Ακολούθως, με ορόσημο την εκρηκτική δεκαετία του 1960, ανασυγκροτούνται οι εστιασμένες στα νέα κοινωνικά κινήματα προσεγγίσεις, όπως διαμορφώνονται στις δύο πλευρές του Ατλαντικού. Ο εντατικός διάλογος ανάμεσα σε σχολές σκέψης που εκκινούν από διαφορετικές επιστημολογικές και μεθοδολογικές θέσεις προσανατολίζει τον αναγνώστη σε έναν κριτικό αναστοχασμό για τη συμβολή των επιμέρους θεωριών στην κατανόηση της συλλογικής δράσης στον ορίζοντα των αλλεπάλληλων  σύγχρονων κοινωνικοπολιτικών κρίσεων. Υποστηρίζεται ότι η σύγχρονη έρευνα για τη συλλογική δράση, στις συνθήκες κατίσχυσης του νεοφιλελευθερισμού και της μεταδημοκρατικής διακυβέρνησης, οφείλει να επικεντρώνεται στις επιπτώσεις του κοινωνικού μετασχηματισμού στην καθημερινή ζωή των κυριαρχούμενων κοινωνικών ομάδων, ως όρο για την κατανόηση των μορφών και των περιεχομένων της κινηματικής δυναμικής τους.

Threats of terrorism and insurgency along the Southwest border are typically supported by anecdotal evidence rather than objective assessments of such threats, which limit the ability to appropriately address issues related to homeland security, such as immigration enforcement and border security. This thesis provides an objective assessment of the potential for terrorist and insurgent threats to emanate from within the Southwest Hispanic Community by reviewing the status of and pressures upon the community using Social Identity Theory and Resource Mobilization Theory. Data indicates that Hispanics in the Southwest typically experience greater disparities in sociocultural, economic, and political conditions due to regional ethnic concentration. External and internal pressures, represented by immigration policy and mandates for language usage, also have greater impact upon the community. Social Identity Theory provides a means for understanding "why" social movement form, while Resource Mobilization Theory provides insight into "how" movements are created. The potential for radicalization is also examined to determine if violent movements can develop from otherwise nonviolent movements or communities. Despite disparities and significant pressure, the conclusion is that there are no current homeland security threats of terrorism or insurgency and the adoption of omnicultural policies can further reduce what limited potential may exist.

Bu makalenin amacı siyaset biliminin metodolojik çekirdeğini oluşturan karşılaştırmalı siyasetin tematik, işlevsel ve yöntemsel boyutlarını mercek altına alarak Türkçe dilindeki karşılaştırmalı siyaset literatürünün gelişimine katkı sunmaktır. Nitekim önemli birkaç ders kitabı (Kalaycığlu ve Kağnıcıoğlu 2014; Sayarı ve Bilgin 2016; Yayla 2014) ve iki çeviri kitap (Newton ve Deth, 2014; Lane, 2014) dışında Türkçe literatür oldukça kısıtlıdır. Bu makale bu konudaki eksikliğin giderilmesine katkı sunmak için karşılaştırmalı siyaseti, siyaset biliminin merkezi bir alt-disiplini olarak tanımlayarak diğer alt-alanlar ile ilişkisinin karşılaştırılması ile başlamaktadır. İkinci bölüm karşılaştırmalı siyasetin on dokuzuncu yüzyılın sonlarında Amerika Birleşik Devletleri'nde siyaset biliminin bir alt-alanı olarak ortaya çıkmasından bu yana tematik gelişimini tarihsel bir perspektifle gözden geçirmektedir. Üçüncü bölüm, 'neden karşılaştırmalıyız' sorusuna eğilerek karşılaştırmalı siyasetin amaç ve işlevleri üzerinde durmakta, karşılaştırmalı siyasetin yöntem boyutuna odaklanan dördüncü bölüm, karşılaştırmalı siyasette kullanılan yöntemleri araştırılan vaka sayısına göre tek vaka (N=1), birkaç vaka (Küçük N) ve birçok vaka (Büyük N) çalışmaları olmak üzere üçe ayırarak incelemektedir.

In this article, I deal with the following questions: What qualifies it as a movement? What are its goals, potentials and resources as well as difficulties and contradictions? Why do we need a TO movement at all? I first give an auto-ethnographic account of how I experience moving in the global TO movement. My frustrations, expectations, ambitions become visible as well as the need to let go all the pressures connected to TO as a global movement. Then I deal with the organizational structure of the global TO movement using Resource Mobilization Theory (RMT), and I focus on failures of organizing the movement on a global level in recent years within a federation and reasons for this while I recognize that TO has all organizational features of a social movement (e.g. organisations, staff). In the following sub-chapter, I search for the specific political goals of the TO movement in the declaration of principles of the International Theatre of the Oppressed organization (ITO) which form its collective identity based on New Social Movement theory. While no strategic political goals for concrete political change can be found apart from the actual achievement of Human Rights, TO politics points to more than just conventional politics but to "humanizing humanity". A political goal is also TO's anti-expertism as a demand for radical democracy and the acceptance of every human being as political beings. Afterwards I point out how TO could develop its own power strategy in the form of organizing the many. In the last subchapter, using Conway's analysis of the World Social Forum as a comparison, I track TO movement's complicity with hegemonic masculinity and structures of coloniality, to point out the necessary collaboration of TO movements on a global level in spite of all these differences and the pluriversal potential of TO movement's goal of humanising humanity in a global contact zone. I conclude by acknowledging everything which already exists in the TO movement. I declare being part of a TO global movement and turn my desire of what I want the TO movement to be into utopian question of what could be.

A partial agreement has been reached on the definitions of terror and terrorism in the literature. Despite this, incompatibilities on the concepts of terrorist and terrorist organization continue. The points of disagreement in the definition of these concepts will continue. This article aims to reveal that the definitions of terrorism cannot be the same even if they converge, through general relativity theory from the perspective of reality of critical realism. The study argues that the phenomenon of terrorism can be defined with an ontological approach. In this direction, the study aims to contribute to the unity of science and literature in order to establish a partnership in the definition of terrorism.

As we are concerned with prompting an understanding of enhanced repertoire identities as a pathway toward terrorism, our remarks will fall under six headings. First, there is to be clarified state constructionist perspectives to understand state’s role on the formation of terrorist organizaitons. Secondly, there is to be examined enhanced repertoire identity as a pathway toward political violence and terrorism. Thirdly, there are discussions that arise from the effects of repertoires on identity formation. Fourthly, we will notice the interactional relationships between repertoires and framing process. Fifthly, this paper will analyze the relationships between repertoires and organizational types. Finally this work will evaluate the influences of repertoires on the formation of identity as pathways toward political violence and terrorism.

Conceptually and methodologically well-structured forensic risk analysis can provide practitioners with systematic and evidence-based predictions. On the other hand, poorly designed risk assessments might result in serious consequences, such as the premature release of high risk offenders from custody or, conversely, having low-risk juvenile offenders suffering unnecessary restrictions on their freedoms as a result of ineffective risk assessment tools. Thus, it is imperative that risk assessments be evidence-based in order to ensure the effective management of risks. In the literature, risk assessments are designed based on the following three methods: unaided professional judgments, actuarial approach, and structured professional judgments. Though there are many differences in these methods, the most important pertains to objectivity and subjectivity. Unaided professional judgments involve risk predictions based solely on the subjective professional experiences and knowledge of the individual being assessed. Actuarial tools use a highly prescriptive and objective method to risk assessment based on checklists of risk indicators without taking into account practitioners' expert opinions. In structured professional judgments, on the other hand, the identified evidence-based risk predictors serve to guide the assessor via a process of systematically identifying and interpreting risks. In this paper, the strengths and limitations of different risk assessment methods are discussed, after which a conceptually based discussion is presented on risk assessments as they pertain to juvenile violent radicalization risk. Compared to unaided professional judgments or actuarial approaches, structured professional judgments might constitute a more effective method in assessing the risk of juvenile violent radicalization due to the heterogeneous nature of the threat.

Counter terrorism and radicalization are important research topics in applied psychology. For instance, after July 2005 suicide attacks in London, the phenomenon of violent radicalization became a hot topic as to how seemingly ordınary British citizens could commit suicide attacks. Moreover, the 2016 FETÖ coup attempt with 251 martyrs and hundreds of ghazis evidently show that psychological examination of radicalization process in FETÖ and similar terror groups is significant to counter violent radicalization in Turkey. In this paper, I reviewed the literature on how terrorist group members are persuaded to carry out terror attacks via psychological variables. First, I examined the radicalization processes of terrorist organizations on some individual and interpersonal variables. I then analyzed the radicalization processes in terror groups based on the Two-Pyramid Model with specific reference to FETÖ. The literature does not show any significant direct correlative or causal relationship between radicalization processes in terror groups and psychopathology or low socioeconomic status. On the other hand, based on the Two-Pyramid Model there are positive correlative relationships between interpersonal variables and terrorist radicalization. In this paper, I intended to draw attention on the importance of examining the radicalization processes in terrorist groups with case studies and psychological models.

Sociology of social movements avoids the study of acts of violence, namelyacts of terror. But the analysis of terrorist act swithin social movements will contribute to the analysis of violentacts. Because terrorist movements are in solidarity and structuring simil art social movements. They are trying to realize their political and social demand sthrough terrorism. In addition, terrorist movements are affected by changes like social movements. Sociology of social movements is also affected by the developments on the sphere and experiences structural transformations. In this context, the 'revolutionary' character of the first social movements, which were seen, has lost its influence with the new social movements paradigm. The emergence of identity orientation has paved the way for the development of religiousand ethnic movements. Terrorist movements have also been influenced by this

Alternative collective initiatives often emerge during hard times, supporting citizens and helping them meet their increasing needs through nonmainstream economic activities. To this end, citizens organize formal and informal alternative action organizations (AAOs). Recent studies have shown that the economic crisis was a trigger for the founding of a wide variety of new AAOs, especially in the countries most affected, such as Greece and Spain. One aspect of AAOs untouched so far, however, is their life span. This article investigates factors that impact on AAOs’ ability to stay active online, using fresh data on their organizational profiles from their organizational websites. It offers a comparative, systematic analysis of the age structure and the activity rate of AAOs in nine European countries (Greece, Germany, Italy, France, Spain, the United Kingdom, Poland, Switzerland, and Sweden), for the 2007-2016 period. Following the classic resource mobilization theory, we conclude tha...

This study compares adivasi movements against two mining projects commissioned in India by Vedanta Resources, a London-based Indian mining corporation. One is the resistance of the Dongria Kondh to the bauxite mining and aluminium processing projects at Niyamgiri. The movement succeeded when the Supreme Court of India scrapped the project in 2013. The other is the movement of the Binjhal against a gold mining project at Sonakhan. The project was to be started in 2015, but intense opposition led the chief minister promise to stop it. We argue that both the movements, which had only ‘cultural resources’ available, established solidarity by mobilizing history, memory and folk imaginaries. The participation of external civil society organizations led to a resounding success across scales in the case of Niyamgiri. But the local contextualization of culture, and limited networks, constrained the success of the Sonakhan movement to the local scale. The ultimate successful outcome for both however depended on the available ‘political opportunities’ across times and scales.

A partial agreement has been reached on the definitions of terror and terrorism in the literature. Despite this, incompatibilities on the concepts of terrorist and terrorist organization continue. The points of disagreement in the definition of these concepts will continue. This article aims to reveal that the definitions of terrorism cannot be the same even if they converge, through general relativity theory from the perspective of reality of critical realism. The study argues that the phenomenon of terrorism can be defined with an ontological approach. In this direction, the study aims to contribute to the unity of science and literature in order to establish a partnership in the definition of terrorism.

Tanzania is diversifying wildlife investments. The Special Wildlife Investment Concession Area, (the SWICA) is set aside. The regulations to achieve the purpose are in place. The regulations enlighten on the procedures of carrying out investments within the SWICA. This paper reviews on this new investment scheme; whether it will spare the ecosystem, specifically, the safety and survival of wild animals.  The invited investments activities connote disturbance on the lives of wild animals. This paper observes that, the cumulative promulgation of the regulations threatens the life of wild animals. The apprehension of ecosystem disturbances in the SWICA is too wide to connote probable security on the lives of wild animals. Moreover, the avenues for some actors to excises “their wisdom,” aside of the regulations may invite unnecessary difficulties between the investors and the authority. Lastly, wild animals are likely to suffer a significant prejudice if investments in the SWICAs get through.

Massive demonstrations are the staple of powerful social movements, but research on the factors affecting the size of demonstrations (in terms of number of attendants) is almost nonexistent. Why do some demonstrations pack long avenues with masses of people while other ones barely fill a street corner? Combining resource mobilization, political opportunity, and framing theories, we argue that mobilization strategiesthe sequence of decisions and actions taken by protest organizers before staging a protestshape demonstration size. Multivariate models with 937 Chilean demonstrations between 2000 and 2012 show that demonstrations are larger when they display more demands (especially universalistic demands), target the national government, attract more organizations (especially umbrella organizations), and mobilize cohesive groups with broad public support. We reinforce the internal validity of our argument using interviews with movement leaders and secondary research on Chilean society.

There has been considerable debate over the extent and role of young people's political participation. Whether considering popular hand-wringing over concerns about declines in young people's institutional political participation or dismissals of young people's use of online activism, many frame youth engagement through a "youth deficit" model that assumes that adults need to politically socialize young people. However, others argue that young people are politically active and actively involved in their own political socialization, which is evident when examining youth participation in protest, participatory politics, and other forms of noninstitutionalized political participation. Moreover, social movement scholars have long documented the importance of youth to major social movements. In this article, we bring far flung literatures about youth activism together to review work on campus activism; young people's political socialization, their involvement in social movement organizations, their choice of tactics; and the context in which youth activism takes place. This context includes the growth of movement societies, the rise of fan activism, and pervasive Internet use. We argue that social movement scholars have already created important concepts (e.g., biographical availability) and questions (e.g., biographical consequences of activism) from studying young people and urge additional future research.

Radical and terrorist groups have sought to use the digital space to identify people from within society who are close to their ideologies and motives or have a tendency to violence and to decide how to approach each individual. Within the framework of this study, video games and gaming platforms, which are also the main subject of the study, have become places where radical and terrorist groups care about and can use as a domain, with a usage size almost equivalent to the Internet, which is an important basis for digitalization. In this context, direct use of video games, export of video game features to other areas or communication through games has been adopted as a method by these groups. With these methods, it is aimed to achieve such goals as spreading messages to wider segments, gaining supporters, recruiting employees, attracting attention, threatening and intimidating enemies, normalizing violence, encouraging those with a tendency in this direction to take action. The main...

The COVID-19 pandemic started in Chile as the country was experiencing massive protests and a deep political crisis. Sanitary measures restricting movement and gatherings were implemented while the process of constitutional change responding to this crisis developed. In this context of conflict, we study why people continued participating in street protests despite the restrictions and the health risks involved. Using two surveys, we test key factors addressed in extant scholarship: biographical availability, perceived risks, and grievances. We find that grievances related to the pandemic were the most important factor, while biographical availability was much less relevant in the pandemic context. There is no evidence that perceived health risks mattered when deciding whether to join a street protest or not. These results suggest that under conditions of political crisis, grievances related to the administration of the pandemic can motivate political participation even when the latter put people's health at risk.

To what extent do current models apply to analyze soft repression? Research on soft repression is still under development, and due to technological advancement, it is necessary to analyze different types of soft repression in a way to modify and refine existing typologies. Drawing on lessons learnt from Asian and regional studies, this article aims to discuss critically selected theoretical tools used to study soft repression. It scrutinizes four models that apply to delve analytically into different types of soft repression. The focus is on the most influential approaches in recent years that gained the highest impact on the development of studies on contentious politics. The first typology applies to differentiate between soft repression forms used mainly by non-state actors. The second approach treats soft repression as an explaining variable, as the text focuses on the consequences of soft repression. The third model applies to studying hard and soft repression during protests. ...

The literature recognizes the potential of social media as an alternative channel for promoting the causes of social movements, but little is known about the factors that act on the endeavors by social movement organizations to expand their base of supporters in social media environments. Drawing on theories of resource mobilization and social networks, we present a framework for studying how the presence of influential actors or users with a high number of followers in online social networks, can influence the acquisition of new followers by a social movement organization. We collected Twitter data from a major organization in the global justice movement and found evidence that suggests a relationship exists between influential actors and the audience acquired by the social movement organization. However, our model suggests this relationship dwindles as the popularity or number of followers of influential actors reaches extreme large values. Our study sheds light for addressing future questions concerning the factors that drive the propagation of ideologies in social media environments raised by actors of social movements and other social figures in their efforts for bringing about social change.

Alternatif bir dindarlık biçimi vaat eden ve çoğunlukla marjinal oluşumlar olarak kendilerini gösteren “Yeni Dini Hareketler”, ortaya çıktıkları ilk yıllardan itibaren sıra dışı inanç ve uygulamalarıyla gündeme gelmiştir. Karizmatik bir dini lider ve belli bir ideoloji etrafında toplanma özellikleriyle öne çıkan bu hareketler, zaman zaman insan hayatını hedef alan radikal eylemlerle dikkatleri üzerine çekmeyi başarmıştır. Nitekim yirminci yüzyılın son çeyreğinden itibaren çeşitli gruplar farklı ülkelerde gerçekleştirdikleri toplu intihar, cinayet, suikast, terör saldırısı gibi girişimleriyle isimlerinden sıkı sık söz ettirmiştir. Söz konusu yapıların zaman zaman şiddet eylemleriyle gündeme gelmesi, doğal olarak onları tartışmaların odağı haline getirmiştir. Bu çerçevede Yeni Dini Hareketlerin radikalleşme süreci ve şiddet eğilimi ile ilgili birçok husus merak konusu olmuştur. Bu konulardan biri de bu tür grupların radikalleşmesinde rol oynayan teolojik etkenlerdir. Bu çalışmada Yeni Dini Hareketleri radikalleştirerek şiddete sevk eden dini öğretiler üzerinde durulmuştur. Bu bağlamda söz konusu grupların şiddete başvurmasında apokaliptik inançların, düalist düşünce yapısının ve yeni bir dünya düzeni ile hakimiyeti tesis etme idealinin etkisi ortaya konulmaya çalışılmıştır.

Alternative collective initiatives often emerge during hard times, supporting citizens and helping them meet their increasing needs through nonmainstream economic activities. To this end, citizens organize formal and informal alternative action organizations (AAOs). Recent studies have shown that the economic crisis was a trigger for the founding of a wide variety of new AAOs, especially in the countries most affected, such as Greece and Spain. One aspect of AAOs untouched so far, however, is their life span. This article investigates factors that impact on AAOs’ ability to stay active online, using fresh data on their organizational profiles from their organizational websites. It offers a comparative, systematic analysis of the age structure and the activity rate of AAOs in nine European countries (Greece, Germany, Italy, France, Spain, the United Kingdom, Poland, Switzerland, and Sweden), for the 2007-2016 period. Following the classic resource mobilization theory, we conclude tha...

It was the blood that was spilt here over a weekend in January that transformed what had been a regional uprising into a genuinely nationwide movement. It was the massacring of protesters in the centre of the country that pushed the middle classes of Tunis into the streets.

This research in progress studies the role of social media as a resource for contemporary social movements in their endeavors to bring about social change. Current studies on this topic have largely regarded social media as an alternative channel for communicating situational information during protests against repressive regimes or perceptions of fraudulent democracy. Drawing on theories of resource mobilization and social networks, we present a framework for studying how the presence of influential and popular actors in social networks, can influence the acquisition process and the number of new followers by a social movement organization. We collected Twitter data for a major social movement organization in the global justice movement and found evidence suggesting that the existence of popular figures, impacts to some extent, the audience acquired by the social movement organization. We also conclude that the geographic location of these popular figures acts as a moderator for th...

The literature recognizes the potential of social media as an alternative channel for promoting the causes of social movements, but little is known about the factors that act on the endeavors by social movement organizations to expand their base of supporters in social media environments. Drawing on theories of resource mobilization and social networks, we present a framework for studying how the presence of influential actors or users with a high number of followers in online social networks, can influence the acquisition of new followers by a social movement organization. We collected Twitter data from a major organization in the global justice movement and found evidence that suggests a relationship exists between influential actors and the audience acquired by the social movement organization. However, our model suggests this relationship dwindles as the popularity or number of followers of influential actors reaches extreme large values. Our study sheds light for addressing future questions concerning the factors that drive the propagation of ideologies in social media environments raised by actors of social movements and other social figures in their efforts for bringing about social change.

This research in progress studies the role of social media as a resource for contemporary social movements in their endeavors to bring about social change. Current studies on this topic have largely regarded social media as an alternative channel for communicating situational information during protests against repressive regimes or perceptions of fraudulent democracy. Drawing on theories of resource mobilization and social networks, we present a framework for studying how the presence of influential and popular actors in social networks, can influence the acquisition process and the number of new followers by a social movement organization. We collected Twitter data for a major social movement organization in the global justice movement and found evidence suggesting that the existence of popular figures, impacts to some extent, the audience acquired by the social movement organization. We also conclude that the geographic location of these popular figures acts as a moderator for th...

Activists in seven US cities were interviewed about why they thought people in their communities mobilized against alcohol-related problems. The data were analyzed in light of the focus on resource mobilization theory in the social movement literature. In contrast with claims that resources are the primary catalyst for change, informants emphasized the role of grievances, and to a lesser extent, bridging factors that caused residents to be more aware of or frustrated by problems, and thus ready for change. Resources seemed to provide necessary but insufficient conditions for explaining movement participation, suggesting that, to be effective, resources must be channeled to address and be linked to the grievous social conditions of inner city communities.

Bu makalenin amacı siyaset biliminin metodolojik çekirdeğini oluşturan karşılaştırmalı siyasetin tematik, işlevsel ve yöntemsel boyutlarını mercek altına alarak Türkçe dilindeki karşılaştırmalı siyaset literatürünün gelişimine katkı sunmaktır. Nitekim önemli birkaç ders kitabı (Kalaycığlu ve Kağnıcıoğlu 2014; Sayarı ve Bilgin 2016; Yayla 2014) ve iki çeviri kitap (Newton ve Deth, 2014; Lane, 2014) dışında Türkçe literatür oldukça kısıtlıdır. Bu makale bu konudaki eksikliğin giderilmesine katkı sunmak için karşılaştırmalı siyaseti, siyaset biliminin merkezi bir alt-disiplini olarak tanımlayarak diğer alt-alanlar ile ilişkisinin karşılaştırılması ile başlamaktadır. İkinci bölüm karşılaştırmalı siyasetin on dokuzuncu yüzyılın sonlarında Amerika Birleşik Devletleri'nde siyaset biliminin bir alt-alanı olarak ortaya çıkmasından bu yana tematik gelişimini tarihsel bir perspektifle gözden geçirmektedir. Üçüncü bölüm, 'neden karşılaştırmalıyız' sorusuna eğilerek karşılaştırmalı siyasetin amaç ve işlevleri üzerinde durmakta, karşılaştırmalı siyasetin yöntem boyutuna odaklanan dördüncü bölüm, karşılaştırmalı siyasette kullanılan yöntemleri araştırılan vaka sayısına göre tek vaka (N=1), birkaç vaka (Küçük N) ve birçok vaka (Büyük N) çalışmaları olmak üzere üçe ayırarak incelemektedir.

Conceptually and methodologically well-structured forensic risk analysis can provide practitioners with systematic and evidence-based predictions. On the other hand, poorly designed risk assessments might result in serious consequences, such as the premature release of high risk offenders from custody or, conversely, having low-risk juvenile offenders suffering unnecessary restrictions on their freedoms as a result of ineffective risk assessment tools. Thus, it is imperative that risk assessments be evidence-based in order to ensure the effective management of risks. In the literature, risk assessments are designed based on the following three methods: unaided professional judgments, actuarial approach, and structured professional judgments. Though there are many differences in these methods, the most important pertains to objectivity and subjectivity. Unaided professional judgments involve risk predictions based solely on the subjective professional experiences and knowledge of the individual being assessed. Actuarial tools use a highly prescriptive and objective method to risk assessment based on checklists of risk indicators without taking into account practitioners' expert opinions. In structured professional judgments, on the other hand, the identified evidence-based risk predictors serve to guide the assessor via a process of systematically identifying and interpreting risks. In this paper, the strengths and limitations of different risk assessment methods are discussed, after which a conceptually based discussion is presented on risk assessments as they pertain to juvenile violent radicalization risk. Compared to unaided professional judgments or actuarial approaches, structured professional judgments might constitute a more effective method in assessing the risk of juvenile violent radicalization due to the heterogeneous nature of the threat.

If the concept of repression is to be useful when the state is not the primary target of social movement action, it needs to conceptualize how changes in values, perspectives, culture, norms, expectations and behavior in the public at large are contested through political interaction in civil society. Although non-state actors can sometimes use violence, their typical forms of repression of social movements are non-violent or "soft." I suggest three forms of action-ridicule, stigma and silencing-that are commonly employed by non-state actors to repress challengers. Because women's movements include challenges to non-state authorities, they have long been targets of soft repression. Examples of the use of power against challengers to the gender status quo are used to illustrate all three forms of soft repression. Once upon a time, social movement scholars lived in a world in which the only form of social protest that they could recognize was directed against the state. In this state-centered world, political elites wielding formal authority over governments were the only real targets for movement concerns, and the troops protecting the castle of political power were the armies, police forces, and prisons that the authorities could, and did, send into battle against those who would challenge their authority in general, or their policies in specific. As protests in democratic states

A panoramic overview of contemporary and historical activism to address the perennial tension between police and young Black males in the United States of America is extensively articulated. Furthermore, an intersectional analysis framework is utilized to provide, and explain the unintentional synergy of activism among different groups in the Black community such as the Black Lives Matter movement, the inveterate political class, and the venerable Black church to mitigate police maltreatment of Black males during the era of the nation's first Black president. Moreover, we discuss the various aggressive policing tactics used in maltreating Black males, some criminal justice reforms achieved in the last eight years, and more importantly we offer suggestions to improve the relationship between police and the Black community. KEYWORDS Police aggression; black males; black activism; Black Lives Matter; black church "I am America. I am the part you won't recognize. But get used to me. Black, confident, cocky; my name, not yours; my religion, not yours; my goals, my own; get used to me." Muhammad Ali (1942-2016) The relationship between young Black males and police has historically been controversial. Police relationships with young Black males are rooted in aggressive, and barbarous practices that began during the slave trade era (Britton, 2000; Robinson, 2017). Despite the recent social activism protesting against these unjust policing tactics, young Black males are still losing their lives to police violence even in light of what some Americans believe is a post-racial America. Researchers have asserted that the number of Black males killed by police is endemic (Chaney & Robertson, 2013b) but because the numbers are under-reported it is likely that the incident of their occurrence is significantly underestimated (Chaney & Robertson, 2013a). What is important is the fact that these young Black men will never have the opportunity to develop into responsible men who CONTACT Christson Adedoyin

When governments face severe political violence, they regularly respond with violence. Yet not all governments escalate repression under such circumstances. We argue that to understand the escalation of state violence, we need to pay attention to the potential costs leaders might face in doing so. We expect that the decision to escalate state violence is conditional on being faced with heightened threats and on possessing an information advantage that mitigates the expected cost of increasing state violence. In an environment where media freedom is constrained, leaders can deny or reframe an escalation of violations and so expect to reduce potential domestic and international costs attached to that decision. Using a global dataset from 1981 to 2006, we show that state violence is likely to escalate in response to increasing violent threats to the state when media freedom is curtailed – but not when the media are free from state intervention. A media environment that the government k...

This study argues that escalation and de-escalation processes lie at the heart of protest campaigns. These processes are largely determined by the interactions between protesters and governments, as well as the timing and types of strategies and tactics employed. The study examines the dynamics between the Turkish government and the protesters during the 2013 Gezi Protest Campaign. This campaign escalated quickly by generating massive support from different segments of the Turkish society in its earlier days, and then de-escalated and eventually demobilized without securing major concessions. By using original data collected from a Turkish newspaper, Cumhuriyet, the study illustrates how the trajectory of the Gezi campaign changed in response to the interactive dynamics between the government and the dissidents.

This study highlights the role that critical events play in the demobilization of protest campaigns. Social movement scholars suggest that protest campaigns demobilize as a consequence of polarization within the campaign or the cooptation of the campaign leaders. I offer critical events as an alternative causal mechanism and argue that protest campaigns in ethnically divided societies are particularly combustible as they have the potential to trigger unintended or unorchestrated communal violence. When such violence occurs, elite strategies change, mass support declines and the campaign demobilizes. An empirical investigation of the dynamics of the demobilization phase of the anti-foreigner protest campaign in Assam, India between 1979 and 1985 confirms this argument. A single group analysis is conducted to compare the dynamics of the campaign before and after the communal violence by using time series event data collected from The Indian Express, a national newspaper. The study has wider implications for the literature on collective action as it illuminates the dynamic and complex nature of protest campaigns.