Prison Abolition

J. Nicholas Reid’s Prisons in Ancient Mesopotamia presents the culmination of years of meticulous research into the origins, nature, and functions of detention in early Mesopotamia. Rather than seeking to determine whether Mesopotamia had the world’s first prisons, the book explores how imprisonment functioned as a historical phenomenon in ancient Mesopotamian societies. Focusing on the period circa 2400–1600 bce, Reid draws extensively on written sources from southern Mesopotamia (Sumer and Babylonia).

David Graeber's essay On the phenomenology of giant puppets: Broken windows, imaginary jars of urine, and the cosmological role of police in American culture ( ) is a ground-breaking yet unappreciated essay that re-evaluates theories of police. The central question animating Graeber's "interpretative" essay is: why do cops hate activist puppeteers? Graeber's "tenuous" answer is that police are a form of structural violence and that their power is derived from their cosmological or imagined status. The police are one of the central themes animating Graeber's work from the beginning of his career to the end. As an anthropologist, he repeatedly turns his attention to places that lack formal police institutions or maintain police forces utterly alien to modern sensibilities. These unusual places are the animus for his recasting of the traditional concepts of political theory: sovereignty, hierarchy, and the state. Graeber's later work, attacking bureaucracy and meaningless labour, continues his critical interpretation of police. It is impossible to understand the significance and importance of Graeber's scholarship, in toto, without understanding what he has to say about the police. Most importantly, what Graeber has to say about the police is an altogether original interpretation that should be of importance to those studying the police and to social movements seeking to diminish their political power. Some of Graeber's observations represent considerable challenges to the cause of police abolition, whereas others provide supporting theses that could aid our struggle against police authoritarianism. I conclude, contra Graeber, that the unreasonableness of the police is not sufficient for them to melt away.

There is a lack of published work analyzing genocide in Aotearoa New Zealand (Land of the Long White Cloud). Other than one article I have published in the Journal of Genocide Research (2003), and one by André Brett on Moriori in the same journal (2015), Māori, as targets of genocidal action by the state is an underexplored topic. This article adds more to the conversation, investigating to what extent the forcible transfer of tamariki and rangatahi Māori (Indigenous children and youth) can be considered genocide. First, I engage with precedents for recognizing Indigenous genocides established by commissions in Canada (2015 and 2019) and Australia (1997). I then explore the history around Indigenous child removal in Aotearoa from the onset of colonization to the present day. Third, I explore the potential of New Zealand’s Royal Commission of Inquiry into Abuse in Care (RCIAC, or The Commission, 2018–2024) to 2 engage with the concept of genocide in its deliberations. The Commission covers the period from 1950–1999, when as many as 655,000 children were in state or faith-based care. Of these, an 3 estimated 250,000 may have been abused. Between 60 and 80 percent of those taken were Māori, who were transferred from their families, communities, and nations (respectively, whānau, hapū, and iwi). Many were adopted out into Pākehā (white settler) homes or sent to foster homes, group facilities, and psychiatric or carceral institutions. Racism, both individual and systemic, was endemic, and there was a demonstrable pipeline between these institutions and the network of prisons which expanded over the twentieth century. 4 I conclude with some reflections as to why the issue of genocide is not widely discussed in Aotearoa, and has not played an important role in The Commission’s work, in contradistinction to commissions in other settler states.

Abolition is a verb, referencing how people build safe conditions while dismantling (and developing solutions beyond) harmful institutions, including within education. Considering disability justice movement work in our roles as teacher educators, we explored how we might contend with the harmful purposes and functions of educational structures as we prepare future teachers to adopt abolitionist stances in their pedagogies. We begin with the premise that the current educational system, rooted in ableism, is fundamentally designed to rank, categorize and hypervalue/devalue children based on ability. Ableism intersects with multiple oppressions, fueling the inequitable distribution of resources in special/gifted education; and racist educational outcomes. To divest from ableism-decoupling learning from punishment in practice-we share three pedagogical examples from our own teaching, discussing how we support future teachers to imagine and enact teaching practices beyond providing services or accommodations, so that multiply-marginalized children and educators can be recognized as whole. Ableism is often defined as discrimination toward people with disabilities (e.g., Hehir, 2002). However, disability activists and scholars offer more nuanced and expansive understandings of ableism. Lewis (2022) defines ableism as a system of assigning value to people's bodies, minds, and behaviors "based on constructed ideas of normalcy, productivity, desirability, intelligence, excellence, and fitness" (para. 4). The current educational system, rooted in ableism (Beratan, 2006; Hehir, 2002; Keefe, 2022), is fundamentally designed to rank, categorize, and hypervalue/devalue children based on ability broadly defined, rather than solely based on institutional classification of disability. Ableism is also inherently intertwined with other forms of oppressions (e.g., anti-Blackness, racism, cisheteropatriarchy, capitalism, linguicism), fueling the inequitable distribution of resources in special/ gifted education, and the subjection of racialized children to harm. Thus, educators must understand how ableism is entrenched in the US educational system. Preceding the passage of the Educational for All Handicapped Children Act of 1975 (EHA), and within the context of eugenics and compulsory schooling, students with disabilities were often deemed ineducable, placed in segregated institutions, and/or kept isolated from society, Children were also excluded from schooling due to race, gender, class, language, and migration status, among others, as additional markers of CONTACT Jennifer Phuong

Reviewed by: Tanveer Ahamed Critics of prison abolitionism often argue that abolitionism is an impractical and utopian idea that has, in spite of its convincing theoretical claims, little empirical value in long-term crime prevention and rehabilitation of offenders in a society. Many who support the abolitionist cause also deem the activities of abolitionists to be largely haphazard and anarchist in nature. While these assumptions are not easily repudiable, Rachel Herzing and Justin Piché have shown new possibilities for an organized and properly-led movement against carceral practices in their book titled 'How to abolish prisons: Lessons from the Movement against Imprisonment'. In the eight chapters of the book, including the introduction and the splendid concluding section, the authors have presented a detailed account of lessons learnt from notable abolitionist campaigns in the US and Canada in order to help activists choose the right pathway based on their surrounding circumstances. While these lessons bear special values for abolitionists, they can also provide significant insights for those who are working for prison reform in different parts of the world.

How many more children must die, whilst in the alleged 'care' of the state, before the government abolish the inhumane incarceration of children? Images: courtesy of the author As of the 27th June 2019, thirty five children (aged 17 or under) have died in penal custody in England and Wales since the 13th July 1990. This death rate equates to an average of one death every ten months. The social blindness and on the whole social acceptance/denial of this outdated and barbaric form of harm, by the vast majority, underpinned through the punitive desire to punish wrongdoers, must end. There has to be a better way, an alternative form of penance, which must be framed by an overarching consensus to reconcile and restore harm produced within, and by harmful societies.

Imagining Human Rights is a collaborative portfolio of prints celebrating the 75th Anniversary of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. The portfolio was developed in the Fall of 2023 as a project between Brandon Bauer's Introduction to Peace and Justice course and Katie Ries's Introduction to Printmaking course. It was created in collaboration with visiting artists Aaron Hughes and Pablo Mendoza from the Prison + Neighborhood Arts/ Education Project (PNAP), based in Chicago. The students were paired with one student from each class and were randomly assigned three articles from the declaration. They worked together to decide how to represent the articles they were assigned. The students went through a series of iterative stages developing the work, and were provided feedback from Aaron and Pablo during their campus visit. As they learned the process of screen printing, each pair developed a two-color print in response to the articles they had drawn from the Universal Declaration of Human Rights.

The project and exhibition was organized by Brandon Bauer and supported by the Cassandra Voss Center, with additional support from the Norman Miller Center for Peace, Justice, and Public Understanding, the Humanities Division, and the Art Department at St. Norbert College.

Under Neoliberalism, the state retrenches from the realm of welfare and promotes the idea of laissez faire, but in modern times, the state has simultaneously rearmed itself in the punitive realm to curb social insecurity and urban marginality which is resultant of such economic deregulation. Wacquant and others argue that under the Neoliberal regime, the incarcerations do not merely reflect the rising crime rates but also mirror state inactions in the realm of welfare and proactiveness in the punitive realm. This paper advocates the use of political-economic analysis for understanding the socioeconomic dynamics of marginality and incarceration in India. The works of Loïc Wacquant form the bedrock of my analysis. Wacquant in his methodological approach debunks the opposition between the materialist approaches of Marx and Engels and the symbolic approach of Emile Durkheim and combines them using the notion of bureaucratic field developed by Pierre Bourdieu to establish a vital understanding of the relationship between political economy, state, and penal apparatus. After analyzing people management techniques of Workfare and Prisonfare, this paper will highlight how the State under Neoliberalism got restructured as a Leviathan through astute use of these techniques and the rhetoric of security. After highlighting the contributions of Young, Hallsworth, and Lea, and LeBaron, and Roberts, this paper concludes by stating how the Indian state is undergoing a similar transformation under Neoliberalism.

White property, Black trespass: racial capitalism and the religious function of mass criminalization is broken up into an introduction, five chapters and a conclusion, which chart the emergence of white supremacist colonialism and early manifestations of police forces. Over the course of the book, Krinks guides us through the historical development of religion, colonialism and policing, bringing us to the present day where policing of the unhoused, poor and people of color is justified through religious connotations of cleanliness and salvation. Going as far as to connect this to racial neoliberalism, where police success is measured by the number of people in chains.

This paper explores the deep-seated roots of injustice embedded within the American criminal justice system, focusing on race, gender, and systemic inequities. Drawing parallels between ancient historical events-such as the persecution of Jesus of Nazareth-and modern realities, this research underscores how colonial, patriarchal, and imperialist ideologies have shaped policies and punishments from antiquity to the present. Through faith-based, historical, and socio-legal lenses, the paper argues that oppression of marginalized populations-especially women, people of color, and individuals with special needs-is not accidental but foundational to modern justice structures. The paper calls for restorative approaches acknowledging intergenerational traumas and collective reform. Thesis: Race, Gender, and Justice: Ancient Roots, Modern Realities This paper argues that the contemporary American criminal justice system perpetuates colonial and patriarchal legacies, disproportionately harming women, people of color, and vulnerable populations, and that true reform requires embracing restorative justice principles informed by historical, ethical, and faith-based insights.

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This article investigates to what extent the forcible transfer of tamariki and rangatahi Māori (Indigenous children and youth) in Aotearoa New Zealand can be considered genocide. First, I begin by exploring contemporary genocide theory as it relates to dolus eventualisin settler colonial contexts, before engaging with precedents for recognizing Indigenous genocides established by truth commissions in Canada (2015; 2019) and Australia (1997). I then explore the history around Indigenous child removal in Aotearoa from the onset of colonization to the present day, attentive to ways in which the UN Convention can apply to the forced removal of Māori children. Third, I explore the potential of the Royal Commission of Inquiry into Abuse in Care (2018-2023) to engage with the concept of genocide in its deliberations. Between 60 and 80 percent of those taken were Māori, removed from their families, communities, and nations (respectively whānau, hapū, and iwi). I conclude with some reflectio...

Jacob Rouse was 18 years old when he drove the getaway car that would define the rest of his life. He sat in his blue Ford Taurus, waiting to drive his three friends away from the scene of a robbery in Rochester, New York. Jacob was parked about a block away when one of his accomplices shot and killed 22-year-old Herschel Scriven, a local youth pastor and church organist. He is now seeking clemency

This essay introduces the special issue, "Rhetoric and the Abolitionist Horizon, " which features essays from emerging communication and composition rhetorical studies scholars Shereen Yousuf, Ashley Ferrell, Dustin Greenwalt, and Gabriella Wilson. Together, they gesture to a diverse set of tools, concepts, critiques, case studies, and approaches that might help to expand rhetorical studies in ways that opens space for abolitionist thought and praxis. This introduction establishes the ethical, disciplinary, conceptual, and personal contexts surrounding this special issue before providing a brief overview of the essays and an invitation for others to join us. To gaze at-while approaching-any abolitionist horizon as it moves, changes, and shifts is to subject oneself to interrogation by a significant political-historical question, at once deeply personal and powerfully collective in the implicit demands it exerts on inheritors of a dense genealogy of abolitionist labors: What historical

Queer liberation and prison abolition are inextricably bound. Within the multipage poem "Everywhere We Look, There We Are" included in WE WANT IT ALL: AN ANTHOLOGY OF RADICAL TRANS POETICS, Cam Awkward-Rich's poetic centering on the incarceration of Doc Edward, a trans black man, illuminates how the normativity of the gender binary functions to perpetuate the heterosexist gender ideology that survives the carceral state.

Much writing has been dedicated to: going over Marx’s usage of the term lumpen; contemporizing what we understand as lumpen identities and struggles; critiquing lumpen involvement in past revolutionary struggles; developing other terms to refer to the lumpen (informal, surplus, waste, etc.); and autobiographical accounts of lumpen life. However, rather than being understood within the greater class structure, the lumpen remain a marginal interest. Ultimately I aim to advance this discussion of the lumpen towards articulating a political identity for poor people in order to boost their struggles and claim their historical role in the fight for liberation.

This article focusses on the creative and generative aspects of abolitionism. It presents a two-part group project-based lesson plan designed to increase students' understanding of and affinity for abolitionism by cultivating empathy, increasing comprehension of systemic issues, and inspiring them to actively pursue transformative change. At its core, the lesson plan aims to encourage students to envision and actively build alternatives to the current status quo, fostering critical analysis and transformative thinking.

Prisons continue to dominate our collective social imagination of the best way to respond to social harm, despite the overwhelming evidence that they do not make society safer or enact justice. To support the urgent work of thinking beyond prisons, this article focuses on the anticarceral imagination of activists and scholars involved in the movement for prison abolition. I discuss findings from Prison Break: Imagining Alternatives to Prison in the UK (2021-2022), an interdisciplinary research project which used creative writing workshops to support activists and scholars involved in prison abolition and transformative justice in the UK, to write short works of science fiction imagining more just futures. These were published in an open-access book: Abolition Science Fiction. The first part of this article discusses the project's innovative methodological approach of collaborative fictioning, and its theoretical framework, both of which draw on poststructuralist feminist approaches, abolitionist scholarship, literary and utopian studies. I then discuss some of the project's findings via an analysis of a sample of the stories which explore utopian temporalities, drawing both on our collective analysis within the workshops, and my own close reading. Through this, I offer insights into how the stories can improve our understanding of abolitionists' anti-carceral imagination and help enact more just futures, arguing that fiction is an important space where activists reckon with the complexity of their concerns and hopes about the distant future, and hold them close as a distant presence in their daily lives.

Social scientists have debated "real desistance" from crime for years. Criminal activity happens before incarceration and institutions are expected to correct the off ending behaviour. In the current article, I explore prison culture through the lens of a participant observer with 9.5 years of direct cultural immersion. Prisoner culture is unique and the prison environment has an impact on what a prisoner views as possible within the carceral space, but prisoner culture also impacts what information is transmitted about prison. I introduce a trifurcated classifi cation theory of people in prison as: Active Persistors, Passive Desistors, and Dedicated Desistors.

Very little research has been conducted on the experiences of women who are not physically incarcerated but who nonetheless experience secondary forms of incarceration. In examining the degradation women experience during visitation, this article fills a gap in the critical carceral studies literature by examining the gendered and racialized dynamics of visitation processing rituals. In doing so, it uncover ways the surveillance and control of women on the peripheries of the prison reflect societal anxieties about, and efforts to surveil and control, the bodies of racialized women. This paper argues that: 1) women endure scrutiny, deprivation, and diminished bodily autonomy in exchange for visitation, resulting in the routine humiliation, degradation, and entrapment of free women within carceral regimes of control; 2) women experience differential treatment by prison staff, whose discretionary enforcement of clothing regulations is shaped by racist stereotypes of hypersexualized Black female bodies; and 3) the morality policing of free women's bodies through racial stereotypes is justified as a matter of security when granting or denying women access to visitation.

Our Fight Has Just Begun: Hate Crimes and Justice in Native America provides an in-depth analysis of the history and current situation of hate crimes against Native American people. The book begins with the preface written by the author Cheryl Redhorse Bennett, a citizen of the Navajo Nation, a descendent of the Comanche Nation -a scholar, professor and activist, who details her knowledge and experience with anti-Indianism, racism, hate, injustice, and violence from the shopping mall to interactions with law enforcement and the criminal justice system. Using a mixed-method and multidisciplinary approach, this book combines a decolonized framework and Western knowledge and methods. The author gives explicit reasons for writing the book, including raising awareness of hate crimes against Native Americans, honouring the victims and survivors, filling the gap in the literature, redefining hate crime, and recommending a way of ameliorating the racial conflict in the US. Importantly, this book provides a call to action and hope for social change. Our Fight Has Just Begun brings together stories with true people, statistics, pictures, and more, to give a comprehensive perspective on these issues.

This book series is devoted to investigations of human ecology, technology and management and their interrelations. It will include theoretical and methodological contributions to the analysis of social systems and their transformation, technology, risk, environmental problems, energy and natural resources, population growth, public health, and global economic and societal developments. Volume 1

This article uses the concept of a progressive jail assemblage to think about the focus on jails as both a target of social justice organizing and a tool for advancing social justice goals. Drawing on ethnographic research conducted among formerly incarcerated organizers and their allies in Western Massachusetts (New England), I explore how the sheriffs who operate jails in this region, along with their collaborators, have increasingly sought to redefine the figure of the criminal as not just a danger to others but also a danger to themselves, someone in need of rehabilitative treatment and even care. In doing so, these sheriffs have attempted to reinvent their role, from the quintessentially American crime fighting figure, to one who is also a provider of care. Social justice activism has helped to expand the "caring" role of the jail, through increased addiction treatment, re-entry support, and community outreach -even to the extent of incarcerating individuals dealing with addiction who have not been charged with a crime. As progressive jails have been reconfigured as providers of care, abolitionists are confronted with the ongoing dilemma of how to remain a figure opposed to the use of prisons and jails without being seen as against care.

A major concern of organizations that monitor the practices of hospitals and other health care providers is the rationing of care based on inappropriate criteria. This article explores examples of this trend in health care. First, a tendency during the start of the COVID-19 pandemic to limit care to patients with a Do Not Resuscitate order even though their condition did not require resuscitation. Next, the article explores two cases where doctors were hesitant to give extensive care to patients whose ‘quality of life’ was considered too low to be worth treating, even though the patients and their families were willing to go through the difficult treatments to have more time together. The stories illustrate a departure from patient-centric health care toward a devaluing of individual lives through dispassionate focus on the physician’s perception of a patient’s ‘quality of life.’

The ongoing movement to stop the construction of Cop City, a proposed police training center and movie studio in the Weelaunee Forest in Atlanta, Georgia, evokes imagination of coalitional solidarities and ecologically attuned worlds characterized by mutual aid and collective love that lay just beyond the horizon. This essay examines how the Stop Cop City movement's coalition-forming rhetoric and worldbuilding practices gesture towards this mode of politics, which I call abolition ecology. Inhabiting the tensions evoked by the movement's coalitions of abolitionist, decolonial, and radical environmental groups, I examine three of the movement's gestures towards new modes of global solidarity and emplaced worldmaking that exceeds the logic of place guiding the study of abolition ecology among geographers. I argue, then, for the importance of studying abolitionist projects for environmental communication as well as the potential for coalitional

a society without norms does not exist, just as norms that are not violated do not exist. The reaction of society to violation of basic norms on which it itself is based largely depends on the epoch, that is, on the value core on which the society itself is based. Imprisonment has always existed, but it has changed drastically throughout history— from imprisonment without purpose and meaning, alongside torment and suffering, to modern forms of deprivation of liberty and modern prisons. The ideological revolution has changed the value basis of society, thus changing all the norms that had arisen from such values. The perception and expectations of punishment have changed and, from the 18th and 19th centuries onwards, a new concept of prison as an institution of control, correction, i.e. resocialization has been developing. prison has ceased to be seen as hell on earth and became an instrument of society’s influence on those who dare to violate social norms. This paper follows this ev...

Justice Callow delivered the opinion of the court in which Justices Day, Steinmetz and Ceci joined. Justice Heffernan dissented, joined by Chief Justice Beilfuss and Justice Abrahamson. 5. Wis. STAT. § 972.11(2)(b) (1981-82) provides: If the defendant is accused of a crime under s. 940.225 [sexual assault], any evidence concerning the complaining witness's prior sexual conduct or opinions of the witness's prior sexual conduct and reputation as to prior sexual conduct shall not be admitted into evidence during the course of the hearing or trial, nor shall any reference to such conduct be made in the presence of the jury, except the following, subject to s. 971.31(11): 1. Evidence of the complaining witness's past conduct with the defendant. 2. Evidence of specific instances of sexual conduct showing the source or origin of semen, pregnancy or disease, for use in determining the degree of sexual assault or the extent of injury suffered. 3. Evidence of prior untruthful allegations of sexual assault made by the complaining witness. Wis. STAT. § 971.31(11) (1981-82) provides: In actions under s. 940.225, evidence which is admissible under s. 972.11(2) must be determined by the court upon pretrial motion to be material to a fact at issue in the case and of sufficient probative value to outweigh its inflammatory and prejudicial nature before it may be introduced at trial. 6. Gavigan, 111 Wis. 2d at 157, 330 N.W.2d at 576.

Increasingly, since the early years of the twenty-first century, some have questioned the relevance of historians’ ‘fetishization of mobility’ in an era of closing borders. This has led to greater attention being placed on systems of ‘regulation and intervention’ that shape global migration. Shifting away from the narratives centred on movement and fluidity, we argue that immobility is not a mere lack of movement: it is about the power relations and barriers that enforce, experience, and resist stillness. By delving into the archives of Past and Present, we aim to construct a conversation around the processes of enforcing, experiencing, and challenging immobility. We have found that immobility shapes the experiences of both the historical actors found in the journal and the historians and scholars who write these histories. This issue explores immobility through three interconnected sections: ‘Spaces’ examines the physical and metaphorical places where movement is arrested, revealing the lived experiences within these confines and the technologies that facilitate and enforce stillness; ‘Shadows’ delves into the legal and administrative categorizations that produce and sustain immobility, focusing on the policies and ideologies that mark certain bodies as immobile; finally, ‘Aftermath’ reflects on the consequences of enforced immobility, exploring how displaced and immobilized individuals navigate and shape their identities and communities in the wake of restrictions.

Appreciation goes to Dr. Bradley Jersak, 2 friend, encourager, mentor. In October 2020 at his invitation a Q & A format was adopted for a presentation on what most commonly is known as "Restorative Justice." 3 What follows is a reworking of that material and addition of new. I decided to retain the Q & A format. Q: Jersak. Wayne, you claim that the modern nation-state is closer in origin to what was dramatized by Marlon Brando's character in The Godfather: namely the modern Western nation-state originated and operates on similar principles to a criminal protection racket. Historian/theologian William Cavanaugh states: The main difference between Uncle Sam and the Godfather is that the latter did not enjoy the peace of mind afforded by official government sanction. 4 I understand you to mean: the State vis à vis external enemies-of whatever in-themoment flavour-and in its exercise of population control (that is control of its domestic enemies-criminals). A: Northey. Yes. One could get at this in several ways, of which I'll give three pointers: It's an obvious truism that criminal lawmaking and enforcement are functions not of innate universal moral principles-kinds of Kantian moral categorical imperatives-but as the late Norwegian criminologist Nils Christie 5 argues, they are function of power élites who establish the laws then enforce them through the agency of a coercive state apparatus: The Criminal Justice System. In other words, despite otherwise vaunted Law School 101 claims of noble origins, British Common Law on which our Canadian legal system rests, similarly the American "We the People" Criminal Justice System (with similar origins), are generated by oligarchs on their own behalf: economically, legally, socially, etc. Professor Vern Redekop, 6 drawing on anthropologist René Girard, 7 refers to such systems as societal scapegoat mechanisms by which the select few are prosecuted/persecuted on behalf of the many. 8 I shall return to that. Limiting the response to North America, in colonial times and since, when America in 1776 became the first modern democracy, and Canada became one after Confederation in 1867, neither started out with embrace of anything even close to lawmaking along the lines of

The present article, excerpted from the final chapter of Jarrod Shanahan and Zhandarka Kurti's new book, Skyscraper Jails. The Fight against Jail Expansion in New York City, argues that the Stop Cop City movement in Atlanta offers a compelling paradigm to rethink abolitionism in the present. The importance of this movement cannot be narrowly indexed to the obstruction of this or that specific police infrastructure; its deeper merit, they argue, lies in articulating a form of abolitionist struggle oriented to an insurrectionary horizon. The movement's courageous refusal "to meet the capitalist state on its own terms" offers a way forward "in a moment defined by a dangerous impasse of leftist praxis. " Fusing the traditions of ecodefense and insurrectionary anarchism, the example set in Atlanta invites us to turn away from Defund-oriented reformism so easily coopted by politicians and commodified by career academics and nonprofit grant writers. Lacking an orientation toward insurrectionary class struggle, abolitionism remains unable to meaningfully link current forms of struggle to a liberated postrevolutionary future. According to the authors, "the only possible victory for abolitionism will come through an illegal and highly unsafe confrontation with the capitalist state. "

Security is the monstrous idea that we are alone and locked into competition over scarce resources, that private property is a natural right, that we need to protect our island of private life against the threat of others, and that we must submit to authority to do so.

The current study aims to identify different harmless errors in crimes involving harm to the human body and property. An error that is deemed "harmless" refers to errors made in a judicial decision that do not lead to the overturning of said decision. Many studies have been conducted abroad to identify harmless errors in the background of various subjects, such as constitutional law, criminal law, and civil law. Unfortunately, there is a lack of research on harmless errors in criminal cases in Pakistan. Through the use of qualitative content analysis, this study discovered that despite various issues such as delays, failure to fulfill legal requirements, and incomplete testimonies, the appellate court upheld the conviction of the accused. According to the study, the appellate courts did not give sufficient consideration to the inconsistencies in witness testimonies and other evidence related to minor matters, nor did they adequately address the prosecution's presentation or lack of certain witnesses and evidence. This study will provide valuable insights for both academics and professionals seeking to gain a deeper understanding of the non-malicious errors that can occur in offenses involving harm to the human body and property.

Este E-book foi desenvolvido pelo mestrando Cristiano Gomes dos Santos e pelos doutorandos Maurício Santana e Maurício de Novais Reis para uso exclusivamente didático durante a aplicação do minicurso Atravessamentos da Negritude: educação, pesquisa e revisões conceituais, no qual serão trabalhados os conceitos de afrocentricidade, quilombismo, decolonialidade e branquitude.
Este minicurso faz parte do projeto didático Letramento Racial, idealizado pela Profa. Dra. Cristiane Batista da Silva Santos (PPGE/DCIE/UESC), como requisito parcial e imprescindível para aprovação na disciplina do Doutorado Profissional em Educação do Programa de Pós-Graduação em Educação (PPGE) da Universidade Estadual de Santa Cruz (UESC).
Desta forma, esta atividade conta com dois objetivos principais: fornecer subsídios conceituais aos doutorandos a respeito dos estudos étnico-raciais, especialmente no tocante à área de estudos definida como “letramento racial” e, adicionalmente, produzir um intercâmbio profícuo entre a graduação e a pós-graduação. Além disso, contribuirá para a possibilidade de constituição de uma consciência racial, na medida em que, somente durante a graduação, muitos estudantes passam a reconhecer-se como sujeitos negros, isto é, compreendidos entre as categorias de cor definidas pelo IBGE como pardos e pretos.
Neste sentido, os autores deste e-book e, consequentemente, do minicurso do qual este e-book faz parte, desejam a todos os graduandos e demais participantes, muito mais do que o encontro de respostas definitivas, mas as inquietações necessárias para prosseguir descobrindo e redescobrindo a si mesmo e o mundo ao seu redor

                                                                                                              Abraços fraternos!

In highly regulated environments such as prisons, food-related practices seem to be one of the only activities that can be controlled by incarcerated people, although this control is very limited. Drawing on a media review conducted as part of the research project, we explore collective hunger strikes in Canadian prisons, highlighting the demands made by incarcerated individuals between 2016 and 2022, as well as the institutions’ response. Since these hunger strikes have been used to challenge various inhuman conditions of detention, we will reflect on them, and food more broadly, as a tool to resist authority, its ability to foster a sense of autonomy and identity for incarcerated folks as well as to forge a bond of solidarity through collective mobilization, both inside and outside prison walls. This paper shows how food is a space of contestation where incarcerated folks and Canadian carceral institutions fight with disproportionate means to gain power.