Articles by Sofia Donoso
Social policy expansion from below? The case of Chile’s student movement and free tuition higher education
World Development, 2023
Scholars have long sought to establish the strategies through which social movements can impact p... more Scholars have long sought to establish the strategies through which social movements can impact policy adoption. Yet, there is little evidence on the role they may play in policy expansion. We study the role of social movements in broadening the scope of social policies by analyzing whether Chile’s student movement impacted the expansion of the free college tuition policy between 2015 and 2020. We evaluate three mechanisms to assess the student movement’s influence on free tuition expansion. First, movements may use protests to affect the expansion process through disruption. Second, they can make use of their connections with and presence in parties and the bureaucracy to channel their demands and influence decision-making instances. Finally, movements may also try to shape public opinion to affect the scope of the policy through mobilizations and other forms of influence. We use a process tracing design to examine these mechanisms. We collect and analyze evidence from 32 elite interviews, congressional and administrative records, web scraped news, and public opinion and protest event data. Our results show that students influenced the implementation and expansion of the free tuition policy through all mechanisms using different strategies. First, students used protests to set free tuition in the public agenda. Second, and the most important strategy, by means of connections with incumbent parties and the presence of former student activists in the Education Ministry and in Congress, they indirectly influenced policy expansion. Finally, and indirectly, they shaped public opinion in favor of free tuition. Students played a role in defining the pace and scope of the policy but could not imprint all their demands. Overall, our analysis sheds light over the ways in which social movement can influence the implementation of policies, thus, expanding the scope of equity-enhancing social policies in Latin America and beyond.
en D.A. Snow, D. della Porta, D. McAdam, y B. Klandermans (eds.), The Wiley Blackwell Encyclopedia of Social and Political Movements (Nueva York: John Wiley & Sons Ltd.). , 2022
Starting in the early 2000s, Chile experienced a series of protest waves spearheaded by high scho... more Starting in the early 2000s, Chile experienced a series of protest waves spearheaded by high school and university students, environmentalists, feminist activists, indigenous groups, and workers among others (Donoso and von Bülow 2017). In contrast to previous years, the massive protests staged across the country in 2019 were not led by one social movement organization, but by thousands of seemingly unconnected ordinary citizens. Beginning on 18 October, protests by high school students, originally triggered by a rise in the cost of metro fares, evolved into the largest and most sustained protest wave the country had seen since the end of the dictatorship in 1989. Only the COVID-19 pandemic, which hit Chile in mid-March 2020, eased the pace of the "social uprising" (estallido social), as it was called in public discussions. A protest event analysis based on almost 20 national and regional media sources demonstrates the intensity and features of the 2019 protests (Somma et al. 2020). Compared to the previous decade and a half, there were nine times more protest events in the 2019 uprising alone. Protestors resorted to all kinds of tactics, including marches, demonstrations, seizing squares, and destroying property. Violent tactics were comparatively more prevalent than in previous years, with a predominance of actions against public and private property, looting stores and supermarkets, setting objects on fire, and burning cars and buildings. Nevertheless, the uprising also resulted in the largest demonstration in Chile's history on 25 October, in which an estimated 1.2 million people-about 15 percent of the national population-peacefully took to the streets in Santiago, the national capital, and other major cities. The 2019 protests brought changes in the relative salience of protest demands. While labor and educational demands had dominated the Chilean protest landscape since the early 2000s, these two became less common during the uprising. Instead, one of the most common rallying cries was "dignity," with a wide range of other demands emphasized, such as better housing, health services, and pensions, ending violence against women, and a new Constitution. These claims were deeply rooted in the socioeconomic exclusion of popular sectors. While usually over 90 percent of Chile's protests tended to voice clear demands, this plummeted to 25 percent during the uprising, a telling sign of its disorganized nature. The Social Unity Table (Mesa de Unidad Social), an umbrella organization composed of worker, student, and pensioner organizations, tried to gain recognition as representing the mobilized masses, but the Mesa was outpaced by the overwhelming and disparate demands of the larger protest movement. While it is difficult to explain the exact timing of the uprising, long-term factors include socioeconomic inequalities, a rigid political system, a growing discontent with the country's political and economic elites, and better mobilizing infrastructures (Somma et al. 2021). In the 1970s, Chile became a "neoliberal laboratory" when dictator Augusto Pinochet liberalized the labor market, retrenched social services, and opened the economy to greater foreign trade and investments. After democracy was regained, living conditions improved and the
Revista Mexicana de Política Exterior, 2022
Journal of Politics in Latin America, 2022
The COVID-19 pandemic started in Chile as the country was experiencing massive protests and a dee... more The COVID-19 pandemic started in Chile as the country was experiencing massive protests and a deep political crisis. Sanitary measures restricting movement and gatherings were implemented while the process of constitutional change responding to this crisis developed. In this context of conflict, we study why people continued participating in street protests despite the restrictions and the health risks involved. Using two surveys, we test key factors addressed in extant scholarship: biographical availability, perceived risks, and grievances. We find that grievances related to the pandemic were the most important factor, while biographical availability was much less relevant in the pandemic context. There is no evidence that perceived health risks mattered when deciding whether to join a street protest or not. These results suggest that under conditions of political crisis, grievances related to the administration of the pandemic can motivate political participation even when the latter put people's health at risk.
Este artículo analiza las emociones durante la participación en el movimiento por la igualdad de ... more Este artículo analiza las emociones durante la participación en el movimiento por la igualdad de derechos de Lesbianas, Gays, Bisexuales, personas Transgénero, Intersexuales y Queer (LGTBIQ) en Argentina y Chile. En base a encuestas aplicadas in situ en su principal marcha anual, buscamos contribuir a la literatura sobre movimientos sociales especificando la relación entre emociones y acción colectiva. Demostramos que las emociones no se distribuyen aleatoriamente entre los manifestantes, sino que son moldeadas por características individuales y nacionales. Entre los manifestantes con mayor compromiso activista y mayor movilización cognitiva encontramos las emociones negativas más intensas.
Bulletin of Latin American Research, 2020
Focusing on LGBTIQ demonstrations in Argentina and Chile, we study protesters' attachment to inst... more Focusing on LGBTIQ demonstrations in Argentina and Chile, we study protesters' attachment to institutional politics, defined as their emotional and attitudinal connection with the political system. We show that Argentine LGBTIQ demonstrators are on average more attached to institutional politics than Chilean ones. This can be explained neither by differences between Argentines and Chileans in general, nor by demonstrators' individual characteristics. Instead, expanding the political process model, we argue that achieving a substantial part of the LGBTIQ agenda in Argentina, and limited success in Chile, contributed to build a stronger attachment to the political system among Argentine LGBTIQ demonstrators than their Chilean counterparts.
Journal of Latin American Studies, 2013
Focusing on the first large-scale protests in Chile after the reinstatement of democracy in 1990,... more Focusing on the first large-scale protests in Chile after the reinstatement of democracy in 1990, this article examines the emergence of the 2006 Pingüino movement and shows how it succeeded in mobilising thousands of secondary school students against the neoliberal education model. It argues that several distinct but intertwined dimensions explain the movement's emergence. In 2006, secondary school student groups merged to form a single organisation and adopted a horizontal and participatory decision-making mechanism. At the same time, shortcomings in the education reforms of the 1980s and 1990s were revealed in terms of quality and equity, creating grievances that were fed into the movement's collective action frame. Finally, President Bachelet's rhetoric of a ‘government of citizens’ as an attempt to counteract the elitist nature of the Concertación's governance formula signified an opening of the structure of political opportunities that the students knew to take advantage of.
Research in Social Movements, Conflict and Change, 2016
When do social movements constitute a democratising force? Going beyond a procedural concept of d... more When do social movements constitute a democratising force? Going beyond a procedural concept of democracy, in this article I stress the importance of the equality involved in the process of making collective decisions. In line with debates on deliberative and participatory democracy, I argue that social movements can be considered to be promoting democratisation when they are able to compel governments to increase effective participation in the policy-making process, and/or when their democratic claims are translated into public policy. Attaining agenda and/or policy impact showcases that a social movement has increased the responsiveness of the government it is challenging. Based on this premise, in this article I trace the political impact of the Student Movement in Chile. Spearheading the largest protests since the reinstatement of democracy, in 2006, and most notably, in 2011, the Student Movement forced a debate on education and political reforms, and a series of policies to address the issues at stake. The analysis is grounded on more than 50 interviews, and an exhaustive analysis of organisational documents and newspaper data. The case examined in this article illustrates how the expansion of political opportunities that is necessary for pursuing democratising reforms not only is driven " from above " , but also " from below ". Studying this process, social movement scholarship can learn a great deal from recent cases of social mobilisation in Latin America. These experiences also call for more attention to the role of social movements in democratisation studies.
Bulletin of Latin American Research, 2020
Focusing on LGBTIQ demonstrations in Argentina and Chile, we study protesters´ attachment to inst... more Focusing on LGBTIQ demonstrations in Argentina and Chile, we study protesters´ attachment to institutional politics, defined as their emotional and attitudinal connection with the political system. We show that Argentine LGBTIQ demonstrators are on average more attached to institutional politics than Chilean ones. This can be explained neither by differences between Argentines and Chileans in general, nor by demonstrators´ individual characteristics. Instead, expanding the political process model, we argue that achieving a substantial part of the LGBTIQ agenda in Argentina, and limited success in Chile, contributed to build a stronger attachment to the political system among Argentine LGBTIQ demonstrators than their Chilean counterparts.
Books by Sofia Donoso
Book chapters by Sofia Donoso
en della Porta, D., Cini L. y Guzmán-Concha, C. (eds.) Student movements in late neoliberalism. Dynamics of contention and their consequences. Londres: Palgrave McMillan, 2021
In democratic regimes, governance encompasses the institutional mediation between government and ... more In democratic regimes, governance encompasses the institutional mediation between government and non-govermental forces through which interests are represented, and social and political inclusion is secured and sustained in accordance with the rule of law. When governance is in place, then, governments are able to exert effective and accountable public authority. Yet, this is not set in stone; governance is produced through an interactive process in which actors' interests are constantly redefined. Social movements play an important role in this redefinition. Hence, one cannot understand how governance is generated and upheld without analysing the role played by social movements in this process. A cursory review of South America's recent history shows numerous examples of social movements articulating grievances, exerting pressure on the political authorities to address their demands, andwhen not hearddisputing power on the electoral arena on their own or in alliance with other political forces. In 2001, the world witnessed how massive uprisings in Argentinaspearheaded by the Piqueterosdemanded Que se vayan todos! and forced the resignation of five presidents in one week. Since the early 2000s, the Movimiento al Socialismo (MAS), a political party that emerged from the Cocalero movement under the leadership of Evo Morales, has dominated politics in Bolivia. The student movement in Chile, in turn, has put into question the political consensus in place since the return of democracy, and influenced the last years' policy agenda in significant ways. Lastly, recent protests in Brazil, both supporting former President Dilma Rouseff from the Workers' Party and calling for her impeachment, shacked the country with important implications for governance. These are only a few examples of how social movements have driven the restructuring of state-civil society relations in contemporary South America. There are many more. In a region where political and socio-economic exclusion has been persistent throughout history, pressure "from below" has put into question both the content and the 2 procedures of the region's predominant political and development models. Since the early 2000s, especially, social movements have articulated old and new demands, and by doing so, altered the terms through which governance is maintained and shaped democratisation in fundamental ways.
In 2007, contract workers of CODELCO, Chile’s main copper-extracting company, staged a 37 day-lon... more In 2007, contract workers of CODELCO, Chile’s main copper-extracting company, staged a 37 day-long strike. The Contract Workers’ Movement, the most important labour unrest since the reinstatement of democracy in 1990, was the result of years of previous organising. In this chapter, Donoso analyses the rise of this movement and its claims for more equal labour rights. Particular emphasis is put on the links between the neoliberal transformation of the labour market, and the movement’s articulation of the resulting grievances. Donoso shows that while the Contract Workers’ Movement succeeded in constructing a collective action frame that both resonated with public opinion and challenged CODELCO, it also unearthed resistance from other key actors of the labour field. Ultimately, this restricted the movement’s agenda impact and the prospects of advancing labour justice in Chile.
Working papers by Sofia Donoso
En esta entrevista Sidney Tarrow describe el recorrido intelectual que ha realizado a lo largo de... more En esta entrevista Sidney Tarrow describe el recorrido intelectual que ha realizado a lo largo de su carrera académica. En particular, reflexiona sobre cómo fue cambiando su mirada analítica desde enfoques estructuralistas a un fuerte énfasis sobre los procesos e interacciones que constituyen las olas de protesta. Asimismo, se abordan las fortalezas y debilidades de los distintos cuerpos teóricos disponibles actualmente para el análisis de los movimientos sociales. Por último, Tarrow se refiere al auge de la movilización social reciente en Chile y en el resto del mundo y cómo este proceso desafía a los estudiosos de los movimientos sociales a repensar las herramientas teóricas a partir de las cuales explicamos este fenómeno.
Book Reviews by Sofia Donoso
Projects (active only) by Sofia Donoso
Dinámicas de la participación en la protesta: un estudio comparado de Chile y Argentina
Este proyecto tiene por objetivo general entender las dinámicas individuales de la protesta colec... more Este proyecto tiene por objetivo general entender las dinámicas individuales de la protesta colectiva en Chile y Argentina. Para esto estudiaremos los sujetos que participan en manifestaciones (quiénes son en términos sociodemográficos, socioeconómicos y actitudinales), los motivos que tienen para protestar, y las trayectorias de movilización que llevan a las personas a manifestarse. Buscamos responder las siguientes preguntas. Primero, ¿hasta qué punto varía la composición social de las manifestaciones entre países, y entre manifestaciones con distintas demandas? ¿Y a qué se deben estas diferencias? Segundo, ¿cuánto varían los motivos que empujan a distintas personas a protestar? ¿Qué explica tales variaciones? Tercero, ¿por qué distintos manifestantes tienen distintas trayectorias de movilización? Abordar estas interrogantes nos permitirá profundizar nuestro conocimiento sobre el tejido social y la articulación de las demandas colectivas en ambos países.
Comparamos Chile y Argentina porque ello permite explorar nuestra hipótesis central: que las formas de organización de la sociedad civil y política afectan las dinámicas individuales de la protesta. En el marco de un “diseño de sistemas más similares” (Przeworski y Teune 1970), ambos países son comparables porque comparten un mismo contexto histórico, cultural y geográfico, tienen similares niveles de desarrollo socio-económico y político, y en las últimas décadas experimentaron transiciones hacia la democracia y hacia un modelo económico neoliberal (Centeno 1994). Sin embargo, ellos difieren en la manera en que se combinaron ambas transiciones (reformas neoliberales bajo un régimen autoritario en Chile y bajo uno democrático en Argentina), generando distintas trayectorias de la sociedad civil y distintas formas de articulación de las demandas políticas y sociales. Argumentamos que esto habría repercutido en las dinámicas individuales de la protesta colectiva. Adicionalmente exploramos cómo variaciones en el tipo de demanda de la protesta (laboral, derechos de minorías sexuales, estudiantil, etc.) y en las características demográficas, socioeconómicas y actitudinales de los manifestantes, impactan en las dinámicas individuales de la protesta.
En términos metodológicos combinaremos tres fuentes de datos. La primera – y principal– se basa en encuestas a manifestantes realizadas en el acto mismo de la protesta. Ello nos permitirá indagar quiénes se manifiestan, por qué lo hacen, y cómo se movilizan. Esta novedosa metodología forma parte del proyecto internacional ‘Caught in the Act of Protest’ (en adelante CCC), al cual buscamos incorporarnos, y que hasta el momento ha sido aplicado en 8 países europeos y 4 países latinoamericanos. Proponemos aplicar 150-300 encuestas en 8 manifestaciones (4 en Chile y 4 en Argentina) vinculadas a distintas demandas de modo tal de poder comparar ambos países. Las manifestaciones tendrán un mínimo de 5000 participantes y seguiremos un procedimiento de selección gracias al cual todos los activistas tienen una probabilidad similar de ser encuestados. Complementaremos las encuestas con un análisis socio-histórico para caracterizar las formas de organización de las sociedades civiles en Chile y Argentina, y un análisis de varias encuestas aplicadas regularmente a la población adulta de ambos países.
Financiado por:
- Centro de Estudios de Conflicto y Cohesión Social (2015)
- Fondo Nacional de Desarrollo Científico y Tecnológico (FONDECYT) Nº 1160308 (2016-2018)
Miembro de la red: PROTEST SURVEY
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Articles by Sofia Donoso
Books by Sofia Donoso
Book chapters by Sofia Donoso
Working papers by Sofia Donoso
Book Reviews by Sofia Donoso
Projects (active only) by Sofia Donoso
Comparamos Chile y Argentina porque ello permite explorar nuestra hipótesis central: que las formas de organización de la sociedad civil y política afectan las dinámicas individuales de la protesta. En el marco de un “diseño de sistemas más similares” (Przeworski y Teune 1970), ambos países son comparables porque comparten un mismo contexto histórico, cultural y geográfico, tienen similares niveles de desarrollo socio-económico y político, y en las últimas décadas experimentaron transiciones hacia la democracia y hacia un modelo económico neoliberal (Centeno 1994). Sin embargo, ellos difieren en la manera en que se combinaron ambas transiciones (reformas neoliberales bajo un régimen autoritario en Chile y bajo uno democrático en Argentina), generando distintas trayectorias de la sociedad civil y distintas formas de articulación de las demandas políticas y sociales. Argumentamos que esto habría repercutido en las dinámicas individuales de la protesta colectiva. Adicionalmente exploramos cómo variaciones en el tipo de demanda de la protesta (laboral, derechos de minorías sexuales, estudiantil, etc.) y en las características demográficas, socioeconómicas y actitudinales de los manifestantes, impactan en las dinámicas individuales de la protesta.
En términos metodológicos combinaremos tres fuentes de datos. La primera – y principal– se basa en encuestas a manifestantes realizadas en el acto mismo de la protesta. Ello nos permitirá indagar quiénes se manifiestan, por qué lo hacen, y cómo se movilizan. Esta novedosa metodología forma parte del proyecto internacional ‘Caught in the Act of Protest’ (en adelante CCC), al cual buscamos incorporarnos, y que hasta el momento ha sido aplicado en 8 países europeos y 4 países latinoamericanos. Proponemos aplicar 150-300 encuestas en 8 manifestaciones (4 en Chile y 4 en Argentina) vinculadas a distintas demandas de modo tal de poder comparar ambos países. Las manifestaciones tendrán un mínimo de 5000 participantes y seguiremos un procedimiento de selección gracias al cual todos los activistas tienen una probabilidad similar de ser encuestados. Complementaremos las encuestas con un análisis socio-histórico para caracterizar las formas de organización de las sociedades civiles en Chile y Argentina, y un análisis de varias encuestas aplicadas regularmente a la población adulta de ambos países.
Financiado por:
- Centro de Estudios de Conflicto y Cohesión Social (2015)
- Fondo Nacional de Desarrollo Científico y Tecnológico (FONDECYT) Nº 1160308 (2016-2018)
Miembro de la red: PROTEST SURVEY