Pre-Islamic Iran

This paper examines the significant role of the Silk Road in shaping artistic and cultural exchanges between Asia, the Middle East, and Europe. It argues that the art produced along the Silk Road was not merely a byproduct of economic activity, but a result of dynamic intercultural interactions that transformed visual traditions across these regions. Using an interdisciplinary methodological approach, incorporating art history, cultural and social history, postcolonial analysis, and Marxist theory, this paper will investigate how trade and cultural exchange along the Silk Road shaped artistic practices. By examining key artworks, including the Dunhuang cave paintings, Persian textiles, and Buddhist statuary from Bamiyan, this paper will reveal the depth of artistic exchange that occurred along the Silk Road and the lasting influence it had on visual culture. These case studies highlight the blending of techniques, materials, and iconography that occurred as different cultures engaged with one another. The paper also explores how religious iconography, including Buddhist, Zoroastrian, Christian, and Islamic motifs, was transmitted and adapted along the trade routes. Ultimately, this research reveals how the Silk Road facilitated a lasting legacy of artistic fusion and cultural synthesis, leaving an permanent mark on global visual culture.

عدالت که اصل اول قوانین اجتماعی و اخلاقی به شمار می رود به نامهای ارت و اشَ (راستی و درستی) و رشن (عدالت) در ایران باستان شناخته شده و معروف بوده اند و برای وی فرشته هایی با همین نامها قائل بوده اند. در آیین شیعی هم اصل عدالت به اصول دین افزوده شده است ولی آن به معنی عدالت اجتماعی و اخلاقی نیست و  تفسیر جالبی ندارد (خدا عادل است و ظالم نیست). چون اگر عدالت را به عدالت اجتماعی تسّری دهند با تضاد اسلام و کفر متناقض می گردد. اگر این تناقض به نفع آزادی و عدالت اجتماعی حلّ میشد اسلام شیعی با مدرنیته سازگار می گردید. ولی واژهٔ آزادی در قاموس اوستایی مغان هم مورد توجه قرار نگرفته است گرچه در دورهٔ اشکانی و ساسانی آزادگان نام طبقه ای اجتماعی بوده است:
अदिति f. aditi freedom

are :How are the social exigencies of the hijab injunction manifested in the Qur'anic verses? ; What differing explanations regarding the scope and philosophy of hijab have contemporary Muslim intellectuals offered in response to modern social changes? Extensive research on hijab, employing diverse approaches, has examined topics such as precise juristic rulings on dress, the individual and social effects of hijab, the government's role in enforcing it, the chronology of hijab verses, and the evolution of their interpretations. Key studies relevant to this research include: 1. Purely Jurisprudential-Exegetical Studies: Some research (e.g., the article "The Juristic Ruling on Women's Dress Based on Verse 59 of Al-Ahzab") focused on the literal meanings of the verses (e.g., the term "jilbab"), concluding, for instance, that comprehensive coverings like the chador are perpetually obligatory, without centering the analysis on the social context of revelation. 2. Semantic Analyses: Studies like "The Semantic Analysis of the Verse 'That is more suitable that they should be known' Regarding Hijab" concentrated on analyzing the wisdom and philosophy of hijab (distinguishing chaste women from non-chaste) but paid less attention to the relationship between this wisdom and changing social conditions. 3. Debates on the Individual/Social Nature of the Ruling: Works such as "The Obligation of Hijab: An Individual Ruling with Social Effects" investigated arguments for the inherently individual or social nature of the hijab ruling. Accepting its individual aspect, they emphasized the necessity of governmental intervention due to its social effects. This perspective differs from this study's definition of "social" (capacity for change based on temporal exigencies). Verses" demonstrated the evolution of interpretations of hijab verses throughout history, primarily within official theological exegeses. The primary gap addressed by this study is the scarcity of research that simultaneously investigates the following two axes with a focus on 'social nature' as adaptability to temporal exigencies: Contextual and Social Reexamination of the Qur'anic Text Itself: Deep analysis of the sociohistorical context of the hijab verses, demonstrating the intrinsic link between the ruling and the specific conditions of its revelation as evidence of its inherent "social" nature. Analysis of Contemporary Intellectual Perspectives in Interaction with Society: Focusing on the views of intellectuals (beyond traditional exegetes) who have directly engaged with modern social challenges and have attempted to offer interpretations of hijab suited to these new exigencies. Contrary to the predominant literature focusing on intra-textual developments within exegesis, this study centers on the evolution in the sociological and intellectual perspectives of Muslim thinkers confronting shifting social realities.

One of the sources referenced by Hamza Isfahani is The History of the Kings of the Sasanian Dynasty, written by Bahram ibn Mardanshah, a mobad (Zoroastrian priest) from the district of Shapur in the province of Fars. According to Mobad Bahram, he gathered more than twenty copies of the Khwadāy-nāmag to compare them and revise the reigns of Iranian kings. There are two differing views about the sources and method of Mobad Bahram. Some scholars argue that the mobad revised the reigns of Iranian kings by collecting and comparing various versions of the Khwadāy-nāmag. In contrast, others believe that his sources were the Siyar al-Mulūk al-Furs (The Chronicles of the Kings of Persia) and that his revisions were based on comparisons among these chronicles. Given these two perspectives, a key question arises: what were the sources and method of Bahram ibn Mardanshah in recording the reigns of Iranian kings? What revisions did the mobad introduce in his History of the Kings of the Sasanian Dynasty that led Hamza Isfahani to describe his approach as "corrections"? This article compares Bahram’s method of analyzing the reigns of Iranian kings, particularly the Sasanian monarchs, with historical accounts available up to 400 AH. The findings suggest that the narrative of Mobad Bahram aligns closely with those of Ya‘qubi and Tabari. Moreover, this group of narratives exhibits significant similarity to the chronologies recorded by Agathias. Hence, it can be concluded that the accounts of Mobad Bahram, Ya‘qubi, and Tabari likely originated from the Khwadāy-nāmag of Khosrow I Anushirvan’s era, a text that was copied and revised during the Islamic period and played a pivotal role in transmitting the history of Iranian kings.
1. Introduction
Hamza Isfahani, in his book Tārīkh Sinī Mulūk al-Ard wa al-Anbiyā (350 AH), states that he obtained eight volumes of books for recording the years of the reigns of the kings of Iran, one of which was the book Tārīkh Mulūk-e Banī Sāsān, revised by Bahram ibn Mardanshah, the Mobad. In the third chapter, Hamza Isfahani discusses the contents of Bahram ibn Mardanshah’s book and cites from it the story of the beginning of creation and the chronological account of four classes of Iranian kings. Scholars, by analyzing Bahram Mobad’s statements and comparing his accounts with those of other historians, have sought to determine his method of revision and his sources.

2. Literature Review
Scholars such as Nöldeke and Rosen believe that Bahram ibn Mardanshah, by comparing different versions of the Khwadāy-nāmag, compiled an artificial and self-constructed chronological list of the kings. However, other researchers, including Christensen, Taqizadeh, and Safa, argue that Bahram Mobad's sources were the versions of Siyar Mulūk al-Furs by Ibn al-Muqaffa‘ or other Siyar al-Mulūk texts, and that his revisions were based on a comparison of the Arabic translations of the Khwadāy-nāmag (Siyar al-Mulūk). Apart from these scholars, Hameen-Anttila believes that Bahram Mobad's sources were likely a combination of Khwadāy-nāmag manuscripts and their Arabic translations.

3. Methodology
The author, through the method of document analysis, compared the chronologies of the kings in the statements of Bahram ibn Mardanshah with the existing chronologies in historical texts (up to the year 400 AH). By analyzing the similarities and differences between these chronologies, the author aimed to answer the following questions: What was Bahram ibn Mardanshah's method for compiling the chronology of the Iranian kings (especially the Sassanids)? If Hamza Isfahani's statement regarding the reformist method of the Mobad is correct, in which chronologies were these revisions made? Did Bahram Mobad's sources consist of Pahlavi Khwadāy-nāmag manuscripts, or did he use Arabic translations of it (such as Siyar Mulūk al-Furs)?
4. Discussion
Among the lists of Sassanid kings and chronologies found in books from the first four centuries of Islam, the closest account to the Mobad’s list is the one provided by Tabari in his Tārīkh al-Tabarī. Tabari's list is based on four sources: 1. The account of Hisham ibn Muhammad al-Kalbi (d. 204 AH); 2. The account of Ya'qubi in his Tārīkh Ya'qubī; 3. A source whose chronologies are mentioned by Tabari, but the original book from which he took them is unclear; 4. A source whose chronologies match the list of Bahram ibn Mardanshah in numerous instances. In this source, Tabari mentions the chronologies of 30 Sassanid kings, and in at least 18 cases, his chronology is identical to the Mobad’s account. At first glance, it seems that one of Tabari’s sources for the Sassanid king chronologies might have been Bahram Mobad’s book, and that he included nearly twenty chronologies from the Mobad’s list in his work. However, by comparing Tabari’s and Mobad’s lists, one can identify chronologies that the Mobad revised, while Tabari provided a different account. Thus, it can be concluded that Tabari and the Mobad share a common source for the Sassanid king chronologies, and Tabari did not include the Sassanid chronologies based solely on the Mobad’s list.
A comparison of Ya'qubi's list with the Mobad's list reveals that Ya'qubi, like Tabari, also used the Mobad's source (the Arabic translation of the Mobad's original work) for listing the chronologies of the Sassanid kings. In Ya'qubi's list, out of 28 chronologies, approximately 22 match those of the Mobad's account. However, the differences between the two lists suggest that Ya'qubi, like Tabari, utilized the Mobad's source (its Arabic translation) but did not have access to the Mobad's book itself.
A comparison of the lists of Tabari and Ya'qubi also shows that Tabari had both the Mobad's source (its Arabic translation) and Ya'qubi's book at his disposal, and that he compared the contents of the Mobad’s source with Ya'qubi's list. As a result, many chronologies in Tabari and Ya'qubi are identical, indicating that Ya'qubi’s book was one of the sources Tabari relied on for mentioning the years of the Sassanid kings.

5. Conclusions
Evidence indicates that Bahram/Bahramshah, the son of Mardanshah Kermani and the priest of Kureh Shapur (Bishapur) in Fars, reformed the chronological list of the kings of Iran by collecting twenty-seven copies of the Pahlavi Khwadāy-nāmag and compiled a book on the history of the Iranian kings. A comparison of Bahram Mobad's chronology with those provided by historians until the year 400 AH shows that Bahram's account, Ya'qubi's account, and one of Tabari's versions trace back to a common source. This source of Bahram Mobad is most likely the Pahlavi Khwadāy-nāmag, upon which he based a commonly accepted version from the Khwadāy-nāmag manuscripts and compared other versions with it. A comparison between the lists of Mobad and Tabari reveals that Mobad made only a few (5 instances) revisions to the chronology of the Sassanid kings; the rest of the chronologies in Mobad and Tabari are nearly identical, with only minor differences in the months of reigns (Bahram I; Hormizd II). The revisions made by Mobad include the following chronologies, which do not appear in other historical texts: "Hormoz I", "Bahram III", "Bahram V", "Yazdgerd II" and "Peroz I".
The similarity between the chronologies of Mobad, Ya'qubi, and Tabari and the chronology provided by Agathias (532-580 CE), based on the translation of official and governmental documents from the Sassanid era, suggests that the Khwadāy-nāmag version compiled during the reign of Khosrow Anushirwan was likely preserved and rewritten until the Islamic period. Bahram Mobad was able to collect copies of this Khwadāy-nāmag. Furthermore, one of the versions of this Khwadāy-nāmag was translated into Arabic or Persian during the Islamic period, and both Ya'qubi and Tabari used this translation for the chronology of the Sassanid kings. Therefore, the accounts of Mobad, Ya'qubi, and Tabari can be considered as a continuation of the Khwadāy-nāmag tradition that was compiled during the reign of Khosrow Anushirwan.
The similarity between the chronologies in Dinawari's Akhbār al-Tawāl and the Nihāyat al-Arab fi Akhbār al-Furs wa al-‘Arab with those of Agathias, Mobad, Ya'qubi, and Tabari indicates that the Khwadāy-nāmag version available to Mobad was also accessible to Dinawari or Ibn al-Muqaffa. If the quotations in the Nihāyat al-Arab are indeed from Ibn al-Muqaffa, it could be argued that this version is the most significant and oldest Khwadāy-nāmag version in the Islamic period. However, if the contents of the Nihāyat al-Arab are derived from the Akhbār al-Tawāl, the chronologies in Dinawari’s work should be considered as an incomplete and altered version, created based on the Arabic or Persian translation of the mentioned Khwadāy-nāmag.

Diyarbakır, historically known as Amida, embodies a rich urban and architectural heritage shaped by centuries of transformation. This study examines the city's layered history through the lens of its city walls, exploring their expansion phases as a localized manifestation of the urban palimpsest phenomenon. Employing an interdisciplinary approach that integrates historical narratives and field surveys, the research highlights the strategic role of spolia in architectural adaptation and continuity, particularly during late antiquity in the context of recurring Sassanid sieges. In light of reconsidered primary sources, the study further investigates the dynamic processes of fortification and reuse. It ultimately proposes a hypothesis on a lost monument within Amida’s religious landscape, contributing to a deeper understanding of the city’s evolving built environment.

This study examines the sacredness of fire, temple structures, cult, and the relationship between fire temples and the cult of Anāhitā during the Achaemenid Kingdom period. While fire is considered sacred in Zoroastrianism, debates continue today about whether the Achaemenids were Zoroastrian, and it is argued that defining the concept of Achaemenid religion is difficult. This study, which does not ignore these debates, attempts to examine classical sources and modern research together while also taking into account royal inscriptions. In sources, it is noted that the Persians performed their rituals in the open-air areas and did not have temples, while the concept of sacred place emerging in Pasargadae and the controversial term "āyadanā" are noteworthy. In modern research, two different views emerge: one suggesting that the Persians did not have temples before the Achaemenid period and those who oppose this in light of the excavation findings. Structures uncovered both in the East and the West, such as Ka'ba-yı Zerdust, Naqsh-e Rustam, Tepe Nush-e Jan, and Dahan-e Ghulaman, have been included. The depiction of fire altars in Achaemenid seals and royal tombs has been examined. Additionally, the research addresses the impossibility of a singular cult and culture in the Iranian geography.

Qale-Dokhtar, is located in 12 km north of Bidestan village of Torud rural district and on the northern edge of the central desert of the Iranian plateau. According to the geographical distribution of the territory of the Isma'ili state and their presence in the Qumis region for about two centuries, special attention should be paid to the Qal'a of the mentioned area in order to know them to be Isma'ili, and on the other hand, they should be discussed with caution. The evidence in Qale-Dokhtar of Bidestan such as pottery, architecture type, and especially the way of managing water resources and storage it, has raised the possibility of being Ismaili. Considering Qale-Dokhtar of Bidestan as an Ismaili castle, the Ismaili government's economic resources will undergo significantly in the studies of this field. It is obvious that during their two centuries of dominance over the Qal'a of the Qumis region, the Ismailis were able to dominate and exploit important commercial highways such as the Khorasan Highway as well as the roads leading to Qumis over Tabaristan and Jorjan. With Ismaili knowing the Qale-Dokhtar of Bidestan, it is also raised that they dominated the road from Isfahan to Damghan and Bastam from the south and by exploiting various mines around the castle such as copper and gold mines, in addition to dominating the roads leading to the heart of Qumis, they also dominated important economic resources and this led to the stabilization of their economic base during the life of their government. The present study will introduce and describe The Qale-Dokhtar of Bidestan and its historical situation. The considered question is if Qale-Dokhtar can be considered as one of the Isma'ili castles in Qumis region? Moreover, how is the importance of this castle justified for the Ismailis? The geographical importance of the Qale-Dokhtar of Bidestan, as well as the evidence in the castle, give it a great probability that it is Isma'ili.

Chapter 6 by Nikolas Hächler and Sonsoles Costero-Quiroga examines the development of imperial ideology, which may be seen in the depiction of the emperor Heraclius in George of Pisidia’s panegyrical writings. They show how the emperor’s image in these texts was gradually transformed from victorious candidate to the throne during the brutal struggles for power against Phocas in 610 to a God-ordained strategist during his Persian campaigns between 622 and 628 and finally to a Christ-like saviour of Byzantium around 630. In Gregory’s works, the authors argue, the emperor gradually transcends the boundaries of humanity during his campaigns by transforming in mind and body from chosen military leader in times of crisis to military saint and miraculous conqueror of the Sassanids. In this process, an important role is also played by liminal spaces that the emperor passes through during his campaigns: by virtue of their in-betweenness, the battlefields far from the centres of Byzantium and the Persian Empire favoured panegyrical depictions of the emperor’s progressive transformation in the context of imperial propaganda. [From Introduction, p.15]

Hächler, N. & Costero-Quiroga, S. 'Establishing Imperial Holiness in Liminal Spaces. Heraclius’s Transformation into the Saviour of Byzantium during his Persian Campaigns Mirrored in the Panegyrical Writings of George of Pisidia', in J. Doroszewska & M. Kusio (eds.), Boundaries of Holiness, Frontiers of Sainthood. Negotiating the Image of Christian Holy Figures and Saints in Late Antiquity. Fabulae. Narrative in Late Antiquity and the Middle Ages, 3 (Turnhout: Brepols, 2025), pp. 147–172

a 370 BC whopper, about 100 years after the book of Plato's Laws, the 2nd book of the Republic,
this really neat book about the world's 1st great emperor, of Iran,
adds up to a book of military laws & etiquette of the Persians of the Republic.
A 3rd book of the Republic, that is,
(another volume anyway)
it glosses over the conquests of the other nations,
and focuses on the life of young princes,
without dwelling on the military doctrine all that much,
invoking the Chinese classic Sun Tzu work, the Art of War.

The narrative style follows the life of Syrus, and his adventures and peers in ancient Iran,
describing the nomadic life of the military leadership in Iran/Persia,
and the great struggle between Persia and the Assyrians,
for morality and virtue and respect, vs. riotous piracy.

Speaks of the ways that people really like the Persians,
and so they should be good virtuous people, like Sam Houston.

A text for the young men.

3,820 lines
(following the pattern of towns of 5,040)

With a funny story about how the camels were used to make a humorous charge in the big battle scene,
that the horses would not go near.

Also some dialogue concerning a quirky Arabic-Persian lord,
representing well the really old idea of the kinda sorta crazy Babylonian kings,
that everybody had to wheel and deal with in the ancient world.

And that's not all!  It's a book that the churches' Revelations of John refers to, not a few times, with the 4th seal chase in a battle scene in book 1.

The way the chapters are written it is clearly the ark of the covenant being carried around by the Persians there in the 700s BC and 370 BC,
that would soon fall to Alexander's great anti-Christ styled treason in 330 BC.

For examples see Macuch 1998, p. 191ff., with further references. 1. On the Iranian connotations of the three "wise men" see Duchesne-Guillemin 1985 and particularly the in-depth studies of Panaino 2004 and 2012. 2. On the interaction between astrology and Zoroastrian theology in the Pahlavi texts see the valuable overview by Raffaelli 2017 with further references.

With the reign of Yazdgird I (399-420 ), there was new shi in the religio-political vision of Ērānšahr. is change was felt so strongly that it echoed in both the Xwadāy-nāmag tradition and the various religious inspired texts of the Zoroastrians, Jews and Christians. e twenty odd years of Yazdgird I's rule was a-typical compared to the previous period in terms of religious policies. is is especially true for its dealings with Christianity in the fih century , as this religion gained traction in Eurasia. Up to the beginning of the fih century , one could call the relations between the Kings and its imperial apparatus vis-à-vis the religious communities, outside of the Zoroastrian tradition, as a sort of 'Rough Tolerance.' 1 By rough tolerance it is meant that there was the existence of intermittent violence against these minority religions to keep them in check. Rough Tolerance allowed the Sasanian Empire to rule over a diverse group of people and religious communities. It made sure that these communities abide by the rulers set by the Zoroastrian empire to manage the Jewish, Christian and other religious communities within Ērānšahr. To understand this change in policy by Yazdgird in relation to the non-Zoroastrian community of his empire, more specifically the Jews and the Christians, we must briefly look at the dynamics of religious and imperial interaction. Yazdgird I vision of himself as a pacifist within his own realm is clear from the new legend which he adopted on his coins,

Considering the interpretive differences that exist about the "verses of the rules of marriage" in the view of Shiite and Sunni commentators, the present article is based on the question about the examples of interpretive differences about marriage with a comparative approach. The "verses of the rules of marriage" have discussed the legitimacy, prohibitions and requirements of marriage, and in each of these issues, there are several differences. This research is based on descriptive method and data collection is based on library method. The findings of this study show that in the discussion of legitimacy, Shiite and Sunni commentators differ in the permission of temporary marriage, so that Shiite commentators believe in the permission and most Sunnis believe in the impermissibility of temporary marriage. In the prohibitions of marriage, views on the creation of the womb through illicit intercourse and marriage with women of the Book differ. There is a difference in the supplies and functions of marriage, the issues of dowry and its amount, the payment of expenses and alimony, as well as the issue of looking, especially looking at a girl with whom he intends to marry, and some of the rules of intercourse.

In this article, the production systems of lithic artifacts during the Neolithic period of eastern Mazandaran has been studied based on the 2020 excavation of Touq Tepe using a descriptive-analytical approach. Examining the technology, typology, and the effect of subsistence on applying methods of technologies and studying the production methods of various artifacts were among this research project's most important questions and aims. Touq Tepe is located in the central district of Neka, near Hotukosh mountains, one of Iran's most important Chert sources. These artifacts were not locally made at the site and part of the production sequence took place elsewhere. Since there was no blade core in the assemblage, it seems that the blades came to the site in alreadyprepared form and mostly retouching and finalizing processes of the debitages were done at the site. Evidence such as a large striking platform, dual striking bulb, and dented striking bulb indicates that the technology used in the Touq Tepe lithic artifact was either direct percussion with a soft hammer or indirect percussion. Some of the most important characteristics of the assemblage are the abundance of over-flake and notched-denticulated tools and the shortage of scrapers (thumbnail and geometric) and tools with sickle gloss. The lithic industry of Touq Tepe resembles the Mesolithic stone industry of Komishan Cave regarding its technological composition. The production method of the stone artifacts in the Neolithic was likely a continuum of the Caspian Mesolithic period. The subsistence economy has a direct effect on the production method of artifacts. Our study showed that due to the high environmental capacity of the studied area in providing prehistoric societies with food, there was no dramatic change in the typology and technology of lithic tools on the site despite the change of the subsistence towards food production.

All societies use kinship terms to address and refer to one's kin. Most studies dealing with kin terms have been done based on consanguineal and affinal kin criteria. In some societies, kin relations are established by other criteria. Therefore, cultural differences must be taken into account but genealogical paths cannot represent this cultural knowledge. In this research, kin terms were considered as cultural elements. Using kin term maps, it is possible to formally represent how kin relations are calculated without reference to genealogical relations and to recognize primary kin terms. So, cultural differences can be represented as well. The framework used in this research provides a comprehensive basis for comparative studies of kin terms. This study diachronically explored kin term maps of Old Persian, Middle Persian and New Persian. The starting point was "self" in the maps, located in the center. Primary kin terms were identified according to their position relative to the "self". A comparison of the maps showed that in Middle Persian grammatical gender has disappeared, but biological gender was still important in this period. Some kin terms were added and some were dropped in this period. The results showed that in New Persian the number of kin terms has increased. In the New Persian, there are now some loan kin terms, two-syllable kin terms are more frequently used, and biological gender has lost its importance in expressing kinship relations.

At the beginning of the revelation (Arabic: ‫ُّزول‬ ‫ْن‬ ‫ل‬ َ ‫,ا‬ Romanized: alnuzūl) of the Holy Qurʾān, men in Ḥijāz (Arabic: ‫ٱ‬ ‫از‬ َ ‫ج‬ ِ ْ ‫ْل‬ ) were allowed to marry (have a permanent marriage in) an indefinite number of women without respecting their rights. However, in the ninetysecond chapter revealed (Arabic: ‫ٱ‬ ‫اء‬ َ ‫س‬ ّ ِ ‫لن‬ , An -Nisāʾ; meaning: The Women), men could marry a maximum of four women, provided they observed justice; otherwise, they could only marry one woman. Given the wisdom of the gradual revelation of the Qurʾān, the question arises: What pattern did the active role of the Holy Qurʾān play in establishing this limitation during its revelation? An examination of the wise aspects of the Qurʾān's revelation and the significance of a gradual approach in cultural transformations necessitates an investigation of this issue.

During the Arab invasion of Iran, Yazdegerd III (r. 632–651) reportedly granted
the Dabuyid ruler Gil Gavbara control over Tabaristan. Gil Gavbara's son,
Baduspan I, was given control over Ruyan in 665, thereby establishing the
Baduspanid dynasty, which governed the region until the 1590s. Following the
demise of Kayumarth I in 1453, a dynastic conflict ensued, leading to the division
of the Baduspanid kingdom between Kayumarth’s sons, Iskandar IV and Ka'us II,
in Kojur and Nur respectively. Amidst the strife between these two brothers, the
castles of Mazandaran they have gained significant importance, with their control
playing a pivotal role in the survival of each contender. Among these fortresses,
Espe-rūz or Espe-rez Castle stands out as one of the most prominent, having long
intrigued historians. This article seeks to pinpoint the location of this castle by
analyzing historical and archaeological findings discovered in Zanous village,
situated in Kojour District of Nowshahr County, Mazandaran province, Iran.
When the author was examining the documents of the old families of Tabaristan to
write an article about Baduspanan, he came across the name of Espe-rez and the
existence of the Espe-rez Castle in the mountains around the Zanos forest in Kejur
Mazandaran. Further examination of the documents, historical texts and research
about this topic revealed two views about the castle and Mount Espe-rez recorded
in the local documents of Tabaristan and the castle of Espe-rūz mentioned in the
historical texts. Scholars such as Rabino still consider its location unknown, and
some like Professor Manouchehr Sotoudeh, without mentioning any documents,
consider Espe-rūz Castle to be in the vicinity of Kajour. However, after observing
historical and archeological evidence, the author came to the hypothesis that the
village and fortress of Espe-rez in the ancient documents and rumors of the natives
of the region could be the same as the village and fortress of Espe-rūz in historical
texts.

پژوهش حاضر درصدد پاسخ به این سؤال است که قرآن کریم به‌عنوان برنامه هدایت بشر، برای جامعه‌پذیری عفاف و حجاب چه سیاست‌هایی را به‌موقع اجرا گذاشت و آن‌ها را چگونه عملی کرد. بررسی توصیفی تحلیلی این مسئله حاکی از آن است که فرهنگ حجاب اسلامی تنها با صدور حکم پوشش پدید نیامد بلکه زمینه‌هایی فراهم شد تا امر درونی سازی پوشش اسلامی تسهیل شده و جامعه عصر نزول از زیست در اندیشه و فرهنگ جاهلی، به زیست در اندیشه و تشخص ایمانی مبدل شود. فضای فرهنگی اجتماعی و سیر نزول آیات آشکار داشت سیاست قرآن پیش از حجاب، منعطف بر تحقق زیست عفیفانه به‌عنوان هنجار در جامعه ایمانی بوده است. ازاین‌رو قرآن با تفکیک میان عفاف و پوشش و عدم تحمیل بار ایجاد عفاف بر حجاب، توجه به مراحل تحقق عفاف-از ارزش‌گذاری تا تثبیت هنجار سازی عفاف و پاک‌دامنی- سیاست‌های ضروری پذیرش حکم پوشش را بیان کرده و با ایجاد نوعی انضباط ایمانی، بر پایۀ شخصیت اجتماعی مؤمنان، فرد و جامعه‌ای پوشیده را محقق می‌نماید. شخصیت اجتماعی که بر مبنای ده مؤلفۀ اساسی ظرفیتش بنانهاده شده و نه تنها زنان بلکه مردان نیز در شکل‌گیری آن مؤثر بوده‌اند. پس از تحقق این امور، حکم حکومتی حجاب به منظور تشّخص‌ایمانی اجتماعی بانوان به صورت شرعی و سیاسی صادر شده و هنجارسازی و تداوم هویت و پوشش‌اسلامی را در پی داشت.

Self-identified Byzantines were aware of their dress as distinctive and distinct from that of the foreign other. What made this dress ‘Byzantine,’ i.e., expressive of a Byzantine ethnic or cultural identity, however, is difficult to define. This is not surprising when one considers the ambiguity and mutability of Byzantine identity, on the one hand, and the stunning diversity in form and function of Byzantine dress, on the other, over a period coeval with the Empire's millennial existence. Still, by exploring certain of the dress's features that are associated with (a) the articulation and presentation of the human body, (b) the construction and display of similarity and difference, and (c) the adherence to tradition and the incorporation of change, one is able to trace a number of general characteristics and tendencies that were culturally circumscribed and expressive of the complexities that defined Byzantine society, thus endowing the dress in question with what may be described as its Byzantine quality. This same exploration suggests that the aspects of an overarching Byzantine identity that were being communicated through dress varied depending on the wearer's gender, an observation that opens up alternative ways of looking at the challenging question of Byzantine identity and dress.

Among the Shariah effects of divorce is the necessity of keeping Idda for women after separation from their husbands or their husbands ' death. The first and most obvious effect of the Idda is the prohibition of a woman's marriage until the end of the term of the edict, as well as the right of the husband to return to his wife in the Idda of retroactive divorce. The one-sided monopoly of this ruling over women in Islamic societies has provided challenges in the field of imbalance and equality of men and women's rights and gender justice. This research, by rereading and analyzing the
rulings of ``Iddah'' in jurisprudential-hadith texts, shows that the purpose of
``Iddah'' rulings in divorce are not exclusive to the woman and only to reveal her pregnancy. Still, it is a right of recourse for both parties to find a new opportunity to rebuild the family institution. Prevent it from collapsing. Therefore, the proposal of the necessity of Idda for men in family law and the belief in the right of recourse for both parties is both Shariah and rational due to its sociological and psychological requirements. It should be noted that this possibility has not been mentioned in the popular interpretations or traditions of Islamic law, but the authors of the article claim that the ruling spirit of Islamic teachings shows that the ruling on the necessity of Idda is beyond gender and in order to preserve the family.

Il presente libro digitale vuole omaggiare la figura di Italo Pizzi (Parma 1849-Torino 1920) e conferire così una veste editoriale moderna alla prolusione che il grande orientalista italiano tenne il 16 novembre del 1908 ad un corso di Lingue e Letterature Orientali presso la Regia Università di Torino.

فریدون: نسبت ایران و اسلام بحثی همیشه درازدامن در عرصه اندیشه‌ورزی ایرانی بوده است. از آثار نویسندگان منتقد عصر ناصری تا روشنفکر- سیاستمداران عهد مشروطه بحث درباره نسبت اسلام و ایران پررنگ است. ایران‌گرایی مستتر در آثار اغلب این نویسندگان و روشنفکران موجب شد در دوره رضاشاه پهلوی، سیاستی کاملا نوین و محدودیت‌آفرین در قبال نهاد روحانیت شکل بگیرد. اگرچه این تحدید و تهدید توامان در قبال روحانیت، در دوره پادشاهی محمدرضاشاه و تحت تاثیر آزادی‌گستری آن دوره، کاهش یافت ولی در عین‌حال واقعیت آن بود که دیگر از روشنگری علیه ارتجاع مذهبی خبر خاصی نبود و آن طیفی که از آنان انتظار می‌رفت رویکرد انتقادی به جمود و رکود مذهبی داشته باشند، به شیعه به عنوان مذهبی رهایی‌بخش می‌نگریستند و به برکشیده‌شدن خمینی یاری رساندند. تجربه چهار دهه‌ ستم‌گستری مذهبی جمهوری اسلامی اما کاملا داستان را عوض کرده است. ایران‌گرایی اکنون گفتمان بی‌رقیب است و انقلاب ملی تحت تاثیر این گفتمان پیش می‌رود. نسبت این گفتمان با اسلام اما چه باید باشد؟ این پرسش محوری را سعید قاسمی‌نژاد با امیریحیی آیت‌اللهی در میان گذاشت و بر اساس آن گفتگویی پراهمیت را رقم زد. امیریحیی آیت‌اللهی پژوهشگر ساکن آلمان در زمینه فلسفه و علوم سیاسی است. او علوم حوزوی را در مدرسه علمیه رضویه قم، کارشناسی فلسفه را در دانشگاه مفید و کارشناسی ارشد فلسفه غرب را در دانشگاه ملی (شهید بهشتی) فرا گرفت و دکترای علوم سیاسی را در دانشگاه فشتا به پایان رساند. رساله ارشد او پژوهشی بود درباره «مفهوم سنت و ارتباط آن با اصلاح و انقلاب در اندیشه سیاسی ادموند برک» و رساله دکترای او پیرامون «پیوند محافظه‌کاری سیاسی و اصلاحگری دینی در ایران مابین ۱۹۰۵ تا ۱۹۷۹» است.

The Tang dynasty is the only period of Chinese history to which the word 'cosmopolitan’ is now routinely applied in Western-language historical writing. This article traces the origins of this glamorous image of the Tang to the 1950s and 1960s, but also links its current popularity to a more recent increase in the appeal of the concept of cosmopolitanism, as well as the idea of a ‘cosmopolitan empire’ among Western intellectuals since the end of the Cold War. The article then proposes a less presentist and more critical and holistic reading of Tang 'cosmopolitanism’ as part of a larger, interconnected, multi-centred, and changing medieval world of numerous coexisting cosmopolitanisms, and argues for recognizing the existence of a different but equally important mode of ‘cosmopolitanism’ in the Song.

See the History Maps section below for Supplementary Materials (cosmopoleis maps for 700 and 1000 CE). These are newer and better versions than the ones on the Modern Asian Studies journal site.

Corrigendum: Professors Willard Peterson and Susan Naquin have informed me that the chapters on the Tang in  "East Asia: The Great Tradition" (1960) and "East Asia: Tradition and Transformation" (1973) were authored by Reischauer, not Fairbank. This is confirmed by the Acknowledgments in "East Asia: The Great Tradition." The necessary revisions have been added to the uploaded PDF version of the article.

Verse three of Surah Al-Tahrim reveals the secret of the Prophet Muhammad (PBUH) and its disclosure by some of his wives, with traditional accounts attributing the disclosure and the conspiracy to a matter of female jealousy. Understanding the nature of this secret and the associated conspiracy is of special importance, as it has been reduced to an issue of female jealousy on one hand, while on the other hand, both Sunni and Shia commentators have linked the revealed secret to the caliphates of Abu Bakr and Ali (AS), influenced by these narrations. In this article, narrations of the causes of revelation from Shia and Sunni sources, relating to female jealousy and the caliphates of Abu Bakr and Ali (AS), are categorized and evaluated. Then, using the method of Quran chronology and the descending sequence of Surah Al-Tahrim, along with its proximity to Surahs Al-Munafiqun, Al-Nur, Al-Ahzab, Al-Fath, and Al-Saff, it is argued that the truth behind the conspiracy and the disclosed secret in verse three relates to the Prophet's (PBUH) certain victory over the polytheists in the near future. Therefore, beyond the new interpretation of the disclosed secret under verse three, the method of chronology plays a crucial role in verifying the authenticity of the narrations of the causes of revelation, as the chronology of the surah clearly shows that the narrations of the causes of revelation were mistakenly attributed to verse three of Surah Al-Tahrim and incorrectly applied to it.

In antiquity, the “image” is not so much what is seen, but the meaning that the visible thing represents. In the case of an ancient work, in the absence of written evidence, the determination of its meaning and value as a visual object depends on what we can see. An iconographic analysis by interpreting the relationship between form and meaning emphasized by Panofsky, who has made important contributions to the interpretation of the visual arts, is extremely important in the evaluation of ancient works of art, especially sculpture (Panofsky 2012: 25-37). According to this method, it becomes imperative to first investigate the periods in which the image of “old age” is seen prominently and the meaning it represents.
In our study, after a brief evaluation of the phenomenon of old age in ancient societies, it would be appropriate to look at how the image of old age created by these cultures is constructed in the context of sculpture art.

The Armenian History by Agathangelos written in the mid-5 th century and narrating about the conversion of Armenia to Christianity in the early fourth century was soon translated into Greek and other languages: Arabic, Old Russian, and Georgian. There also exist shorter recensions (known as The Life of St. Gregory) in Karshuni, Ethiopian, Coptic, Greek, Georgian, Latin, and Arabic. 1 The Greek version of the History 2 is extant in nine manuscripts dating from the 8 th -12 th cc. 3 Only one of them, kept in the Laurentian library of Florence, Plut. VII, cod. Gr. 25 (12 th c.), contains nine initial paragraphs absent from the Armenian original and from the other recensions. 4 Paragraphs 3-9a tell a romantic story about the revolt of Artašir against Artaban (in the year 226). The Armenian History starts with a very abridged narration about those events ( § 18). 5 This story has been regarded as an Armenian recension of an Iranian epic cycle: the author is in sympathy with the last Parthian Arsacid Artaban overthrown by Artašir, the

It can be said that between the years of 300 CE and 1500 CE, all over the world things had drastically changed. Some of these empires also had a significant impact on political, economic, cultural, and social systems; examples include the Byzantine Empire, the Tang and Song Dynasties in China, and the Mongol Empire. These empires shaped not only their immediate surroundings but also the legacies that endure to the present day. This study breaks down key developments in these empires along four major themes: political structure, economic system, cultural and intellectual development, and social interaction.

The Sogdians were an Eastern Iranian people who lived in Central Asia (today Uzbekistan and Tajikistan). Between the 6 th and 8 th centuries, as Sogdian merchants dominated the trade of luxury items on the Silk Road, Sogdian artists and artisans in China contributed decisively to the advent of the cosmopolitan art that would come to characterize the Sui and Tang dynasties (581-906 CE). The artistic tradition, often called Sino-Sogdian art, shows strong connections with the cultures of Central and West Asia. Nevertheless, it is unique in its extensive integration of Buddhist and native Chinese traditions, making it a highly international style unprecedented in the history of Eurasia.

D uring the first half of the 20th century, numerous stone statues and reliefs were removed from Xiangtangshan, Hebei, in China, the site of a complex of Buddhist cave chapels commissioned by the emperors and aristocrats of the Northern Qi dynasty (550-77). Through a sustained effort of more than a decade, Katherine R. Tsiang and her team from the Center for the Art of East Asia at the University of Chicago have meticulously identified and digitized most of these dislocated stone carvings. The images

Bu makalede; Antik kaynaklarda Persler hakkındaki bilgilere ilk olarak ne zaman ve nasıl yer verildiği ile Perslerden bahsedilen kaynaklarda nasıl bir Pers imajının çizildiği konularına yer verilmiştir. Bu doğrultuda, özellikle Pers yazıtları ve Batılı kaynaklar (Yunanlar başta olmak üzere) eleştirel bakış açılarıyla ve birbirleriyle kıyaslanarak ele alınmıştır. Ayrıca, bir Pers tarihi kaynakçası oluşturabilmek ve Pers tarihyazımında olan bazı metodolojik konulara değinmek de makalenin başlıca hedefleridir. Persler ve Yunanlar birbirlerinin kültürlerini ve toplumsal yapılarını tanımada önemli fırsatlar elde etmiştir. İç içe geçmiş bu tarih ve kültür ekseni, birbirini iyi tanıyan iki ezeli rakip yaratmıştır. Bu etkileşim sonucunda; birçok Yunan tarihçi, Pers hükümdarlarının zenginliklerine ve yaşam tarzlarına hayran kalmıştı. Bu bakış açısının getirmiş olduğu tasvirlerde, Pers kralları; sürekli saray entrikalarıyla uğraşan, ahlâki yozlaşmanın içinde yer alan, Batılı, cesur, müthiş ve kusursuz kralların karşısında, cesareti olmayan, eşcinsel tavırlara sahip bir şekilde gösterilmişti. Kuşkusuz, buradaki en temel amaç; Yunanlar’ın başarılarını yüceltmek, Persler’i ise “ötekileştirmek”ti.

No revolutionary movement in Iranian Late Antiquity has attracted as much attention as the fascinating and enigmatic Mazdakite uprising of the late fifth century. The scholarly consensus about the Mazdakites has it that 1) they engaged in ibāḥat al-nisā, sharing of wives; 2) advocated the sharing of property and 3)  their past time was wine imbibing and merrymaking. I shall argue here that, as Shaki correctly suspected but did not pursue the topic, the description of the Mazdakite in our primary sources (the Letter of Tansar, Ibn Qutayba, Ṭabarī, Dīnkard, Shahrestānī), closely follows the praxis of the ʿayyārs, chivalrous men and women who practiced celibacy, lived together in communes of men and women, usually in underground cities, and drank wine as part of their sacral ritual. The detractors of the Mazdakites heaped on these accusations that distorted their realities, realities that on a populist level, and in times of crisis of the late fifth century might have in fact devolved into a distortion of the praxis of genuine Mithraists as well. That they continued, appropriate to their praxis, in the form of Khurramdīn movements is also part of their story. The Mazdakite movement were launched by the Parthian Mehrānid Dynast  against the Parthian Kārenids. These were suffocating the young Kavād during the last decade of the fifth century is also part of their fascinating history.


This is a preliminary article that puts forth, a new thesis, on the Mazdakites.  It is preliminary in that unfortunately  it does _not_ give a synopsis of previous research, and does not include all that I have to say about the topict.  A fuller version is in the works!

This thesis investigates the contending perceptions of ancient history in late nineteenth-century Iran, focusing on the intellectual history of early Iranian nationalism and the concept of Iranianness. By defining secular, anti-Islamic, and anti-Arab ideas that emerged in the nineteenth century as the main components of mainstream nationalism in Iran, it critiques the secondary literature on Iranian nationalism for adopting a teleological interpretation of nationalism. This study rejects the notion that any interest in pre-Islamic Iran is necessarily related to that particular nationalism and requires a wholesale rejection of existing religious, social, and intellectual values. The three dissident intellectuals, Mīrzā Fath 'Alī Ākhūndzādah, Jalāl al-Dīn Mīrzā, and Mīrzā Āqā Khān Kermānī, are considered the pioneers of mainstream nationalist thought and historiography in this thesis. In contrast, Forsat al-Dowlah's Āsār-e 'Ajam exemplifies a different vision of Iran's ancient history, as it does not construct pre-Islamic and Islamic Iran as mutually exclusive for Iranian identity. Although Āsār-e 'Ajam reflects the rising interest in pre-Islamic Iran among Qajar literati, it highlights alternative approaches to making sense of ancient ruins. Despite the presence of orientalist and Neo-Zoroastrian sources influential in the emergence of mainstream nationalism in Āsār-e 'Ajam, it is argued that Islamic mysticism, philosophy/theology, faith, and ethics were more decisive conceptual categories in Āsār-e 'Ajam. This thesis argues that Forsat's vision of ancient Iran demonstrates a more inclusive conception of Iranianness and refutes the necessity of a binary perspective on the Iranian past.

It is rather difficult to outline the development of Iranian fighting forces from the earliest literary and archaeological evidence to the coming of the Muslims on the Iranian plateau. However, we can attempt to contextualise specific periods where developments and changes took place, from the first millennium BCE to the seventh century CE. One can point to several specific phases in the development of the Iranian army in ancient times, with new tactics and new forces. The first phase of what can be termed a distinctive Iranian military force, and its specific technology and weapons, can be identified with the Indo-European Iranians.1 The Sintashta Culture is usually associated with the first signs of Iranian presence on the Russian steppes. What is striking is the importance of two-wheeled chariots, which were most probably used for movement and combat in this Indo-Iranian culture.2 There are large numbers of such chariots which were buried in this region, providing some of the earliest clues on the use of chariots in the third millennium BCE.3 Indo-Iranian poetics also provide us with some of the most complete descriptions of chariots, their parts, and their use in terms of racecourse competition and winning,4 as metaphorically used in the oldest stratum of Iranian poetic tradition in Yasna 30.10,5 where men achieve glory and imperishable fame.6 The chariot also appears metaphorically when the movement of the sun is likened to the ritual chariot race.7 In the Avestan hymn to Mithra (X.76), the chariot (raθa-) and charioteer (raθi-) are well attested, as in the reference to 'good horses and a good chariot-driver' .8 The term for 'warrior' in Indo-Iranian is derived from raθaēštā, which means 'one who stands on the chariot' .

This study notices that all religions in Central Asia from the fourth century through seventh century C.E. provided considerable hands in keeping a uniform unity through a process of assimilation, although art and architecture were greatly stimulated by the creative genius of the many people. The study thus intends to argue that the common ideas of rituals and primitive forms of religious shrines lead the square-based layout of Buddhist shrines the unity and universality in the architectural products of particular regions or epochs: i.e. the "square-based plan" in Buddhist temples of Central Asia was a significant prototype in the synthesis with pre-Buddhist architectural models and Buddhist universal ideas. Thus, this thesis notes that they did not lose the universal principles of the Buddhist shrine plans due to ritual functions, and even there have been never differences from pre-Buddhist building models remarked by the periods and the venues in which they were produced, although there had been continuous evolutions and adaptive transformations in the local tastes of religious architecture. Accordingly, this study discusses how such plans in Buddhist architecture had been consistently produced within that regional style also representative of the local idioms of architecture, and how they were adopted in the sites, founded on the composition of ritual functions. The foreign architectural cultures were selectively chosen getting along with local building types of each site according to each taste for architecture as a result.

ایالم یا هَتَمتی نام یک تمدن در جنوب غربی فالت ایران است که تا هزاره سوم قبل از میالد بخش بزرگی از جلگه خوزستان را شامل میشد .
ایالمیان از مردمان بومی ایران و جنوب غرب ایران به حساب می آمدند که نه سامی بودند و نه آریایی و ریشه آنها به مردمان رشته کوههای
زاگرس میرسید. یکی از پدیده هایی که درباره هر تمدنی جالب توجه است ، آداب و رسوم دینی و برگزاری مراسم ازدواج آنهاست که با بررسی
دقیق این آیین ها میتوان گنجینه های شگفت انگیزی از تمدن های باستانی و هویت ملی کنونی را بازیابی کرد . ایالم باستان نیز از این حیث
مستثنی نیست ؛ ازدواج با محارم یکی از چالش برانگیز ترین بحث های فرهنگی و اجتماعی مربوط به عیالم کهن است که ناشی از اندیشه
سیاسی آنان بود و تا کنون حدس و گمانه های فراوانی در این رابطه طرح شده است . ازدواج با محارم در بین مردم عادی رایج نبود و این امر در
خاندان سلطنتی پذیرفتهتر بود ، اما آنچه این مبحث را حائز اهمیت میکند طوالنی بودن ازدواج با محارم در طی سالیان است . در عصر هخامنشیان
این آیین با دگرگونیهایی که ناشی از اندیشه سیاسی آن دوره بود تداوم پیدا کرد و تا دوره اشکانی و ساسانی هم ادامه داشت . این ازدواجها از
محدودهی خانواده فراتر نمیرفت و در متون حقوقی ، دینی و اساطیری ایران باستان نیز عملی شایسته تلقی و اقدام به آن بسیار سفارش شده بود.
) افخمی ، رستمی ۱۳۹۶ ( یکی از پذیرفتهترین نظرهایی که درباره ازدواج با محارم مطرح است ، طرح انگیزههای سیاسی است شاهان هخامنشی
سعی داشتهاند که از 》 ازدواج درونگروهی 《 یا 》 ازدواج با محارم 《 پیروی کنند و خاندان سلطنتی را از بیگانگان حفظ کنند و فرمانروایی
خود را خالص نگه دارند ، پس باعث تعجب نیست که خویشاوندان شاه نفوذ ویژهای در دربار داشتند . بعضی مورخان مانند ویدی گری اصل ازدواج
با محارم را به مغان نسبت داده است ، مغان گروهی از روحانیون بودند که جایگاه بسیار ارزشمندی در میان اقوام بومی ایران داشتند . بولتن هم
آیین ازدواج با محارم را به بومیان سرزمین ماد و ایالمیان نسبت میدهد . وست هم میگوید نتیجه ازدواج با محارم بیشاز هر چیز صیانت از تولد
وارث طبیعی و پاکیزه نگهداشتن سنن مذهبی خانواده بود آنچه در مورد ازدواج با محارم گویای این است که هرچند در میان اقوام مختلف رایج
بوده در بین مردمان ایران و مخصوصاً دوره هخامنشی در میان خانواده شاهی کارکرد سیاسی داشته است

In various religions, there are beliefs about the fate of the righteous person’s soul in the afterlife. In this research, we examine and compare the stages of the ascension of the righteous soul until reaching Heaven in the Manichean and Zoroastrian religions. At each stage it is examined what happens and what heavenly gifts the righteous soul receives. The findings show that these two religions have similarities and differences in the beliefs related to the ascension of the righteous soul to Heaven. According to the findings of this research, it was determined that there was a ceremony in the Manichaean religion in which fortune telling was done to select the Teachers, the Elect and Church Leaders. In this ceremony, the ascension to Heaven of that person was determined with omen, and if their omens were recognized as good, they were elected as teachers or elected members or church leaders. Also, in this article, due to the fact that there are similarities between Kird-īr’s journey to heaven and the journey of the righteous soul to heaven in Manichaeism, the manner of his journey is also examined.

Since 2012, the French Mission in Oman has discovered several Palaeolithic sites in the south-eastern foothills of the Sufrat Dishshah (a hill of the Sufrat Valley/Wādī al-Сufrāt), in the Adam region of north-central Oman. These sites are attributed to the Lower through to the Late Palaeolithic (Bonilauri et al. 2015). The 2016 field season was dedicated to further investigation of the previously identified sites of the Sufrat Dishshah area. A number of additional artefacts were located and studied on site; four artefacts—two bifaces and two Nubian cores—were retained for further study. These finds have particular importance for the understanding of Middle Palaeolithic variability and cultural diffusion in Oman, and they represent one of the most significant results of the 2016 Adam expedition.