Power Politics

From the results obtained with regard to the fluctuations in oil prices, there is a significant impact of oil prices on the overall economy, expressed in gross domestic product, as in a case like Iraq, the rise in oil prices leads to an increase in export earnings, and thus an increase in the volume of foreign trade, and when oil prices rise, the This leads to an increase in the flow of foreign currency represented in the US dollar to the national economy, and this causes a high rate of inflation on the one hand and an increase in the demand for imports on the other hand, which leads to an expansion in government spending, and high oil prices encourage investment (especially in the sector). Based on the statistical results and the conclusions reached, it is noted that the price of oil has a significant impact on the gross domestic product as the most important overall indicator of the Iraqi economy, which makes the latter hostage to its behavior in the global oil market. Finally, it should be noted that the uncertainty surrounding the oil market, which made it difficult to predict oil prices, has become necessary for the economic authorities in Iraq to: We take the issue of searching for new financial resources outside the oil sector seriously, so the study recommends the need to expedite the adoption of a policy aimed at reducing dependence on oil revenues in the national economy, and strive to diversify non-fuel exports, and support the pillars of the national economy to mitigate the effects of the external shock.

Im Mai 1977 schiender KalteKrieg ein Phänomen der Vergangenheit zu sein. Die Feststellung,d ass binäre Deutungsmuster die Welt der Gegenwart nicht mehr ausreichend erklären könnten, war dabei kein Wunschtraumf riedensbewegter Aktivisten, sondern wurde auch vonU S-PräsidentJ immyC arteri ne iner seiner ersten programmatischen Reden zur internationalen Politik geäußert: Die Vereinigten Staaten hättens ich mittlerweile vonj ener "übermäßigen Furcht vord em Kommunismus" befreit,die sie in der Vergangenheit dazu gebracht habe, jeden Diktator zu unterstützen, der sich aufd en Antikommunismus berufen habe. Die Logiken der Systemkonfrontation seien mittlerweile überholt,m it ihrem neuen Ansatz wolle die Regierung dagegen für Menschenrechteu nd Meinungsfreiheit eintreten, die Initiative in der Rüstungskontrolle und der Entspannungspolitik ergreifen und die Kooperation mit den europäischen Verbündeten und den Staaten Lateinamerikas,A frikas und Asiens verbessern. Grundlaged ieser außenpolitischen Strategie war die Diagnose, die Welt habe sich in wenigerals einer Generation dramatisch verändert: "UnserePolitik ist auseinem erweiterten Blick aufg lobalen Wandel abgeleitet.[ … ]D as Leben und dasS treben der meisten Menschenh at sich verändert.D er Kolonialismus ist fast verschwunden." Die Vereinigten Staaten seien deshalb mit einer "neuen Welt" konfrontiert,zuderen Gestaltungsie mit einerneuen Politik, "angepasst an die neuenund sich schnell verändernden historischen Umstände" aktivbeitragen müssten.¹ Die Weltsicht des neuen US-Präsidenten war entscheidend vons einer Mitgliedschaft in der Trilateralen Kommission geprägt worden, der neben Carter noch 16 weitere Mitglieder seiner Regierung angehörten. Diese Organisation war 1973 aufI nitiative des Bankiers David Rockefeller und des Politikwissenschaftlers Zbigniew Brzezinski als ein Netzwerk vonn ordamerikanischen, westeuropäischen und japanischen Eliten gegründet worden, um die Kooperation zwischen ihren Ländern zu vertiefen (↗Trilateral Commission). Die Kommission diagnostizierte eine Reihe dramatischer Veränderungen in Weltpolitik und Weltwirtschaft; das zentrale Schlagwort ihrer Gegenwartsdiagnose war dabei die "Interdependenz".D as steteA nwachsen vonV erflechtungen und wechselseitigen Abhängigkeitenw ar laut ihrem Gründungsmanifest eine "Tatsache der gegenwärtigen Welt",die nationale Systeme transzendiereund die Politik vorneuartige  Carter: University of NotreDame [Übersetzung MD].

In today's educational landscape, there is a pressing need to adapt to the demands and opportunities of the 21st century. This abstract explores how innovation and technology intersect in education, aiming to highlight their
potential to enhance teaching methods, enrich learning experiences, and equip students for future challenges.
Digital technologies are at the forefront of this educational revolution, reshaping how educators deliver content and
interact with students. Mobile devices enable personalized, self-directed learning, while multimedia elements like
videos and simulations make complex concepts more accessible. Artificial intelligence (AI) offers transformative
possibilities, automating tasks, personalizing learning experiences, and guiding data-driven decision-making. AI-
driven systems analyze student performance data to tailor instruction, while chatbots provide instant support and
personalized tutoring. Virtual reality (VR) and augmented reality (AR) technologies immerse students in interactive
environments, facilitating experiential learning across diverse subjects. Medical students can practice on virtual
patients, while architecture students manipulate designs in real-time. Despite these advancements, challenges
remain. Equity, access, and digital literacy must be addressed to ensure all students benefit. Concerns about data
privacy, security, and ethics are also paramount. In conclusion, education is undergoing a paradigm shift through
innovation and technology. Embracing these changes while addressing challenges can create a more inclusive,
effective educational environment, preparing students for success in an increasingly complex world.

Emotional resilience-the ability to adapt and recover from adversity, stress, or trauma, has historically been nurtured through community networks, religious institutions, and kinship structures. Traditional societies emphasized collective well-being, with spiritual leaders, healers, and local councils providing emotional support, conflict resolution, and guidance. However, modernization and urbanization have weakened these informal support systems, leading to increased reliance on government-driven mental health programs. While structured interventions have improved accessibility, they often face challenges such as stigma, limited outreach, and a lack of cultural sensitivity, particularly among marginalized populations. In response, non-governmental organizations (NGOs) have emerged as key facilitators of community-driven, holistic mental health solutions that integrate traditional practices with modern psychological approaches. This study explores the evolution of emotional resilience from traditional community-based support to NGOled interventions. Using secondary data analysis, it synthesizes insights from scholarly research, NGO reports, government publications, and case studies of successful mental health programs. The research highlights NGOs' contributions in trauma care, peer counseling, rehabilitation, and holistic healing, demonstrating their role in filling gaps left by formal healthcare systems. Findings indicate that NGOs offer culturally adaptable, grassroots mental health solutions, incorporating alternative healing methods such as yoga, meditation, and art therapy. They also engage in advocacy and awareness campaigns to reduce stigma. Organizations like The Banyan, Snehi, Aasra, and Sangath have pioneered innovative models for mental health care, utilizing peer support networks and digital counseling services. Despite their impact, NGOs face financial constraints, limited professional resources, and challenges in aligning with government policies. Strengthening collaborations, securing sustainable funding, and leveraging technology are essential for enhancing their effectiveness. This study provides valuable insights for policymakers and mental health practitioners, advocating for integrated, community-driven mental health strategies to ensure accessible and culturally relevant emotional support systems.

Digital literacy has become an essential skill in the 21st century, influencing students' academic performance, social interactions, and overall well-being. This study explores the role of digital literacy in shaping students' cognitive, emotional, and social well-being. Digital literacy encompasses the ability to access, evaluate, and create digital content effectively while ensuring responsible and ethical use of technology. While it enhances learning opportunities, communication, and access to resources, excessive or improper digital engagement may contribute to stress, anxiety, and reduced physical activity. The study examines how digital literacy skills help students navigate online risks, maintain a balanced digital life, and foster mental resilience. Findings suggest that students with higher digital literacy levels tend to experience lower digital stress and demonstrate better online decision-making abilities. The study emphasizes the need for educational institutions to integrate digital literacy programs that promote responsible digital citizenship, critical thinking, and well-being awareness.

John Mearsheimer,  in his book "The Great Delusion: Liberal Dreams and International Realities," presents a provocative thesis for scholars, policymakers, and general readers, challenging them to adopt a realistic approach to understanding global politics. He reinforces his arguments with real-world case studies for critical analysis, prompting readers to reevaluate their understanding of the complexities and limitations of liberal internationalism. He emphasizes the importance of realism, including power dynamics and national interests, over liberal idealism as the guiding principle for great powers' Foreign Policy (FP). The book provides a three-level analysis: the individual level considers human nature in politics and the limitations of reason; "domestic politics" examines how internal political factors within a country shape its FP decisions; and "international politics" focuses on how global structures, the distribution of power, and interactions between states influence FP.

This paper explores the phenomenon of mass defection among politicians, particularly within emerging democracies and multiparty systems. It investigates how political defections-often motivated by personal ambitions rather than ideological convictions-undermine party discipline, destabilize democratic structures, and erode public trust in governance. Drawing from real-world case studies, especially within African political systems, this journal critically examines the implications of defections used as a strategic tool for personal advancement, and proposes pathways to reinforce political integrity and institutional accountability.

This paper explores the foundational ideals and institutional structure of the United Nations (UN), established in 1945 to promote international peace, security, human rights, and global development. While rooted in liberal principles-such as multilateralism, human rights, and collective security-the UN's architecture reveals a significant realist orientation, particularly through the power dynamics embedded in the Security Council's structure. Drawing from key theoretical frameworks and historical case studies-including the Cold War, the Gulf War, Libya, and Syria-this paper critically examines the enduring paradox between the UN's liberal aspirations and its realist constraints. It argues that the coexistence of these ideologies reflects a pragmatic compromise necessary for the organization's survival. The study concludes that while reform remains essential to enhance the UN's legitimacy and effectiveness, such efforts must account for the strategic interests of powerful states within the international system.

This paper explores the foundational ideals and institutional structure of the United Nations (UN), established in 1945 to promote international peace, security, human rights, and global development. While rooted in liberal principles-such as multilateralism, human rights, and collective security-the UN's architecture reveals a significant realist orientation, particularly through the power dynamics embedded in the Security Council's structure. Drawing from key theoretical frameworks and historical case studies-including the Cold War, the Gulf War, Libya, and Syria-this paper critically examines the enduring paradox between the UN's liberal aspirations and its realist constraints. It argues that the coexistence of these ideologies reflects a pragmatic compromise necessary for the organization's survival. The study concludes that while reform remains essential to enhance the UN's legitimacy and effectiveness, such efforts must account for the strategic interests of powerful states within the international system.

2014 opened in Bangladesh with the elections, held on 5 th January amidst unprecedented political violence which led to the killing of 29 people. The 2014 elections were recorded as the most violent in Bangladesh's history. 1 Throughout 2014, the government of the re-elected Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina faced several challenges. Firstly, the political crisis, fuelled by an alliance of 18 political parties led by the Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP), threatened to trigger a wave of protests similar to those of 2013. In turn, political instability brought to the fore the risk of adverse fallout on the economic situation. Secondly, the trials for the 1971 war crimes started in 2010, reaching their highest momentum in 2013 and continuing in 2014, with varied reactions from national and international public opinion. Thirdly, Sheikh Hasina's government was charged with corruption and human rights abuses. In 2013, for the first time in Bangladesh's history, the incumbent prime minister gained a second mandate. 2 The large majority obtained by the Awami League allowed Sheikh Hasina to lead the country with a steadiness never experienced before, not even by Hasina's main rival, Khaleda Zia. A multifaceted and ambitious foreign policy has been a new factor, with stronger ties to India and promising relations with several countries, especially China, Japan and Russia. The 2014 elections represented a watershed in Bangladesh's politics. One year is not enough to evaluate the long-term effects of the elec-1 'Bangladesh has little to celebrate after the most violent election day in its history',

trends too. Even if it is dominated by several stakeholders, current international system is a strong "state system". Yet only a small number of states have structural power being able to influence the nature of international system. Multidimensional system of power determines hierarchy and balance of power in Global International Society. International agendas are interdependentmilitary, economic and environmental agendas provide the premises to promote unipolar trends.

In der Debatte über den Ukrainekrieg leiten Pazifisten und Moralbellizisten ihre Handlungsmaximen gleichermaßen aus historischen Analogien und normativen Prinzipien ab. Die Überzeugungen mögen andere sein, die philosophische Wurzel aber ist dieselbe: der deutsche Idealismus.

Uluslararası sistemler güç dengelerine göre devletlerinin iç ve dış politikalarını belirledikleri yapısal etkenler olarak tanımlanabilir. Sistemsel yapılar ise kendi çerisinde her bir parçanın görevini ifa etmesi ile vücut bulur. Dolayısıyla, sistemsel değişikliğinden bahsedebilmek için yeni bir güç dengesinin yerleşik hala gelmesi ve aktörler tarafından kabul edilmesi gerekmektedir. Burada dikkat edilmesi gereken nokta güç dengesinin değişimidir. Bu makale, güç kavramını sert ve yumuşak güç ana ekseninde ele almaktadır. Güç kavramının kavramsal sınırlılıklarının farkında olmakla birlikte sert güç açısından Amerika ve Çin arasında güç kıyasının Çin lehine değiştiği veya açığı neredeyse kapatmak üzere olduğu bilinmektedir. Bu makalenin temel iddiası ise, İsrail-Gazze Savaşıyla beraber Batı’nın yumuşak gücünün de azaldığı veya üstünlüğünün sona erdiğidir.

This article analyzes the persistent conflict in the Middle East by examining the complex interplay of historical context, structural realist dynamics (offensive and defensive), and foreign policy decision-making processes. A multi-layered approach that draws on historical analysis, realist international relations theory, and foreign policy analysis literature, this article seeks to comprehensively understand the enduring drivers of conflict in the Middle East region. The analysis demonstrates that structural realism provides valuable insights into state behavior within the anarchic international system. Analysts should adopt a more nuanced approach for practical foreign policy analysis. This article concludes by offering recommendations for strategizing foreign policy analysis, emphasizing the need for continuous adaptation, a pragmatic utilization of all available instruments of power, and a comprehensive understanding of the interrelatedness of individual, state, regional, and systemic levels of analysis to address the Middle East's persistent conflicts effectively.

Podcast listening among Indian youth has increased significantly in the post-Covid era, as has discourse on mental health. Podcasts are audio-based new media that have shown the potential to facilitate storytelling and engage listeners into effective communication. The introduction of Web 2.0 in the late 1990s resulted in an increase in access and usage of new media technologies. New media interventions in the emerging media paradigm have the potential to bring up stigmatized conversations related to mental health and foster mindfulness amongst individuals. Mindfulness requires intrapersonal communication wherein an individual seeks self-awareness to work towards their mental wellbeing. Podcasting's increasing appeal has the potential to improve listeners' mental health by providing an atmosphere for freedom of expression, learning, and motivation. The study aims to explore the affective nature of an aural medium like a podcast that serves the listeners with a sensorial experience of listening and imagining that can also act as sound therapy to facilitate mindfulness. The research will be carried out using content analysis of selected podcasts that feature content promoting mindfulness. The study will focus on the narrative text of selected podcasts. The qualitative study used focus group discussions with postgraduate media students selected through a purposive sample of participants who listen to podcasts to keep their mental health in check. The discussion consisted of conversations to understand the various genres of podcasts and shows that the listeners listen to, their motivations, interests, and attitudes behind the listeners seeking the help of an audio based new media technology for mindfulness. The findings of the research laid out potential benefits of the affective and sensorial nature of the medium and challenges of the podcast format to seek mental wellbeing in self-isolation.

This paper argues that a key factor in Myanmar's new approach towards China since 2011 has been the Myanmar government's foreign policy goal to reintegrate itself into the international community. The success of this approach is dependent on Myanmar's rapprochement with the United States, which requires both domestic political reforms and a foreign policy realignment -a need to reduce Myanmar's dependence on China, particularly in the context of US-China strategic competition in the Indo-Pacific region. In the context of China-Myanmar relations, the factors that have influenced Myanmar's China policy since 2011 are growing anti-China sentiment in Myanmar, growing concern over China's interference in Myanmar affairs, and the rapprochement with the United States. Myanmar's China policy shift, in terms of direction, is by no means to seek to be independent of China, but rather for there to be an increased interdependence between the two countries.

This paper argues that a key factor in Myanmar's new approach towards China since 2011 has been the Myanmar government's foreign policy goal to reintegrate itself into the international community. The success of this approach is dependent on Myanmar's rapprochement with the United States, which requires both domestic political reforms and a foreign policy realignment – a need to reduce Myanmar's dependence on China, particularly in the context of US–China strategic competition in the Indo-Pacific region. In the context of China–Myanmar relations, the factors that have influenced Myanmar's China policy since 2011 are growing anti-China sentiment in Myanmar, growing concern over China's interference in Myanmar affairs, and the rapprochement with the United States. Myanmar's China policy shift, in terms of direction, is by no means to seek to be independent of China, but rather for there to be an increased interdependence between the two countries.

This research explores the intersection of folklore and power politics in Shakespeare’s The Merchant of Venice, focusing on the character of Shylock as a complex embodiment of the folkloric archetypes of the outsider and the trickster. Through a critical analysis of Shylock's actions, dialogues, and key moments in the play, this study examines how folklore functions as both a strategy of resistance and a mechanism of exclusion within the socio-political context of Renaissance Venice. By navigating the legal and moral codes of Venetian society, Shylock challenges the prevailing Christian-centric power dynamics and embodies a resistance rooted in folkloric traditions. His famous speech, “Hath not a Jew eyes?”, serves as a critique of the dehumanizing stereotypes and hegemonic forces that marginalize him. The study also delves into Shylock’s use of the trickster archetype, particularly in his negotiation with Antonio, and the implications of his downfall in the trial scene, where folklore's dual function as a tool of empowerment and marginalization is revealed. Ultimately, this research underscores the complexities of folklore as a tool of resistance, while also highlighting its limitations in the face of institutionalized power.

Resumo: Há uma dificuldade teórica na economia do argumento de O Príncipe, notadamente no capítulo IX, quando trata da astúcia afortunada necessária ao príncipe novo. No período que abre esse capítulo central na economia da obra, temos a mobilização de noções fundamentais do pensamento político maquiaveliano, como virtù, fortuna, cidadão particular e, também, a astúcia figura como atributo importante. Ora, sobre a astúcia afortunada, Maquiavel pouco disserta, ao contrário, ela não recebe uma atenção expositiva, a despeito de sua relevância no rol das qualidades políticas necessárias ao príncipe, donde a questão em como pensar a astúcia afortunada do príncipe novo. A fim de se entender melhor esse conceito maquiaveliano, pretende-se aproximá-lo, primeiramente, à métis grega, o que permite compreender melhor o que seja essa qualidade que se requer do príncipe novo. Em seguida, a partir da economia argumentativa da obra, extrair uma compreensão dessa qualidade política.

Denne oppgaven diskuterer på hvilken måte utviklingstrekk i den relative maktbalansen og politiske og økonomiske relasjoner mellom Kina og Japan påvirker strukturen på det regionale sikkerhetskomplekset i Øst-Asia. Analysen tar utgangspunkt i Buzan og Waevers (2003) Regional Security Complex Theory (RSCT). Undersøkelsen viser at Kina fra rundt 2005 har hatt en eksponensiell økonomisk vekst som etter hvert også har gjort Kina til verdens mest sentrale økonomi og verdens nest største etter USA. Veksten har også medført en betydelig ressursbruk på militaere formål og en vesentlig modernisering av militaere kapasiteter som i økende grad kan understøtte Kinas interesser. I løpet av de siste ti år har Kina på bakgrunn av veksten, men også grunnet en bevisst diplomatisk strategi, befestet seg i en posisjon som Stormakt med betydelig regional og global innflytelse og makt. Undersøkelsen viser også at Japans relative makt isolert sett er nedadgående og virker i økende grad mer å regne som en Regional makt enn en Stormakt, og anses å ha mistet en selvstendig evne til å utgjøre en pol i sikkerhetskomplekset. Gjennom alliansen med USA vurderes likevel Japan å inneha tilstrekkelig med makt til at sikkerhetskomplet fortsatt anses som bipolart på kort eller mellomlang sikt. Alliansens påvirkning på Japans makt er imidlertid ikke betingelsesløs, og i den grad relasjonen mellom USA og Kina forbedres på det globale systemnivå, vil Japans makt i det regionale sikkerhetskomplekset reduseres og i økende grad kunne oppleve avvikende interesser i forhold til USA. Undersøkelsen av sosial struktur viser fortsatt store mangler med hensyn til å utvikle regionen mot kriterier for sikkerhetsregime. Det virker også som sannsynlig at Kina i praksis gjennom en langvarig strategi om å redusere USAs relative makt, søker regional dominans. Den store endringen i makt ser ut til å forsterke eksisterende negative politiske relasjoner og økt nasjonalisme, mens økonomiske relasjoner samtidig har økt betydelig i omfang. Den relative betydningen av Japans økonomi for Kina er imidlertid synkende. Samlet sett anses den sosiale strukturen i stor grad av å vaere låst i et klassisk realpolitisk sikkerhetsdilemma på kort og mellomlangt sikt. Tross betydelige endringer de siste ti år er hovedkonklusjonen at det ikke har forekommet tilstrekkelig med endring til å endre strukturell status. Den grunnleggende strukturen i sikkerhetskomplekset som et konfliktbasert stormaktkompleks er dermed uendret. VI VII Forord Å jobbe med denne oppgaven har vaert meget interessant, men samtidig også tidvis ganske slitsomt. Når jeg nå ser det endelige resultatet er jeg både litt stolt, litt lettet, og forhåpentligvis litt mer kunnskapsrik. Mitt mål har vaert å få innsikt i en region jeg visste lite om, men som samtidig er en av de mest spennende og aktuelle regionene med hensyn til dagens sikkerhetspolitiske utviklingstrekk. Selv om laeringskurven har vaert litt brattere enn om jeg skulle kaste meg over problemstillinger i gode gamle Europa, er jeg veldig fornøyd med valget. Målet er nådd! Uten uvurderlig støtte fra min kjaere kone og barn som har vaert utrolig tålmodig med en tidvis sliten far, hadde det ikke vaert mulig å få skrevet denne oppgaven. Tusen takk, Ellen! En stor takk også til veileder Anders Kjølberg som har kommet med mange gode tips og henvisninger. Lykke til i pensjonistrekkene og ditt bokprosjekt! En takk skal også rettes til kollegaer som tidvis har måtte innfinne seg med en stresset og utilgjengelig arbeidskollega i hektiske arbeidsperioder, og ikke minst forståelsesfulle og oppmuntrende ledere som ser verdien av kompetansepåfyll, også utover eksisterende arbeidsoppgaver. Tilslutt vil jeg presisere at til tross for hjelp og veiledning er det kun jeg som står ansvarlig for eventuelle feil og mangler. Lykke til med lesningen -håper du finner det interessant! Marius

Contents ix 1. Four worlds of rising power legitimation and great power strategies 2. Rising powers and great power strategies, 1815-2017 3. Placing the cases 4. European responses to Prussia's rise, 1863-64 This book looks at the ways actors attribute meaning to events, and like the events discussed in the book, the meaning of this study emerged from a lot of talk, conversations with colleagues and friends in which I attempted to justify my interest in nineteenth-century Prussia. I owe a huge debt to Lynn Eden for advice on turning my initial thoughts about this case into a fullblown book, and I was fortunate that Dan Nexon and Patrick Thaddeus Jackson invited me to present my work on Prussia at a forum on "realismconstructivism" at the Mershon Institute at The Ohio State University. After getting initial, incredibly insightful, and always skeptical input from participants in the workshop, I was hooked on a project about legitimacy and rising powers. I'm particularly thankful to Jennifer Mitzen, Randy Schweller, Bill Wohlforth, and Alex Wendt for pushing me on the project. While writing the book, I had several opportunities to present chapters, and I am grateful for participants in workshops at the

DGAPjahresbericht 2013 / 14 Die DGAP-das Netzwerk für Außenpolitik "Außenpolitik vermittelt sich nicht von selbst. Dazu brauchen wir Mittler wie die Deutsche Gesellschaft für Auswärtige Politik. Sie bringt spannende Menschen zusammen, fördert die außenpolitische Debatte, liefert Expertise", sagt Außenminister Frank-Walter Steinmeier über den unabhängigen und gemeinnützigen Verein. Ziel der DGAP ist es, den außenpolitischen Austausch aktiv zu fördern und Akteure aus dem In-und Ausland zusammenzubringen und miteinander zu vernetzen. Mit jährlich rund 250 Vorträgen, Konferenzen, Podiumsdiskussionen und Kamingesprächen sowie einer Vielzahl von Veröffentlichungen ihres Forschungsinstituts bietet die DGAP eine unabhängige und kompetente Plattform. Sie ist heute das einzige Netzwerk in Deutschland, das gezielt alle Akteure der Außenpolitik und damit Politiker, Unternehmer, Wissenschaftler und Medienvertreter gleichermaßen einbezieht. Die Mitarbeiterinnen und Mitarbeiter des Forschungsinstituts der DGAP beraten Entscheider aus Politik, Wirtschaft und Zivilgesellschaft und informieren die breite Öffentlichkeit über Fragen der internationalen Politik. Damit leistet die DGAP einen substanziellen Beitrag zur außenpolitischen Debatte in Deutschland und zur außenpolitischen Stellung Deutschlands in der Welt.

The power politics return, the unregulated globalization, and the complexity of the contemporary international system have caused a severe crisis in multilateral organizations and in the multilateral decision-making processes by sparking the rise of populism and nationalism in the EU and the world. Within this context, the EU encounters a two-faceted multilateralism crisis, the international and the intra-EU one, that threatens the EU’s unity. This analysis, after identifying the connection between the two facets of the multilateralism crisis, focuses on the window of opportunity that emerges by making the EU proceed to further steps on the CSDP. The study argues that unexpected developments like the BREXIT and the alteration of US foreign policy pivot to Asia led to the strengthening of the CSDP, a credible option for the EU’s future. Furthermore, the analysis states that a stronger CSDP can strengthen the NATO alliance and not undercut it. All in all, the analysis ends up by arguing that, paradoxically, it is the multilateralism crisis itself that leads to the strengthening of multilateralism.

Deutschland-eine Wintermisere "Denk´ ich an Deutschland in der Nacht, dann bin ich um den Schlaf gebracht,…" (1) Damit begann Heinrich Heine sein Gedicht Nachtgedanken 1846, am Vorabend der bürgerlichen Revolution. Wenn wir den Zustand der Bundesrepublik Deutschland 2024 betrachten, drängt sich dieser Gedanke wieder auf. Die seit 2021 regierende Ampelkoalition stolpert von einer Schlappe in die nächste und die FDP versetzte ihr nun den Gnadenstoß. Schon zwei unter einen Hut zu bringen erweist sich oft als schwierig und beschert uns bei dreien immer wieder Zerreißproben. Sozial und ökologisch blieb diese Koalition auf dem kleinsten gemeinsamen Nenner hängen und die Akteure dürfen sich nicht wundern, wenn das Profil ihrer Parteien dabei verloren geht. Die CDU/CSU-Opposition brüstet sich damit, die Ampel vorzuführen und hilft der Mehrheit der Menschen (nicht nur den Bauern!) dank Bundesverfassungsgericht neue Lasten über. Die Menschen in diesem Land gelangen immer mehr zur Überzeugung, dass die etablierte Politik kaum Lösungen für die anstehenden Probleme anzubieten vermag was leider auch für die Linke gilt, die kaum eigene politikwirksame Themen vertritt und so am Rande der Bedeutungslosigkeit dahindümpelt. In wieweit Frau Wagenknecht diese Lücke zu füllen vermag müssen wir abwarten. Ihr Gründungsmanifest reicht da sicher noch nicht aus denn es deutet zwar Probleme an bleibt aber insgesamt zu vage. Ihr sei aber auf den Weg gegeben, dass die Aufgabe eigener Positionen zu Gunsten des Eintrittes in eine Regierung in Bundesländern letztendlich auf den Gleichen Weg führt den "Die Linke" schon gegangen ist. Auf einiges werde ich noch zu sprechen kommen. Wäre da noch die AfD, die von einem zum nächsten Umfragehoch eilt, in trauter Einheit mit der Rassemblement National von Marine Le Pen in Frankreich, den rechtsnationalen Regierenden in Italien oder des wiedergewählten Trump in den USA und offenbar begibt sich nun auch Argentinien auf diesen Weg.

DGAPjahresbericht 2013 / 14 Die DGAP-das Netzwerk für Außenpolitik "Außenpolitik vermittelt sich nicht von selbst. Dazu brauchen wir Mittler wie die Deutsche Gesellschaft für Auswärtige Politik. Sie bringt spannende Menschen zusammen, fördert die außenpolitische Debatte, liefert Expertise", sagt Außenminister Frank-Walter Steinmeier über den unabhängigen und gemeinnützigen Verein. Ziel der DGAP ist es, den außenpolitischen Austausch aktiv zu fördern und Akteure aus dem In-und Ausland zusammenzubringen und miteinander zu vernetzen. Mit jährlich rund 250 Vorträgen, Konferenzen, Podiumsdiskussionen und Kamingesprächen sowie einer Vielzahl von Veröffentlichungen ihres Forschungsinstituts bietet die DGAP eine unabhängige und kompetente Plattform. Sie ist heute das einzige Netzwerk in Deutschland, das gezielt alle Akteure der Außenpolitik und damit Politiker, Unternehmer, Wissenschaftler und Medienvertreter gleichermaßen einbezieht. Die Mitarbeiterinnen und Mitarbeiter des Forschungsinstituts der DGAP beraten Entscheider aus Politik, Wirtschaft und Zivilgesellschaft und informieren die breite Öffentlichkeit über Fragen der internationalen Politik. Damit leistet die DGAP einen substanziellen Beitrag zur außenpolitischen Debatte in Deutschland und zur außenpolitischen Stellung Deutschlands in der Welt.

"Das Ende der Gewissheiten" untersucht den politischen Realismus im Spiegel internationaler Staatenbeziehungen.Vor dem Hintergrund der Metamorphose des Leviathan-Motivs von einem archaischen Symbol zur säkularisierten Staatsmacht in der Frühmoderne und seiner Relevanz in den Internationalen Beziehungen begibt sich der Beitrag auf die Spuren des Klassischen Realismus (Hans Morgenthau) und den in seiner Traditionslinie stehenden Theorien wie dem Neorealismus (Kenneth Waltz). Im Lichte der geopolitischen Weltordnung und der geostrategischen Entwicklungstrends ab Mitte des 20. Jahrhunderts werden die Grenzen und Spannungen der bestehenden internationalen Institutionen- und Sicherheitsarchitektonik politisch-realistisch analysiert. Dabei wird die Persistenz nationalstaatlicher Machtinteressen und die für den politischen Realismus konstitutive Anarchie internationaler Staatenbeziehungen in den Blick genommen. Sailer argumentiert, dass diese Politdynamiken auf tief verwurzelte machtpolitische Strukturen und anthropologische Grundkonstanten hinweisen, die trotz globalisierter Interdependenzen auch im 21. Jahrhundert weiterhin – und zunehmend wieder – prägend sind. In Kontrastierung historischer Entwicklungen wird die These aufgestellt, dass die zeitgenössischen Verschiebungen als Ausdruck eines fortlaufenden Machtlaufs der Weltgeschichte interpretiert werden dürften, der letztlich auf die Wiederkehr eines ‚quasi-anarchischen‘ internationalen Systems hindeutet. Eine Weltordnung also, in der souveräne Staaten – primär durch Macht, Interessen und Einflusszonendenken geleitet – sich von "gekannten Gewissheiten‘"des Völkerrechts zu lösen beginnen, als sich die "Rückkehr des Leviathan" als eigentliche Abkunft des Staatlichen im Grundsatz ankündigt.

Military diplomacy has been a vibrant tool for enhancing national interest with the peaceful use of resources for acquiring the objective of the foreign policy of the nation. The Nepali Army has a long tradition of exercising military diplomacy in order to safeguard sovereignty, territorial integrity, and national security. Different experts and scholars perceive that the military diplomacy of Nepal has been influenced by various domestic and international factors. The objective of this research is to assess various domestic and international factors that influence military diplomacy in Nepal. The research assumes an alternative hypothesis having a relationship with the influencing factors of military diplomacy. The research follows a sequential explanatory design using both primary and secondary data. Primary data are collected by using a stratified sample technique from 68 government officers engaged in administrative, security, and Foreign Service of Nepal with five-point Likert-scales questionnaire. Secondary data are extracted from research articles, books, newspapers, and online sources. The findings show that all the sub-variables of domestic and international factors are highly correlated. The regression analysis shows that domestic and international factors have a 91.5% effect on the military diplomacy of Nepal. The research suggests an improvement of domestic factors and competing with international factors for enhancing the military diplomacy of Nepal.

Thanks to sustained economic growth and key investments in military capabilities, India will face growing demands from within and the international community to seek and play a greater role in global security affairs. The values and interests likely to guide India's future behavior will be a mixture of old and new, eastern and western. India's international aspirations have an important prehistory , covered in this chapter's first section where non-alignment, as idea and practice, is explored for its enduring significance. India's relevance as a security actor is assessed in terms of its activities and capacity to influence developments within two security zones of major contemporary importance: Afghanistan and the Indian Ocean. Finally, a section on the constraints and challenges examines India's ability to navigate a multi-polar world, the fallout and gains of nuclearization, the 2008 Indo-US nuclear deal, as well as 'the weaknesses from within' in terms of human security.

Social Darwinism was a pathbreaker in the history of Chinese international thought. In this study, we explore the hitherto sparsely discussed process of the reception of social Darwinism in China, which led to a fundamental transformation in Chinese thinking about the international order and the position of China vis-à-vis Western powers. Drawing on the work of three leaders of that intellectual transformation-Yan Fu, Kang Youwei, and Liang Qichao-we analyse issues such as the struggle for existence and survival, national and racial competition, and statism. We demonstrate how the three aforementioned thinkers modified the original Darwinist thought, enriching it with voluntarism and radical collectivism, all in order for the emerging set of ideas to suit China's historically determined needs. Overall, our analysis contributes to both the history of International Relations thought in China and the broader debate on the globalisation of IR theory and IR knowledge production.

Master's thesis in Risk management and societal safetyVektere har over lengre tid blitt debattert i det offentlige, med fokus på rettssikkerhet til publikum som kommer i møte med vektere som en sentral del. Etter 22. juli terroren har fokuset på vektere i Norge dreid seg mer i retning mot beredskap og den kapasitet vaktvirksomhetene gir uttrykk for at de besitter. Forskningen kom i gang som et resultat av personlig erfaring med både privat vaktvirksomhet og konsulentarbeid innen risikostyring og sikkerhetsledelse. Kunnskap om sentrale drivere i sikkerhetsarbeid og vaktvirksomhetenes sentrale aktiviteter, har bidratt til en sterk motivasjon om å forske på vaktvirksomhetene som en samlet aktør i samfunnssikkerhetsarbeidet. Søk i tilgjengelig forskning, artikler, kronikker, intervjuer og offentlige rapporter om vaktvirksomhetene viser at alle har en fellesnevner om at noe må gjøres. Enten i form av, men ikke begrenset til; inkludering av vaktvirksomheter i offentlig beredskap, øke ...

Dr. Chris C. Demchak, a former Army Reserve officer, received her PhD in political science from UC Berkeley and holds an MPA in economic development from Princeton and an MA in energy engineering from Berkeley. She has published articles on comparative security, cyberspace, organizations, and largescale systems surprise and three books: Military Organizations, Complex Machines

This paper titled: Reputation management, lobbying and budget padding in the Nigerian 9th National Assembly: A Public Perception tried to assess the contribution of public relations in the management of reputation of the 9th National Assembly. It also explored the effect of padding on the budget and its consequence on the image of the 9th National Assembly. Using Google form as instrument for data collection, a range of questions were designed and distributed to 500 android phone users. The outcome of the findings revealed that the public perception of the reputation of the 9th National Assembly was low. Finding also has shown that the nature of lobbying in the 9th National Assembly was shrouded in secrecy and therefore, betrayed the principles of transparency and sincere engagement with the public. The paper concluded that public relations reputation management of the 9th National Assembly was deficient and loses moral credence because it did not reach expected level of public acceptance. The paper recommended among other things that both public and private behaviour of legislators should be more transparent and open by telling the truth always, prove it with actions and remain calm while the public passes it judgments.
Key words: Perception, Reputation Management, Public Relations, Lobbying, and Budget Padding.

The Cold War ended in 1991, yet the North Atlantic Treaty Organization still persists. This outcome defies paradoxically two exceedingly important facts: First, NATO’s central and greatest geostrategic rival—the Soviet Union—disappeared a quarter of a century ago. Second, China and Russia are insufficiently capable to individually challenge and counterbalance NATO’s military supremacy and conventional military might. From a theoretical perspective, in the absence of an immediate threat and/or the need to counterbalance relative power, International Relations alliance theory would posit the dissolution of military alliances. Nonetheless, NATO continues to endure. This study seeks to elucidate the strategic factors generating this puzzling historical and theoretical development.

This study demonstrated that the political economy of the defense industry has become an important variable that can affect the power of states and the endurance of alliances. The study analyzed three equivalent cases of military alliance dynamics—the aftermath of the Great World War, the Second World War, and the post-Cold-War phase of NATO. The analysis of these three cases served to probe and demonstrate the necessary and sufficient conditions for the presence and endurance of military alliances. According to International Relations alliance theory such conditions should be, first, the presence of external threats and, second, the compatibility of national interests.

This study employed the comparative case study method in order to shed light on the nature of threats faced by great powers during different time periods. Further, the study used the focused comparison method in conjunction with the intensive case study approach to explore in depth the states’ strategic military and economic interests and alliance decisions. Having analyzed the external threats and compatibility of great power interests in different time periods, the study concluded that neither of the two abovementioned conditions is sufficient to explain the endurance and deepening of the level of cooperation among the great powers participating in NATO. This study demonstrated that technological features of military production—the size and extent of scale economies, economies of scope, and learning-by-doing—and escalating military costs have been crucial and complementary factors affecting the motivations and intra-alliance politics of NATO member-states after the Cold War.

The COVID-19 pandemic and the conflict in Ukraine have brought to the surface problems of the modern world that the international community has not seriously addressed. These problems appear to be, on the one hand, the management of global public health and, on the other, relations between states on international trade. These situations are linked to circumstances that have altered the power relations of states over the years, challenging the centrality of the West and the already fragile power of UN institutions. This research analyses the international situation of two UN bodies: the WHO and the WTO, addressing the governance crisis on public health and international trade and trying to understand the causes of the decline in the leadership of their institutions. Adopting a thorough literature review, the findings show how faulty leadership within the UN has led to a significant increase in nationalism among emerging nations, distrust and lack of cooperation. The divergent political visions of members have radically shaken the international balance, triggering a cycle of change in the governance of global health and global trade on a new premise, that of 'multilevel' global governance.