Political protest and resistance

The legacy of colonialism dates back over five hundred years to European expansion across the globe and continues to shape the modern world in ways that often go unnoticed. I will argue that coloniality, the matrix of power, knowledge, and social relations established during colonialism, functions as a hidden architecture of modernity, which structures the formation of labor, gender, and racial hierarchies. Through this framework, Eurocentric definitions of truth and knowledge become embedded, and practices of epistemic violence are normalized. Western dominance and practices are presented as both natural and rational. By tracing this long history, the paper urges us to question the very roots of modern society and recognize how systems of power have shaped what we have come to accept as knowledge, truth, and the social order we see today.

From militarised border regimes to racialised technologies of policing, from extractive geopolitics to nationalist media and electoral campaigns, the grammar and practice of fascism is global. This interdisciplinary conference examines how fascism and global Africa are entangled politically, economically, and imaginatively across time and space. By foregrounding geographies of anti-Blackness and imperial capitalism as core dimensions of fascist rule, we set out to look at how racial capitalism, colonial legacies, and authoritarian formations intersect in the making of global fascist orders.

The concept of global Africa builds upon contemporary Pan-African thought and practice as generative and contested geographies of thought, solidarity, resistance. We are witnessing a revival of Pan-African solidarities in activist, intellectual, and cultural spaces, including transnational campaigns against state violence, police brutality, constitutional amendments, arbitrary detainment, mobilisations for liberation, and more in Burkina Faso, Sudan, Nigeria, Ethiopia, Congo, Senegal, South Africa (and so many more!), signalling renewed possibilities for anti-imperial, anti-fascist, and (potentially) anti-capitalist futures. Across the Americas, from Brazil and Colombia to the United States and the Caribbean, Black and Afro-Indigenous movements continue to confront police killings, environmental dispossession, and authoritarian repression while forging alliances that link struggles on the African continent.

We are particularly interested in bringing geographers into conversation with scholars of politics, history, anthropology, and media studies. Geographers, with our attention to spatiality, mobility, territory, and networks, possess a valuable toolkit for examining how fascism travels and operates transnationally—through shared ideas, international activist and organisational networks, capital (including surveillance capital, far-right tech investors and platform owners, and artificial intelligence systems), militarised technology, and the legal, activist, intellectual, and political struggles that resist it.
Please submit your abstract by 4 November 2025.

This study presents a comparative analysis of the significant protest movements that emerged in Indonesia and Nepal during 2025, examining their causes, characteristics, and consequences within the broader context of democratic consolidation in Asia. The Indonesian "Anti-Parliamentary Privilege Movement" and Nepal's "Gen Z Anti-Corruption Movement" represent pivotal moments in contemporary Asian politics, reflecting distinct yet interconnected challenges facing young democracies in the region. Through systematic comparative analysis, this research reveals that while both movements were youth-led and occurred simultaneously, they differed substantially in their triggers, organizational patterns, state responses, and outcomes. Indonesia's protests emerged from economic grievances and parliamentary privilege controversies, resulting in mass arrests but limited immediate political change. Nepal's movement, triggered by social media restrictions and corruption concerns, led to deadly confrontations, governmental collapse, and the installation of an interim administration under former Chief Justice Sushila Karki. The study contributes to social movement theory by examining digital-age youth activism in developing democracies and offers insights into state-society relations, generational politics, and democratic consolidation processes in contemporary Asia. The findings suggest that institutional contexts, state capacity variations, and regime legitimacy significantly influence protest outcomes, while generational political consciousness emerges as a critical factor in 21st-century democratic participation patterns across the region.

The paper explores how Rosa Luxemburg's practice of learning from failure can enrich engagements with failure among scholars of utopia. Recently, scholars of utopia have integrated failure as an unavoidable aspect of social dreaming. Inspired by Samuel Beckett's dictum "Try Again. Fail Again. Fail Better", these accounts view failure not as a lamentable lack but as a valuable opportunity for new experiments in alternative ways of being. Yet what is missing is a sustained exploration of the lived experience of failure as a site of both loss and possibility. Here Luxemburg can prove a valuable resource. Drawing on her theoretical and political writings and her correspondence, I show how her practice of learning from failure accounts for the crushing impact of failure and its productive political value. Thus, it valuably develops the utopian scholars' focus on failing better and offers activists more robust resources to productively engage with failure.

El presente ensayo estudia los factores que inciden en la persistencia de
identidades subalternas dentro del orden internacional del Imperio, entendido como una estructura que encapsula a la multitud mediante sus artefactos —los Estados-nación— bajo la forma de sociedad civil. Ocasionalmente, ciclos de protesta política a escala global generan escenarios de emergencia que permiten la visibilización de pueblos como el mapuche en el marco de la democracia moderna. Mediante un enfoque teórico y cualitativo, basado en el análisis crítico de fuentes secundarias, se examina la posición que estas comunidades ocupan en el sistema internacional. Se argumenta que las formas de organización y participación política mapuche, a contrapelo de lo gubernativo y en contraste con la sociedad civil, son permanentes y territorialmente ancladas. El estudio concluye que el valor analítico de la multitud radica en ser un momento de emergencia desde el cual proyectar una red subalterna que fortalezca su existencia.

Comment entre-ton dans une pensée étrangère ? Au travers des paroles qu'on entend et que l'on consent à vous dire ? Ici se dresse un mot central, un mot qui désespère car il représente un obstacle qu'un jour, à force de s'y confronter, on renonce à franchir : la traduction. On essaye de le contourner en lui trouvant des palliatifs. Mais ce ne sont que des à-peu-près. Et la pensée que l'on espérait atteindre par ce biais devient encore plus opaque. La réflexion sur le sens d'un mot peut vous entraîner loin et longtemps dans les méandres d'une pensée étrangère. On peut s'y perdre.

Attaining national unity and cohesion is a function of deliberate strategic plans of different facets of human endeavour in a nation. The language front has important role to play in fostering national unity and cohesion in any country. The Nigeria and Africa situation is not an exception. The chaos and rivalry that have become an intrinsic experience for us in Nigeria and in fact, Africa is partly a function of careless and unchecked language use in the social media. This paper, therefore, explores the use and misuse of language on social media. The study examines the comments of Facebook users to online news headlines posted on Premium Times Facebook handle. A corpus of a week screenshot samples of these comments are collected out of which nine (9) were purposively selected for the analysis. These nine (9) data are grouped into five (5) texts. The selected data were analysed using Dell Hymes’ Ethnography of Speaking complemented by Theo van Leeuwen’s Identities and Subjectivity Mo...

This study aims to do an adaptation analysis of the film version of Margaret Atwood's dystopian novel The Handmaid's Tale by considering film adaptations as a type of intersemiotic translation. Film adaptation, concep tualized as an intersemiotic and creatively interpretive form of translation, constitutes a complex and inherently subjective transformation of a written source text into the audiovisual medium (Gottlieb, 2007). Analyzing the shifts intrinsic to adaptations is of utmost importance, as these changes signify the creator's approach for interpreting the original text. Examining these changes helps comprehension of the adaptation process. Perdikaki (2016) presents a model for the methodical analysis of adaptation shifts from book to film by employing an interdisciplinary approach that integrates different perspectives from Translation Studies and Adaptation Studies. This model is notable, because it provides the first comprehensive framework that integrates both Translation and Adaptation Studies. Perdikaki's model (2016) has two components, namely a descriptive/comparative component and an inter pretive component. The former one highlights the medium independent categories in which shifts are identified. These categories enable the comparison and analysis of meaning transfer among artworks belonging to different mediums. The latter one is aimed to clarify the rationale for these changes. The implementation of this model on the film adaptation of The Handmaid's Tale unveils the shifts in adaptation. The analysis reveals that adaptation shifts are clearly evident at the descriptive level, influencing key elements such as plot structure, narrative techniques, characterization, and setting. These shifts are realized through processes of modification, modulation, and mutation. The interpretive component has been omitted because it would expand the scope. Öz Bu çalışma, film uyarlamalarını bir göstergelerarası çeviri türü olarak ele arak Margaret Atwood'un distopik romanı Damızlık Kızın Öyküsü'nün film versiyonunun uyarlama analizini yapmayı amaçlamaktadır. Çevirinin göstergelerarası ve yaratıcı yorumlayıcı bir biçimi olarak kavramsallaştırılan film uyarlamaları, yazılı bir kaynak metnin görsel işitsel ortama karmaşık ve öznel bir dönüşümünü içermektedir (Gottlieb, 2007). Uyarlamalara özgü kaymaların analiz edilmesi büyük önem taşımaktadır, çünkü bu değişiklikler yaratıcının orijinal metni yorumlamaya yönelik yaklaşımını göstermektedir. Bu değişiklikleri incelemek uyarlama sürecinin anlaşılmasına yardımcı olmaktadır. Perdikaki (2016) kitaptan filme uyarlama kaymalarını sistematik olarak incelemek için Çeviribilim ve Uyarlama Çalışmaları alanlarından farklı görüşleri birleştiren bir disiplinler arası yaklaşım kullanarak bir model ortaya koy maktadır. Bu model hem Çeviribilim hem de Uyarlama Çalışmalarını birleştiren ilk kapsamlı çerçeveyi sunduğu için önem taşımaktadır. Perdikaki'nin (2016) modeli, betimleyici/karşılaştırmalı ve yorumlayıcı olmak üzere iki bileşen den oluşmaktadır. Birinci bileşen, kaymaların gözlemlendiği ortamdan bağımsız kategorileri vurgulamaktadır. Bu kategoriler, farklı ortamlara ait sanat eserleri arasındaki anlam aktarımının karşılaştırılmasını ve analiz edilmesini Citation | Atıf: Örs, M. & İşisağ, K. U. (2025). The shifting worlds of gilead: An analysis of adaptation shifts in The Handmaid's Tale.

This study aims to do an adaptation analysis of the film version of Margaret Atwood's dystopian novel The Handmaid's Tale by considering film adaptations as a type of intersemiotic translation. Film adaptation, concep tualized as an intersemiotic and creatively interpretive form of translation, constitutes a complex and inherently subjective transformation of a written source text into the audiovisual medium (Gottlieb, 2007). Analyzing the shifts intrinsic to adaptations is of utmost importance, as these changes signify the creator's approach for interpreting the original text. Examining these changes helps comprehension of the adaptation process. Perdikaki (2016) presents a model for the methodical analysis of adaptation shifts from book to film by employing an interdisciplinary approach that integrates different perspectives from Translation Studies and Adaptation Studies. This model is notable, because it provides the first comprehensive framework that integrates both Translation and Adaptation Studies. Perdikaki's model (2016) has two components, namely a descriptive/comparative component and an inter pretive component. The former one highlights the medium independent categories in which shifts are identified. These categories enable the comparison and analysis of meaning transfer among artworks belonging to different mediums. The latter one is aimed to clarify the rationale for these changes. The implementation of this model on the film adaptation of The Handmaid's Tale unveils the shifts in adaptation. The analysis reveals that adaptation shifts are clearly evident at the descriptive level, influencing key elements such as plot structure, narrative techniques, characterization, and setting. These shifts are realized through processes of modification, modulation, and mutation. The interpretive component has been omitted because it would expand the scope. Öz Bu çalışma, film uyarlamalarını bir göstergelerarası çeviri türü olarak ele arak Margaret Atwood'un distopik romanı Damızlık Kızın Öyküsü'nün film versiyonunun uyarlama analizini yapmayı amaçlamaktadır. Çevirinin göstergelerarası ve yaratıcı yorumlayıcı bir biçimi olarak kavramsallaştırılan film uyarlamaları, yazılı bir kaynak metnin görsel işitsel ortama karmaşık ve öznel bir dönüşümünü içermektedir (Gottlieb, 2007). Uyarlamalara özgü kaymaların analiz edilmesi büyük önem taşımaktadır, çünkü bu değişiklikler yaratıcının orijinal metni yorumlamaya yönelik yaklaşımını göstermektedir. Bu değişiklikleri incelemek uyarlama sürecinin anlaşılmasına yardımcı olmaktadır. Perdikaki (2016) kitaptan filme uyarlama kaymalarını sistematik olarak incelemek için Çeviribilim ve Uyarlama Çalışmaları alanlarından farklı görüşleri birleştiren bir disiplinler arası yaklaşım kullanarak bir model ortaya koy maktadır. Bu model hem Çeviribilim hem de Uyarlama Çalışmalarını birleştiren ilk kapsamlı çerçeveyi sunduğu için önem taşımaktadır. Perdikaki'nin (2016) modeli, betimleyici/karşılaştırmalı ve yorumlayıcı olmak üzere iki bileşen den oluşmaktadır. Birinci bileşen, kaymaların gözlemlendiği ortamdan bağımsız kategorileri vurgulamaktadır. Bu kategoriler, farklı ortamlara ait sanat eserleri arasındaki anlam aktarımının karşılaştırılmasını ve analiz edilmesini Citation | Atıf: Örs, M. & İşisağ, K. U. (2025). The shifting worlds of gilead: An analysis of adaptation shifts in The Handmaid's Tale.

The Great Pretender | No a los papelones Censorship, Mythmaking, and the Paper Mill Conflict in the Río de la Plata By Eduardo Montes-Bradley This is the first time I speak publicly about the film The Great Pretender since its premiere in 2007. I feel compelled to set the record straight, not only to clarify the intentions behind the film but also to address the circumstances surrounding its reception and disappearance from public discourse. What follows is my final comment on the subject.

The study examines The Punch and The Nation coverage of Operation Python Dance in Nigeria. It uses content analysis to obtain data and purposive sampling techniques to select the editions that published information on operation python dance from November 2016 to November 2017. Findings indicated that 70 Operation Python Dance stories were published by the selected newspapers. Out of these, The Punch published 35 stories and The Nation published 35 stories also. The study reveals that Operation Python Dance stories were not given much importance in terms of placement and direction. The major conclusion from this study is that the selected newspapers pay less attention to the coverage of Operation Python Dance in Nigeria. Agenda setting theory were used for the study. The study therefore recommends that newspaper organizations should accord more importance to military operations stories by given prominence and importance to them in its publications.

Human rights are universal, untransferable and inalienable. Regardless of who he is, everyone is entitled to enjoy their fundamental human rights. Rights and freedoms are traits of every functioning democracy. Chapter five (5) of the 1992 Constitution details the rights of all persons living in Ghana regardless of their nationality. Recently, the rights of persons in relation to the respect of public interest have come under fire. Democracy Hub embarked on protests against illegal mining, a menace that has plagued Ghana for almost a decade and as such which led to the arrest of some protesters and in due course who were charged with various crimes. This highlights the recent shift in the human rights landscape in the country. This work therefore seeks to discuss the freedom of assembly as provided for by the 1992 Constitution of Ghana, its scope and where it can be curtailed. This write-up would also seek to shed light on the legal position on the role of the police in facilitating the exercise of the freedom of assembly. This work would also seek to discuss the lines along which the police can curtail this right and the appropriate course of action in those instances. This article will conclude that all persons are entitled to the enjoyment of their constitutionally provided rights and only the exceptions expressly provided in law would suffice to curtail these rights. Anything other than this amounts to a gross violation of the fundamental human rights provided by the Constitution.

Годой С. Х., Бастиас Г. Корпоративные войны и иные способы тестирования решений проблем системы электронного здравоохранения в Чили // Мо ни то ринг об щест вен но го мне ния : Эко но ми чес кие и со ци аль ные перемены. 2019. No 5. С. 82—99. https://doi. org/10.14515/monitoring.2019.5.05. For citation: Godoy S. Jose, Bastías G. (2019) Corporate wargaming and other techniques for testing e-health solutions in Chile. Mo ni to ring of Pub lic Opi ni on : Eco no mic and So cial Chan ges. No. 5. P. 82—99. https://doi.org/10.14515/monitoring.2019.5.05. 10.14515/monitoring.2019.5.05

Stephan desenvolvem em "The Role of External Support in Nonviolent Campaigns" mais do que uma obra acadêmica, representando antes disso uma rota de navegação para: (a) ativistas; (b) partidos políticos; (c) sociedade civil; e (d) formuladores de políticas. As autoras apresentam uma análise profunda e meticulosa que transcende a simples observação, mergulhando em uma complexa teia de teorias e práticas. A obra ecoa não apenas nas academias, mas ressoa nos campos de batalha e nas trincheiras onde a resistência civil não violenta é exercida como forma de se alcançar objetivos dos mais diversos. Trata-se de um texto

Bien que répétitive, parce quʹelle exprime un message visuel, le statuaire Mintadi présente un petit nombre de pièces originales comme lʹesclave sacrifié lors des funérailles de son maître ou le chef de clan mâchant une racine hallucinogène. Ces statues commémoratives, qui provenaient souvent du Mayombe et des environs de Boma, etaient placées sur le tertre funéraire dʹun cimetière réservé aux représentants du pouvoir traditionnel. Dans cet article, deux statuettes intactes et un fragment seront passés en revue. Ces pièces proviennent du district agricole de Mayanda, située à une quinzaine de km au nord de Boma et de la forêt du Mayombe.

Although the principle of ‘One Country, Two Systems’ has been in place in Hong Kong since the 1997 Handover, tensions are still present between the People’s Republic of China (PRC) and Hong Kongers who have developed a strong sense of belonging to the local community, along with a distinct set of values, beliefs and tendencies. The goal of the 50-year transition period is for Hong Kong to adopt the same political and ideological standards that are present in the Mainland, which is met with opposition from Hong Kongers. Furthermore, Hong Kongese local identity bears the features of a national identity, which raises questions about the legitimacy of Beijing’s interference. This, in turn, becomes a topic of a heated academic debate about the nature of Hong Kong's possible re-colonization under the guise of re-unification. This dissertation explains the nature of Hong Kongese identity and provides proof that Hong Kongese national identity exists, thus it delineates reasons for why Hong Kong is a separate entity from the PRC. It also analyses the PRC's influence in Hong Kong through theories of colonialism and introduces a new theory of intraethnic colonialism, which explains Hong Kong’s past and present circumstances under the PRC’s rule.

Presenta una revisión bibliográfica sobre las políticas lingüísticas de bilingüismo y multilingüismo en Colombia y Brasil desde una perspectiva glotopolítica, con base en investigaciones de los últimos diez años. Se examina cómo estas políticas han sido históricamente instrumentos de homogeneización que no responden adecuadamente
a las realidades de las comunidades lingüísticas minorizadas. Se evidencia que las
intervenciones estatales, en su mayoría in vitro, han perpetuado dinámicas de poder que refuerzan la lengua dominante, lo que ha limitado el reconocimiento y la preservación de las lenguas minorizadas. Aunque existen esfuerzos recientes, los estudios glotopolíticos siguen siendo escasos, especialmente en Colombia. Se concluye que es urgente una reconfiguración de las políticas lingüísticas con el fin de incorporar enfoques inclusivos que valoren la diversidad lingüística y promuevan una mayor participación de las comunidades en la toma de decisiones, por cuanto esto permitiría impulsar la justicia sociolingüística necesaria para democratizar las prácticas y representaciones del lenguaje en ambos países.

CAA tells us that we can't be Indian because we are Muslims. Why won't we protest? It's our ethical obligation (akhlaqi farmaan), our religious imperative (farz) to fight for our citizenship. Afterall, we are Muslims."-Naaz, anti-CAA protester, Lucknow, February 2020. On December 12, 2019, the Indian government under the right-wing, Hindu nationalist, Bhartiya Janta Party (BJP) passed the Citizenship Amendment Act (CAA), which extended citizenship to all non-Muslim minorities from neighboring Islamic countries-Afghanistan, Bangladesh, and Pakistan-who had arrived in India before December 24, 2014, on grounds of religious persecution. There was however no agreed-upon criteria for religious persecution; fears of persecution reported by non-Muslim immigrants were accepted as valid considerations for asylum as well. CAA evinces the government's Hindu nationalist stance on positing Islam (and Islamic nations) as essentially intolerant of non-Muslims.[1] Uninterested in (and worse, apathetic to) the state persecution of Muslim minorities in

The Barmen Declaration (1934) stands as one of the most significant theological statements of the 20th century, rejecting the co-optation of Christianity by nationalism and reaffirming the church's exclusive allegiance to Jesus Christ as Lord. Written in response to the rise of the Deutsche Christen movement, which sought to align German Protestantism with Nazi ideology, the declaration was a bold act of resistance that called the church back to its theological foundations. This paper examines the historical context, theological vision, and enduring legacy of the Barmen Declaration. It explores how Karl Barth, Martin Niemöller, and Dietrich Bonhoeffer led the Confessing Church in resisting the Nazi state's manipulation of Christian doctrine. Their theological convictionsrooted in the authority of Scripture and the lordship of Christprovide a powerful model for faithfulness in times of crisis.

This article reframes the present through decolonial perspectives, revealing how Eurocentric structures, racial capitalism, and systemic violence continue to shape our world within a matrix of oppression that reinforces power hierarchies.

Inspired by Frantz Fanon’s Wretched of the Earth, it examines Colombia’s transitional justice process as a case study of resistance—where marginalized voices challenge dominant narratives, confront colonial legacies, and reclaim historical truth. The analysis highlights how racial hierarchies, extractivist economies, and gender binaries sustain oppression, reinforcing inequalities and erasing alternative epistemologies.

More than a critique, it is a call to rethink power, knowledge, and justice through the lens of those most silenced. It emphasizes the urgency of epistemic disobedience and the transformative potential of decolonial struggles in dismantling entrenched hierarchies and reconfiguring global structures of power.

Politicians and philosophers alike have warned that the spread of antimigrant bigotry in the Western world requires a tragic trade-off regarding immigration policy: Although millions of asylum-seekers might be owed admission to Western democracies, there are many cases where they nonetheless ought to be denied entry, because their admission is overly likely to increase the electoral appeal of extreme rightwing figures and parties, thus endangering the host country's liberal democracy. This article scrutinizes this influential view, by juxtaposing electorally driven migration policy with electorally driven military strikes abroad. If turning millions of asylum-seekers away can be tragically appropriate as a means of thwarting the electoral rise of the extreme right, why cannot the same be true for military strikes overseas that might harm a far smaller number of innocent outsiders? I examine what - if anything- explains the difference between these two cases.

SUNUŞ
Yıllar önce Konya’dan Ankara’ya okumaya gelen bir gençle sohbet etmiştik. Ankara’da en çok ne ilgini çekti sorusuna; “Çok fazla heykel var. Bir de hep yokuş ve merdivenler” cevabını verdi.

Bir başkent için çok fazla heykel algılanabilir. Konya gibi bir yerden gelen biri içinse Ankara’nın yokuş ve sokak merdivenleri muhakkak ki dikkat çekici. Oysa hayatını benim gibi Dikmen’de vadi ve bağların arasında geçirmiş biri olarak Yokuşlar ve sokak arası merdivenler sanki hayatın doğal akışı gibiydiler.

Ta ki, 30 yıllık çalışma hayatının ardından eşimin, evimizden 300 metre sonrasında olan işyerine gitmek için her gün iki kez inip ve çıktığı 89 basamaklı Vezinli Sokağın merdivenlerinde zorlanmaya başladığında, ben de Ankara’nın merdivenlerini keşfettim. Eşim evinden 300 metre sonrasındaki işyerine gidebilmesi için eşime bir araba aldık. Gerçekten de bir Konyalı’nın bu durumu algılaması çok zor.

Yıllar sonra bir yazıda Ankara’nın merdivenleri tekrar karşıma çıktı ve bu çalışmayı kaleme aldım. Ankara’nın Merdivenleri

Nadir AVŞAROĞLU
Maden Mühendisi
Ocak - 2025

This paper analytically discusses the description of trauma in a framework of feminism to the extent that it involves The Color Purple by Alice Walker, The Handmaid's Tale by Margaret Atwood, and The Bell Jar by Sylvia Plath. Each novel is to describe women's lives locked in patriarchal structures to the extreme, at which they experience not just gender-based oppression but multiple layers of trauma regarding facets such as race, class, and identity. In The Color Purple, it is upon these traumatic elements that are racist sexual violence, familial abuse, and economic deprivation in the segregated American South. Her journey to self-discovery and strength underlines how healing can be done through solidarity, writing, and reclaiming voice .Offred's shockingly horrific experiences in The Handmaid's Tale present a theocratic regime as one that exploits women's bodies for reproduction, underlining deep anguish at the loss of individual autonomy, personal identity, and independence. The Bell Jar offers nuanced discussion of the case of mental illness, societal expectations, and the way in which Esther Greenwood struggles against the constraints of gender roles to search for identity in a world that often diminishes her worth.This study explores how trauma Jameel.R 2 narratives in the set works: The Color Purple, The Handmaid's Tale, and The Bell Jar penetrate into a wider feminist battle for liberation, autonomy, and justice, eventually unveiling the resilience and agency of women against systemic oppression.

For decades, the socio-political environment the press operates in has conditioned it to always build prominence
around phenomena and people, using language as a strong carrier. Knowing full well that the press can escalate
or de-escalate the salience of events through news reportage, media scholars saw the necessity for
the institutionalization of some regulatory principles for the press. This is known as social responsibility. This
position paper interrogates the connection or disconnection between two media theories (framing and
identity construction) and Nigerian journalism practice as codified by the Nigerian Union of Journalists (NUJ) code
of ethics, using the farmer-herder crisis and Independent People of Biafra’s (IPOB) call for secession as
cases. Having identified a plethora of negative frames and constructed identities around the two cases selected
from 19 empirical papers conducted between 2015 and 2021, the findings show that the Nigerian press
(newspapers) lean more towards war and ethnic journalism than peace/solution-driven journalism while
reporting issues related to the two cases. The paper argues that the journalism practice of the Nigerian press,
most times, aligns with the propositions of framing and identity construction theories, but largely disconnects
from its ethical principles. To have a socially responsible journalism practice in Nigeria, this paper
joins the conversation on advocacy for peace/solution-driven journalism.

For decades, the socio-political environment the press operates in had conditioned it to always build prominence around phenomena and people, using language as a strong carrier. Knowing full well that the press can escalate or de-escalate the salience of events through news reportage, media scholars saw the necessity for the institutionalization of some regulatory principles for the press. This is known as social responsibilities. This position paper interrogates the connection or disconnection between two media theories (framing and identity construction) and Nigerian journalism practice as codified by Nigerian Union of Journalists (NUJ) code of ethics, using the farmer-herder crisis and Independent People of Biafra's (IPOB) call for secession as cases. Having identified a plethora of negative frames and constructed identities around the two cases selected from 19 empirical papers conducted between 2015 and 2021, the findings show that the Nigerian press (newspapers) lean more towards war and ethnic journalism than peace/solution-driven journalism while reporting issues related to the two cases. The paper argues that the journalism practice of the Nigerian press, most times, aligns with the propositions of framing and identity construction theories, but largely disconnects from its ethical principles. In order to have a socially responsible journalism practice in Nigeria, this paper joins the conversation on advocacy for peace/solution-driven journalism.

The modern era is characterized by the realization of the need to pay more attention to the intentional formation of the axiological sphere of the younger generation. The purpose of the article is an attempt to comprehend this topic through a focus on the fundamental problem of discrepancy between the declared value orientations and actual behavior. To achieve this purpose, a conceptual analysis of values and value orientations is conducted, as well as an investigation into their nature and axiogenesis characteristics. As a methodological principle, the authors introduce the subjective and ontological roles of the Observer, who is content with an unfounded (albeit sincere) commitment to the value paradigms, and the Participant, who acts in agreement with these paradigms, the roles being identified by the authors and constituting the academic novelty of the article. Results. Pointing out that teaching initiatives and interventions are often limited to accustoming students to the role of the Observer, the authors substantiate the necessity of introducing an educational policy aiming at forming values from the three perspectives: cognitive, emotional and behavioral. The authors reveal the ability of new technologies and volunteering to combine the Observer and Participant roles, which partially compensates (but not completely overcomes) the gap between dispositions and behavior. The authors emphasize that it is unreasonable to place the responsibility for this gap on students only. This gap is predisposed to the dual (ideal+reality) nature of the value itself, the probability that either the ideal prevails (hence the abstract, insubstantial nature of the value) or the reality prevails (hence the down-to-earth, opportunistic nature of the value). It is argued that the viability and sustainability of a value depends on whether it can be responsive to the current living environment. The Conclusion states the importance of harmonious coexistence of both sides of the value allowing to smooth out the discrepancy between the proper and the real; thoughts, words and actions./ Современная эпоха ознаменована осознанием необходимости усиления внимания к целенаправленному формированию аксиосферы подрастающего поколения. Цель статьи заключается в попытке осмыслить данную тематику через призму фундаментальной проблемы расхождения декларируемых ценностных ориентаций и фактического поведения. Для достижения данной цели проводится концептуальный анализ ценностей и ценностных ориентаций, исследуются их природа и особенности аксиогенеза. В качестве методологического принципа авторами выявляются (и составляют научную новизну статьи) субъектно-онтологические роли Наблюдателя, довольствующегося голословной (хоть и искренней) приверженностью ценностям, и Участника, действующего в согласии с ними. Результаты. Отмечая, что педагогические инициативы и интервенции зачастую ограничиваются приучением учащихся к роли Наблюдателя, обоснована необходимость проведения образовательной политики в области формирования ценностных ориентаций с трех ракурсов: когнитивного, эмоционального и поведенческого. Фиксируется способность новых технологий и волонтерства к своеобразному совмещению ролей Наблюдателя и Участника, позволяющего отчасти компенсировать (но не преодолеть полностью) разрыв между диспозициями и поведением. В статье подчеркивается необоснованность возложения ответственности за данный разрыв на исключительно учащихся. К данному разрыву предрасполагает дуальная (идеал+реальность) природа самой ценности, вероятность превалирования либо идеала (отсюда – абстрактность, бессодержательность ценности), либо реальности (отсюда – приземлённость, конъюнктурность ценности). Аргументируется положение, что жизнеспособность и жизнестойкость ценности зависит от ее отзывчивости наличным условиям жизни. В Заключении констатируется важность гармоничного сосуществования обеих сторон ценности, позволяющего сгладить рассогласование между должным и сущим; мыслями, словами и действиями.

Статья посвящена адаптации мигрантов к городской среде через субкультуру силовых единоборств. Теоретической рамкой анализа выступает теория сегментной ассимиляции, утверждающая, что ассимиляция мигрантов может происходить не только через включение в культурный мейнстрим принимающего общества, но и через свойственные ему суб- и контркультуры.
Объектом исследования являются мигранты-дагестанцы в Санкт-Петербурге, представляющие спорт высоких достижений в различных видах силовых единоборств. В отличие от классического
анализа в рамках теории сегментной ассимиляции, речь идет о мигрантах первого поколения. Исследование проводилось качественными социологическими методами.

The purpose of the article is to make a classification of sets of positions of deputy speakers in legislative bodies of the constituent entities of the Russian Federation. Legislative bodies exercise their powers during periods that are named cycles: from the current cycle 0 to the previous cycle 1 and so on. The method of content analysis is used to study two sections: cycle 1 and cycle 0 of legislative bodies after the single voting day on September 10, 2023. There are two types of positions of deputy speakers: deputy speakers and first deputy speakers. These take, respectively, the lower and the upper levels in the structure of the leadership of a legislative body, and the position of the chairman of a legislative body is at the highest level. The model of a set of positions of deputy speakers in a legislative body is determined depending on the number and type of positions of deputy speakers. Each model has its own unique cipher that can help to establish the type of leadership hierarchy in a legislative body (simple, complex, complex & reversed, or very complex) and the class of the leadership structure of a legislative body: a two-level or a three-level structure. When studying the transformation of models, the “Persistence—Changeability” scale has been used. During the study, 18 unique models have been identified. The models were transformed in the legislative bodies of 41 constituent entities of the Russian Federation. The dominant form of model transformation was increasing the number of positions of deputy speakers. It has been established that hierarchies of the “Complex” type are most often found in the general sample and the “0 to 2” model is the most common. The concept of “new territories of Russia” has been defined. It has been found that the “1 to 3” model existing in the State Council of the Republic of Crimea was adopted by the legislative bodies of most new territories of Russia. As a result of the analysis, the average level of maturity of a leadership structure in the legislative bodies has been revealed. It has been proved that the number of positions of deputy speakers in the legislative bodies was increased from cycle 1 to cycle 0. It has been concluded that it is necessary to unify the models. The theoretical significance of the work lies in the creation of an algorithm to classify leadership structures in legislative bodies based on data on the number and types of positions of deputy speakers.

This paper is an attempt to localize Herman and Chomsky’s analysis of the commercial media and use this concept to fit in the Philippine media climate. Through the propaganda model, they introduced the five interrelated media filters which made possible the “manufacture of consent.” By consent, Herman and Chomsky meant that the mass communication media can be a powerful tool to manufacture ideology and to influence a wider public to believe in a capitalistic propaganda. Thus, they call their theory the “propaganda model” referring to the capitalist media structure and its underlying political function. Herman and Chomsky’s analysis has been centered upon the US media, however, they also believed that the model is also true in other parts of the world as the media conglomeration is also found all around the globe. In the Philippines, media conglomeration is not an alien concept especially in the presence of a giant media outlet, such as, ABS-CBN. In this essay, the authors claim that...

Neste artigo pretendemos revisitar um dos palcos privilegiados para a expressão dos cidadãos-a rua e o espaço público urbano-a partir do legado das pichagens e murais realizados durante o período revolucionário do 25 de Abril de 1974 em Portugal. Refletimos sobre a memória histórica da revolução e a forma como periodicamente se tem assistido no país à recuperação do seu repertório político-estético. Tendo este contexto como objeto de estudo, pensamos a forma de participação dos cidadãos e o papel do espaço público enquanto terreno fundamental para a comunicação política e para a vivência democrática, discorrendo sobre aspetos de visualidade e performatividade política. PALAVRAS-CHAVE: revolução, 25 de Abril de 1974, muralismo, artes, performatividade política. April 25th × 50 years of writing in the city  In this article, we aim to revisit one of the privileged places for citizens' expression-the street and urban public space-based on the legacy of graffiti and murals created during the Portuguese revolutionary period of April 25 th , 1974. We reflect on the historical memory of the revolution and how periodically in the country, there has been a recovery of its political-aesthetic repertoire. With this context as the object of study, we contemplate the form of citizen participation and the role of public space as a fundamental terrain for political communication and democratic living, discussing aspects of visuality and political performativity.

This study on pragmatic analysis of hate rhetoric was motivated by the need to interrogate and conceptualize conflicting definitions of hate speech, the persistent use of social media to express hate, and how hate utterances can be mitigated and/or reclaimed beyond legislation and criminalisation in Nigeria. Specifically, the study identified the various speech acts of hate utterances, the rhetorical strategies used to express hate, the motivations of hate rhetoric as well as how hate utterances can be reclaimed and/or mitigated. The study adopted Austin’s and Searle’s Speech Act Theory, St. Clare’s Hate Speech Act Theory, Aristotle’s Theory of Appeal and Brontsema’s Theory of Hate Reclamation and Mitigation as theoretical models. Three thousand, one hundred and twenty-eight (3,128) hate utterances were extracted from six social media platforms -Facebook, X (Twitter), YouTube, WhatsApp, TikTok and Online Newspapers and Magazine- using Tweepy and Scrapy applications. Five hundred and seventy (570) hate utterances were purposely selected as those within the scope of the study (2014 to 2022) out of which sixty-three (63) hate utterances/songs were randomly selected for analysis. The study showed that Austin’s Performative and Constative speech acts accounted for 50% of occurrence. Commissive illocutionary speech act had the highest frequency of accounting with 35% occurrence. According to Searle’s speech act theory, Assertive hate expression accounted for the highest occurrence with 43.5%. For rhetorical analysis, Pathos, Hyperbole and Use of Identity were identified as the most used hate rhetorical strategies in the study out of which Pathos rhetorical genre accounted for the highest occurring rhetorical genre with 60%; Hyperbole rhetorical figurative expressions with 60% and Use of Identity rhetorical strategy with 35% respectively. For hate-motivated expression, Mission Offender-motivated hate expression accounted for the highest occurring with 52.2%. The study showed that hate utterances are identified by certain characteristics and are motivated by shared socio-political and historical experiences which are used as weapons of verbal defence, retaliation or response to hate utterances from an individual/group to another individual/group. The study also revealed that hate utterances were deployed by users to demean, dehumanise, subordinate and silence targets of hate utterances as well as to injure and/or malign the target. The study concludes that hate utterances can be disarmed, reclaimed and mitigated beyond legislation and criminalisation.

This research aimed at exploring the relationship between space and characters in selected African dramatic works which include: Ama Ata Aidoo’s Dilemma of a Ghost, Ngugi and Ngugi’s I Will Marry When I Want, Masiye’s The Lands of Kazembe, and Fugard’s Sizwe Bansi is Dead. The research was based on the understanding that while many scholars have discussed setting in their works, not many looked at the relationship between setting and characters. Further, setting which has three components including time, place and mood or environment has not been broken down into the three components so that they be discussed independently. The focus of this research is on space, diversifying the perspective of place discussed under setting in relation to character. The research methodology applied was qualitative, embracing close textual analysis through the application of two main theories to the texts. The theories used in the study are Porteous’ (1985) Geographical Interpretation of Imaginative Literature which studies human- place interactions. Porteous devises four cells in matrix form which summarises the human place interactions namely home-insider, away-outsider, home-outsider and away-insider. The study was also informed by Breakwell’s Identity Process Theory, a Psychology based theory concerned with the formation of identity. Breakwell identifies four prime guidance principles which are distinctiveness, the desire for continuity, self-efficacy, and self-esteem as being key to the processes of accommodation/assimilation and evaluation which determine the establishment of identities. The research study found that in the four texts that were investigated, information was presented in both concrete and abstract space. The study discovered that based on various reasons, characters create different spaces at different points in time. It is noted that in the texts, concrete spaces are created mainly due to the characters’ need to occupy spaces that represent their values and offer comfort and contentment. On the other hand, abstract spaces are created mainly through narration and imagination and this is motivated by the characters’ desires to inspire the audience to experience through the eye of their minds, events that occurred in the past. Finally, the study shows that the identity of characters is established based on the spaces that these characters occupy. Furthermore, characters behave differently based on the different spaces that they occupy. The study concludes by stating that indeed there exists a relationship between space and character in the texts investigated. The study proposes that other scholars could delve into issues of Space and character falsity in drama: can characters present fake identities and why? Others can explore space and character portrayal in poetry, while others could also look at use of ‘Space’ in the vernacular narratives or drama in comparison to English texts.

Esta obra atiende a la ausencia de materiales introductorios sobre la perspectiva glotopolítica en los estudios lingüísticos contemporáneos.  Está dirigida a investigadores, docentes, estudiantes e interesados en las ciencias del lenguaje. la Glotopolítica es un área que requiere la formación de sujetos críticos para la toma de decisiones políticas sobre la regulación y la reproducción de representaciones sociales del español como lengua materna, y, en general, de la distribución social de la palabra. Los estudios glotopolíticos aportan una visión crítica sobre las regulaciones y las intervenciones lingüísticas directas (planicaciones, gramáticas, diccionarios, manuales, normativas, etc.) e indirectas (políticas comunicacionales, debates sobre la lengua, corrección política del decir, etc.) que inciden en la conformación de identidades y en el avance de proyectos sociales amplios.

Subscribe Help keep Salon independent Fire extinguishers are seen at the scene as officials inspect the scene at the park across from Manhattan Criminal Court in New York City, after a man reportedly set himself on fire during the trial of US President Donald Trump, in New York,United States on April 19, 2024. (Fatih Aktas/Anadolu via Getty Images) An "extreme act of protest": The long history of selfimmolation as political statement A scholar examines recent public self-burnings in the U.S. and the response By DOYLE CALHOUN

Online social media offers platforms for political gladiators to engage in hate speeches as a means to perpetual power contestation. This in turn demands total restructuring of political institutions, through different legitimation strategies. The current study highlights hate speeches' legitimation process and its entrenchment as a contemporary societal cultural object. The paper extends Vaara's et al (2006) and Johnson's (2006) application of the theory of legitimacy in products marketing to the evaluation of political hate speeches' legitimation process. Data comprising of twenty-five (25) excerpts on hate speeches from Politically Exposed Persons across Nigeria were purposively selected from online media sources. The study revealed that any particular hate speech of political gladiators is a cultural product marketed by the elites through the legitimisation processes of innovation, local validation, diffusion and generalalidation with its negative influence on Nigeria's political institutionalisation processes.

The 1980 Spartakiad for instance cost 673 million Czechoslovak crowns (Kôs). «Materiál pro schùzi pêedsednictva ÚV ÔSTV dne 21. 1. 1986», f. The 1990 Spartakiad, Archives of the Czechoslovak Sport and Physical Education Union (AÔSTV). The average Czech monthly salary in 1980 was 2,700 Kôs (Czech Statistical Office-<www.czso.cz/csu/redakce.ndf/mzdy_hu>), the cost of the festival would thus be sufficient to pay one thousand average workers' salaries for 20 years.

The 1980 Spartakiad for instance cost 673 million Czechoslovak crowns (Kôs). «Materiál pro schùzi pêedsednictva ÚV ÔSTV dne 21. 1. 1986», f. The 1990 Spartakiad, Archives of the Czechoslovak Sport and Physical Education Union (AÔSTV). The average Czech monthly salary in 1980 was 2,700 Kôs (Czech Statistical Office-<www.czso.cz/csu/redakce.ndf/mzdy_hu>), the cost of the festival would thus be sufficient to pay one thousand average workers' salaries for 20 years.

Online social media offers platforms for political gladiators to engage in hate speeches as a means to perpetual power contestation. This in turn demands total restructuring of political institutions, through different legitimation strategies. The current study highlights hate speeches' legitimation process and its entrenchment as a contemporary societal cultural object. The paper extends Vaara's et al (2006) and Johnson's (2006) application of the theory of legitimacy in products marketing to the evaluation of political hate speeches' legitimation process. Data comprising of twenty-five (25) excerpts on hate speeches from Politically Exposed Persons across Nigeria were purposively selected from online media sources. The study revealed that any particular hate speech of political gladiators is a cultural product marketed by the elites through the legitimisation processes of innovation, local validation, diffusion and generalalidation with its negative influence on Nigeria's political institutionalisation processes.

The aim of the article is to describe some examples of anti-Yugoslav demonstrations in Australia, Canada and the USA during 1972 from the perspective of the history of emotions. Those demonstrations were a reaction to the repression that had been exerted in Croatia against students, cultural activists, scholars and other participants in the Croatian Spring. The research was based on unpublished archival documents and the Croatian political émigré press, primarily the periodical Nova Hrvatska edited by Jakša Kušan. The conclusions are based on an analysis of available textual and photographic materials.

Literature on online hate speech have conceptually analysed the term, critically evaluated arguments for or against it and diagnosed it as a legal concept. As such, the impact of hate speech on micro and macro-level relations and relational power, especially in developing countries, remains speculative. Being mindful of how discursive issues and discursive constructions inform the depiction of social power, this study analysed selected posts and comments from Radio Biafra London's Facebook platform. The group's selected Facebook posts and comments were examined to explore its perception of the Nigerian nation against the background of its clamour for secession. The study adopted Fairclough's socio-semiotic approach to the analysis of the data. Eight lead posts and fifteen feedback comments were randomly selected, presented and analysed. Random selection was based on the group's perception of national issues in relation to its secessionist ideology. The lead posts comprise both video uploads and written texts. Findings reveal six discursive issues, namely, mudslinging, ethnic jingoism, aggressive reflections, imprecation, awful anticipation and retaliatory remark. Mudslinging dominates the discursive type. Discursive and morphological strategies deployed include metaphor, neologism and blending. The implication is that the Biafran agitators spend more time hurling direct insults at their targets locally, nationally and internationally than they do other discursive types. In conclusion, the paper argues that the discursive practices of the Radio Biafra group are techniques for reproducing power abuse and domination, including resistance or counter-power expressed to engage perceived political dominance.

Статья посвящена исследованию феномена отрицания COVID-19 и сопротивления политике российского государства, связанной с противодействием распространению этого вируса. Отрицание рассматривается как мотивированное суждение, нагруженное эмоциями и согласованное с объяснительными идеями, а также как проявление институционального недоверия, форма социального ресентимента, имеющего эхо 1990-х годов. Исследование основано на количественно-качественном анализе текстов дискуссий в социальных сетях (два паблика во «ВКонтакте»). Целью было выявление структуры взглядов отрицателей COVID-19, находящихся в оппозиции к политике государства по противодействию эпидемии, и контекстуализация этих взглядов. Статья состоит из описания явления ковид-диссидентства и ковид-скептицизма на основе публикаций и исследований других авторов, помещенных в представляющийся нам релевантным теоретический контекст; затем представлено развернутое обоснование и описание нашей методологии и результаты количественной и к...

Lors d'une promenade dans les jardins du Pape au Vatican, Leon Battista Alberti (1404-1472) conversait, comme à son habitude, avec son ami le poète Leonardo Dati (1408-1472). Les deux hommes évoquaient avec une vive approbation « l'inventeur allemand qui, ces temps-ci, est parvenu, en pressant des caractères, à fournir, en cent jours, plus de deux cents volumes de texte à partir de l'original qui lui avait été donné, travail accompli par trois hommes, pas plus. En effet, en une seule pression, il fournit une page entière de texte, de grand format 1 ». La figure de Gutenberg (1400-1468) conduisit alors Dati, par une forme d'association oppositive, à louer d'autres experts en lettres, en l'espèce « ceux qui, en donnant au caractère un sens tout à fait contraire à l'usage, grâce à leurs techniques pour observer les écritures, que l'on appelle cryptographie, techniques compréhensibles de ceux seuls qui sont dans le secret de la convention, débrouillent et rendent sûr ce que racontent ces textes cryptés 2 ». Le couple formé par l'imprimeur (Gutenberg) et le cryptographe illustre de façon suggestive une forme d'ambiguïté de l'écriture que les renaissants semblent avoir particulièrement ressentie. Le livre imprimé démultiplie la diffusion des textes, augmente l'accès au savoir, et engage toute une culture écrite, qui atteint alors une sorte d'apogée aristocratique, vers de tout nouveaux horizons. Dans le même temps, le livre imprimé rend possible la divulgation des idées à des publics qui n'en sont pas les légitimes destinataires. Les anciens lieux de production, scriptoria des monastères, ateliers des universités, coïncidaient à peu près avec les lieux de vie des lecteurs. Et les nouveaux réseaux d'échanges, emblématiques de la Renaissance italienne, s'organisaient autour des bibliothèques princières et des cabinets des humanistes. Lorsque le livre circulait, c'était souvent les lettrés eux-mêmes, petits et grands, qui s'en chargeaient. L'imprimerie va révolutionner cette cartographie restreinte et contrôlée.