Political Integration

V posledních desetiletích došlo k mohutnému rozvoji a expanzi globálních vztahů, transakcí a kontaktů. Mnohé z nich se mohly šířit jen díky masovému využívání moderních technologií, zejména internetu. Zatímco ekonomická globalizace je dnes dle mého názoru v pokročilém, snad pozdním stádiu, politická a kulturní globalizace, projevující se  šířením určitých (Západem podporovaných) kulturních vzorců chování (globální turismus, westernalizace) a jednání (sociální sítě a hnutí), k němuž z velké části přispívají média a reklama (viz např. Hronová 2010), zaostávají. V případě politické je tato skutečnost chápána a interpretována jak pozitivně (zachování rozhodovacích pravomocí na úrovni státu, demokratický deficit globálního státu), tak negativně (neefektivní spolupráce, globální problémy, lokální zájmy – např. Lebeda 2005). V této práci bych se chtěl zaměřit na vnímání nastalých a předpokládaných následků současné politické globalizace v lokálním měřítku, které bude představovat území Česka, kde se tyto projevy střetávají s lokálními vlivy.

This paper focuses on processes of political integration for immigrants in the Italian context, constituting as it does an understudied topic. It does so by looking at one specific community, Albanian immigrants, who have been typically heavily stigmatized. While Albanian immigration in Italy has been a focus of previous research, no consideration so far has been given to naturalization and its influence on other political processes at the level of immigrants’ daily lives. Through the meanings which participants of this research attribute to citizenship and their acting as political agents, the paper unpacks the relations between this "status passage" (Glaser and Strauss 1971) and the political integration of immigrants. The findings show a very complex picture in which multiple factors and interactions play an important role. Legally speaking, Italian citizenship is a pre-condition for immigrants to enjoy the right to vote in elections at all levels, which participants co...

Il Consiglio europeo del 26 giugno 2025 si è svolto in un momento emblematico per la traiettoria di sviluppo dell'Unione sul piano dell'integrazione politica: sullo sfondo di un conflitto ucraino tutt'altro che risolto, di una crisi commerciale incipiente con gli Stati Uniti (è del 12 luglio 2025 l'annuncio del Presidente degli Stati Uniti dell'introduzione di dazi al 30% per le merci UE) e di una crescente instabilità nella regione mediterranea, le conclusioni adottate a Bruxelles si sono presentate come un documento ambizioso e, tuttavia, segnato da ambiguità e fragilità.

Описывается роль инноваций в жизни современного общества. Отмечается, что сегодня актуализируется проблематика управления инновационным развитием белорусских университетов. Эффективные решения в данной сфере могут быть получены путем применения открытой платформы, которая включает в себя систему прямых связей разных социальных институтов. Одним из инструментов организации взаимодействия образования, науки, промышленности и бизнеса выступает модель открытых инноваций. С помощью данной модели университет может не только использовать собственные разработки, но и активно привлекать внешние структуры, обладающие необходимыми компетенциями. Утверждается, что от инновационного климата в университете зависит успешность реализуемых в учреждении инновационных проектов. Результаты настоящей работы могут быть использованы при дальнейшей разработке проблематики управления высшим образованием в условиях цифровизации.

El 11-S impacto sobre la UE y los procesos desarrollados desde entonces, fundamentalmente la negociacion de la Constitucion. Ahora, el 11-M abre nuevos interrogantes sobre las posibles repercusiones de estos terribles atentados terroristas perpetrados en Madrid. A pesar que aun es pronto para evaluar las repercusiones del 11-M sobre la Union Europea, este analisis se centrara sobre dos cuestiones que merecen una reflexion: la primera se refiere al impacto que el 11-M tendra sobre la politica europea del nuevo gobierno espanol y la segunda al efecto que estos acontecimientos tendran sobre la relacion transatlantica.

Tema: La Cumbre de Bruselas ha aprobado el 18 de Junio un borrador de Constitución que ahora afronta su fase decisiva. El texto tendrá que ser ratificado, unánimemente, por todos los Estados miembros, a través de una variedad de procedimientos que permiten vislumbrar una posibilidad real de un fracaso del proceso. Este trabajo presenta sumariamente los mecanismos de ratificación utilizados e indica los posibles obstáculos que pueden surgir en su aplicación, así como los efectos sobre la legitimidad de la Unión. Resumen: El acuerdo del Consejo Europeo sobre la Constitución, alcanzado el pasado 18 de Junio, cierra el proceso de elaboración de la misma pero no concluye, en absoluto, lo que se podría denominar como la "política constitucional" de la UE. De hecho, la fase más difícil se abre ahora porque la propia Constitución prevé que su entrada en vigor sólo será posible por un voto unánime de los 25 Estados miembros, además de Rumania y Bulgaria (cuya adhesión está prevista para 2007, al mismo tiempo o antes de la entrada en vigor de la Constitución). En esta situación, existen dificultades objetivas para alcanzar una ratificación exitosa dada la heterogeneidad de casos que se van a plantear. Más aún, el requisito de unanimidad blinda a los actores nacionales frente a la necesidad de asumir aisladamente el coste del rechazo a la UE y permite que el criterio esencial de decisión sea de corte instrumental a partir de consideraciones utilitarias nacionales. Por ello, y atendiendo a su ratificación, el modelo de legitimidad de la futura Constitución se asemejará más a la de los antiguos tratados que al carácter de "contrato social" que se atribuye normalmente a las constituciones: la definición y comprensión nacional de las condiciones de pertenencia es el elemento predominante para legitimar la UE, lo que consolida su percepción como respuesta a proyectos nacionales diferentes e, incluso, antagónicos. Análisis: La ratificación parlamentaria La ratificación de la Constitución debe realizarse de acuerdo con los procedimientos constitucionales nacionales (artículo IV-8, CONV 86/04), 1 lo que implica tres tipos de situaciones que pueden aparecer aislada o concurrentemente: el trámite parlamentario, los referendos y la reforma constitucional, en los que participan diferentes actores, partidos, grupos, tribunales constitucionales, etc. En primer lugar, en todos los casos habrá un trámite parlamentario. Incluso en aquellos países donde la ratificación pueda considerarse puramente la sanción de un tratado internacional y 1

À la date du recensement, 82 363 Portugais vivaient au Luxembourg, soit 16.1% de la population totale. Depuis 1970, le nombre absolu de Portugais, tout comme leur part dans la population n'ont cessé d'augmenter. La moyenne d'âge des Portugais (32.9 ans) est beaucoup moins élevé que celle de la population totale (38.7 ans). 3 011 personnes de nationalité portugaise vivant au Luxembourg ont 65 ans et plus, ce qui correspond à seulement 3.7% de la population portugaise habitant le Luxembourg. Par contre, la part des 65 ans et plus dans l'ensemble de la population atteint 14%. 70.0% des Portugais habitant au Luxembourg sont nés au Portugal et 24.4% sont nés au Luxembourg. En termes absolus, la plupart des Portugais (13 567) habitent dans la Ville de Luxembourg. C'est cependant à Larochette que leur part relative est la plus importante (45.2% de la population de cette commune). En moyenne, les Portugais ont un niveau d'éducation plus faible que la population totale en moyenne. Cependant, comme pour l'ensemble de la population, on assiste à une hausse du niveau d'éducation : les cohortes plus jeunes sont mieux formées que les cohortes plus âgées. Cependant un écart subsiste. Dans la classe d'âge des 25-34 ans, 50% des Portugais ont un niveau d'éducation faible (primaire et secondaire inférieur de 3 années au plus), alors que le pourcentage correspondant est de 20% pour cette classe d'âge dans l'ensemble de la population. 53% des Portugais vivant au Luxembourg au moment du recensement de 2011 ont immigré au Grand-Duché entre 1995 et 2011. Institut national de la statistique et des études économiques Tél.

, 1. As the title of his book suggests, and as he makes explicit in the opening chapter, the common appellation of the EC is the European Community, even though the three are formally independent (though merged) institutions, and the title the EC itself uses is the European Communities. This creates a terminological mess which the student of European politics simply cannot avoid. All the institutions have their own acronym and names are indetermi-nate. For example, EC means European Communities, European Community, European Commission, and European Council. The first two are the most common, but all have appeared. For this discussion, EC will refer to the Community as a whole, which will be labelled in its common form, the European Community. 2

The study was conducted in order to identify the ideas and opinions of Russian citizens about a fair social state and their priorities in the activities of this type of state. Th e fi eld part of the study included online focus groups and an online mass questionnaire survey of citizens on an effective sample of 1003 respondents from residents of Russian cities with a population of over 100,000 people from all federal districts. For Russian citizens, the rule of law and the social state are unconditional values, according to their ideas; the Russian state cannot be different. But according to the estimates of the study participants’ majority the Russian state should still develop in the direction of the social, having solved many problems. Among such problems, the study participants pointed out the need to increase the level of pensions, benefits and other social payments, reduce the level of inequality in the well-being of different social groups, reduce poverty, overcome bureaucracy and corruption, and others. They also noted the need to improve the state interaction with citizens so that the state listens to its citizens and does what they need. At the same time, different generations of Russian citizens have different priorities in the development of the social state. Thus, representatives of the older, Soviet generation saw the Soviet state as an example of a social state, but, like other generations, without equality of welfare for all citizens, but ensuring their well-being according to merit. It seems obvious to Russian citizens that the state must be fair. But a mass questionnaire survey showed a significant discrepancy between respondents’ assessments of the principles of fairness desired and actually applied by the state for several model situations. Correlation analysis based on the same data showed very weak statistical links between respondents’ assessments of their expectations and reality in the application by the state of all the principles of fairness included in the study, without any exception. Under such conditions, it is almost impossible for both citizens and public authorities, based on the well-known expectations of citizens, to predict how the state should apply the principles of fairness so that they meet the expectations of citizens. If we add to this that support for the principles of fairness varies between generations and other social groups, then it is necessary to recognize this set of problems as very complex and, at the same time, necessary to solve in order to ensure fairness by the Russian state. / В статье представлены результаты исследования, которое проводилось с целью выявления представлений и мнений российских граждан о справедливом социальном государстве и их приоритетах в деятельности государства такого типа. Полевая часть исследования включала онлайн фокус-группы и онлайн массовый анкетный опрос граждан на эффективной выборке (1003 респондента из жителей городов России с населением от 100 тыс. человек из всех федеральных округов). Подавляющее большинство российских граждан желает видеть государство правовым и социальным, но по их оценкам российское государство должно ещё развиваться в направлении социального, решив немало проблем. Среди таких проблем участники исследования указывали на необходимость повышения уровня пенсий, пособий и других социальных выплат, снижения уровня неравенства благосостояния разных социальных групп, снижения уровня бедности, преодоления бюрократизма и коррупции и др. Отмечали они и необходимость улучшения взаимодействий государства с гражданами, чтобы государство слушало своих граждан и делало то, что нужно им. При этом разные поколения российских граждан имеют разные приоритеты в развитии социального государства. Так, представители старшего поколения образец социального государства видели в советском государстве, но, как и другие поколения, не в уравнивании доходов всех граждан, а в обеспечении благосостояния по их заслугам. Подавляющее большинство граждан (74%) считает необходимым для государства
обеспечение баланса между развитием экономики и решениями социальных проблем, но только меньшинство их (40%) отмечает наличие такого баланса в деятельности современного российского государства.

The study was conducted in order to identify the ideas and opinions of Russian citizens about a fair social state and their priorities in the activities of this type of state. Th e fi eld part of the study included online focus groups and an online mass questionnaire survey of citizens on an effective sample of 1003 respondents from residents of Russian cities with a population of over 100,000 people from all federal districts. For Russian citizens, the rule of law and the social state are unconditional values, according to their ideas; the Russian state cannot be different. But according to the estimates of the study participants’ majority the Russian state should still develop in the direction of the social, having solved many problems. Among such problems, the study participants pointed out the need to increase the level of pensions, benefits and other social payments, reduce the level of inequality in the well-being of different social groups, reduce poverty, overcome bureaucracy and corruption, and others. They also noted the need to improve the state interaction with citizens so that the state listens to its citizens and does what they need. At the same time, different generations of Russian citizens have different priorities in the development of the social state. Thus, representatives of the older, Soviet generation saw the Soviet state as an example of a social state, but, like other generations, without equality of welfare for all citizens, but ensuring their well-being according to merit. It seems obvious to Russian citizens that the state must be fair. But a mass questionnaire survey showed a significant discrepancy between respondents’ assessments of the principles of fairness desired and actually applied by the state for several model situations. Correlation analysis based on the same data showed very weak statistical links between respondents’ assessments of their expectations and reality in the application by the state of all the principles of fairness included in the study, without any exception. Under such conditions, it is almost impossible for both citizens and public authorities, based on the well-known expectations of citizens, to predict how the state should apply the principles of fairness so that they meet the expectations of citizens. If we add to this that support for the principles of fairness varies between generations and other social groups, then it is necessary to recognize this set of problems as very complex and, at the same time, necessary to solve in order to ensure fairness by the Russian state. / В статье представлены результаты исследования, которое проводилось с целью выявления представлений и мнений российских граждан о справедливом социальном государстве и их приоритетах в деятельности государства такого типа. Полевая часть исследования включала онлайн фокус-группы и онлайн массовый анкетный опрос граждан на эффективной выборке (1003 респондента из жителей городов России с населением от 100 тыс. человек из всех федеральных округов). Подавляющее большинство российских граждан желает видеть государство правовым и социальным, но по их оценкам российское государство должно ещё развиваться в направлении социального, решив немало проблем. Среди таких проблем участники исследования указывали на необходимость повышения уровня пенсий, пособий и других социальных выплат, снижения уровня неравенства благосостояния разных социальных групп, снижения уровня бедности, преодоления бюрократизма и коррупции и др. Отмечали они и необходимость улучшения взаимодействий государства с гражданами, чтобы государство слушало своих граждан и делало то, что нужно им. При этом разные поколения российских граждан имеют разные приоритеты в развитии социального государства. Так, представители старшего поколения образец социального государства видели в советском государстве, но, как и другие поколения, не в уравнивании доходов всех граждан, а в обеспечении благосостояния по их заслугам. Подавляющее большинство граждан (74%) считает необходимым для государства
обеспечение баланса между развитием экономики и решениями социальных проблем, но только меньшинство их (40%) отмечает наличие такого баланса в деятельности современного российского государства.

Tema: La Cumbre de Bruselas ha aprobado el 18 de Junio un borrador de Constitución que ahora afronta su fase decisiva. El texto tendrá que ser ratificado, unánimemente, por todos los Estados miembros, a través de una variedad de procedimientos que permiten vislumbrar una posibilidad real de un fracaso del proceso. Este trabajo presenta sumariamente los mecanismos de ratificación utilizados e indica los posibles obstáculos que pueden surgir en su aplicación, así como los efectos sobre la legitimidad de la Unión. Resumen: El acuerdo del Consejo Europeo sobre la Constitución, alcanzado el pasado 18 de Junio, cierra el proceso de elaboración de la misma pero no concluye, en absoluto, lo que se podría denominar como la "política constitucional" de la UE. De hecho, la fase más difícil se abre ahora porque la propia Constitución prevé que su entrada en vigor sólo será posible por un voto unánime de los 25 Estados miembros, además de Rumania y Bulgaria (cuya adhesión está prevista para 2007, al mismo tiempo o antes de la entrada en vigor de la Constitución). En esta situación, existen dificultades objetivas para alcanzar una ratificación exitosa dada la heterogeneidad de casos que se van a plantear. Más aún, el requisito de unanimidad blinda a los actores nacionales frente a la necesidad de asumir aisladamente el coste del rechazo a la UE y permite que el criterio esencial de decisión sea de corte instrumental a partir de consideraciones utilitarias nacionales. Por ello, y atendiendo a su ratificación, el modelo de legitimidad de la futura Constitución se asemejará más a la de los antiguos tratados que al carácter de "contrato social" que se atribuye normalmente a las constituciones: la definición y comprensión nacional de las condiciones de pertenencia es el elemento predominante para legitimar la UE, lo que consolida su percepción como respuesta a proyectos nacionales diferentes e, incluso, antagónicos. Análisis: La ratificación parlamentaria La ratificación de la Constitución debe realizarse de acuerdo con los procedimientos constitucionales nacionales (artículo IV-8, CONV 86/04), 1 lo que implica tres tipos de situaciones que pueden aparecer aislada o concurrentemente: el trámite parlamentario, los referendos y la reforma constitucional, en los que participan diferentes actores, partidos, grupos, tribunales constitucionales, etc. En primer lugar, en todos los casos habrá un trámite parlamentario. Incluso en aquellos países donde la ratificación pueda considerarse puramente la sanción de un tratado internacional y 1

Depuis son émergence dans les années 1970, le mouvement nationaliste corse établit des relations avec des mouvements homologues, mais il n’a que progressivement porté attention aux territoires ultramarins. Nonobstant leur diversité, ces territoires démontrent la grande flexibilité institutionnelle de la République, et les nationalistes corses s’appuient désormais essentiellement sur des dispositifs employés outre-mer pour revendiquer des exceptions aux principes unitaires.

Zusammenfassung Nach einer verbreiteten Auffassung hat die Transformation der EU zu einem Regime mit supranationalem Charakter, die durch den Vertrag von Maastricht eingeleitet wurde, mehrere legitimationswirksame Konsequenzen. Erstens führt sie zu einer Politisierung der EU, und in Folge davon wird die EU nicht mehr nur mit ökonomischen Effizienzkriterien, sondern auch mit demokratischen Standards konfrontiert. Zweitens wird den Bürgern auf diese Weise das Demokratiedefizit der EU bewusst, und das führt wiederum zu einer Erosion der Unterstützung der EU. Diese Thesen können durch die empirischen Befunde der Analyse nicht bestätigt werden. Nach dem Vertrag von Maastricht ist die Zufriedenheit mit dem Funktionieren der EU keineswegs gesunken, und die Kausalanalyse hat gezeigt, dass die EU immer noch primär auf der Grundlage instrumenteller Bewertungsstandards beurteilt wird. Der Bezugspunkt für die demokratischen Standards der Bürger ist offenbar weiterhin der eigene Nationalstaat, und die Einschätzung der Demokratie der EU kann als eine Generalisierung der Zufriedenheit mit der Demokratie des eigenen Landes begriffen werden. Es kann allerdings gefragt werden, ob die EU dauerhaft auf eine Mobilisierung von Unterstützung auf der Grundlage demokratischer Standards verzichten kann. Diese Mobilisierung würde allerdings die Institutionalisierung einer europäischen Demokratie voraussetzen.

Problem and aim. The relevance of presented study lies in understanding that it is impossible to be an independent
government and implement its own policies without having technological leadership. In modern youth discourse, the
attractive image of the creative engineer has disappeared, without which it is impossible to achieve a change in the
«user» mentality in the field of technology. Accordingly, the purpose of the study is an applied communicative-semiotic
analysis of the basic representations through which students describe concepts such as «Russia’s technological wellbeing», «technological leadership» and «technological imitation».
Materials and research methods. The authors of the study used communicative-semiotic analysis to study free verbal
associations of students (projective methodology), which made it possible to determine the symbolic constructs of
youth discourse in the ratio of internal/external and individual/collective areas that integrate human consciousness
and empirical phenomena into conversations about the technological well-being of Russia (concept of M. Conway).
The applied research (questionnaire) was carried out in two stages. Data processing was carried out using the method
of identifying keywords by Word Cloud Generator with the subsequent formation of a word cloud as a method of
information compression. The identified associations were analyzed within the Porter stemmer word stemming tool.
Research results. The results of the study showed that the formation of representations in relation to the concept of
«technological well-being of Russia» is contradictory. However, this inconsistency is not associated with projection
of the «technological leadership» and «technological imitation» vectors. The authors found that the projection of
the image of the future of Russia in the trends of technological well-being is not associated by engineer students
with the role of a man. The non-subjective nature of the concept of «technological well-being» emphasizes the gaps
in the system of higher engineering education associated with the imposed practice of consumer behavior. The
authors proposed educational technologies for leveling the non-subjective nature in the formation of the concept of
«technological well-being of Russia» in the system of higher engineering education.
Conclusion. The results of the study are significant for both the theoretical and practical research base in the field
of higher engineering education. An empirical basis on representations of the image of the future associated with
the concept of «technological well-being» will make it possible to understand what stereotypes and constructs are
relevant for young people’s individual educational trajectory. In the future, this will make it possible to make changes
curriculum for future engineers in terms of social and humanitarian knowledge.

Regionalism, as a political ideology is gaining ground in India. If we go back to history, we will find that, after the regional movements in the South and in Punjab, the movement in Assam can be counted as one of the oldest regional movements in the country. The paradigm shift that the regional movements have brought about is to change the mindset of the people so as to facilitate a localized, pinpointed outlook to political problem-solving. At this juncture, when most states have felt the need for regional parties to raise their respective problems, Assam has reduced the regionalists into almost nonentities , with less than one-twelfth of the total seats in the legislature. AGP is now the fourth largest party, after the Congress, AIUDF and the BPF. The Assam Movement was instrumental in bringing about a surge of regional ambitions in the eyes of the common man. That it instilled in an ordinary man ability to dream about regional prosperity is the biggest contribution of the movement. The inability to follow up the dreams that were created, and a failure of the political class who were entrusted to convert those dreams and idealism into reality has really dashed hopes and lofty dreams. The society in Assam seems to settle down, and seems content for much lesser. Regionalism cannot only be confined to formation of a political party and its existence, it has to be a broader, a more widespread phenomenon. The problem arises when certain groups assert their authority over it, when the actual authority should lie with the people. The soul of Assam lies in a regional ideology, where people come out of their differences in customs and celebrate their diversity. The concept 'Son of Soil' plays an important role in the process of growing the sense of regionalism in North Eastern states particularly Assam. As a result of growing regionalism, various movements occurred for the separate autonomy within Assam in different times.

Regionalism, as a political ideology is gaining ground in India. If we go back to history, we will find that, after the regional movements in the South and in Punjab, the movement in Assam can be counted as one of the oldest regional movements in the country. The paradigm shift that the regional movements have brought about is to change the mindset of the people so as to facilitate a localized, pinpointed outlook to political problem-solving. At this juncture, when most states have felt the need for regional parties to raise their respective problems, Assam has reduced the regionalists into almost nonentities , with less than one-twelfth of the total seats in the legislature. AGP is now the fourth largest party, after the Congress, AIUDF and the BPF. The Assam Movement was instrumental in bringing about a surge of regional ambitions in the eyes of the common man. That it instilled in an ordinary man ability to dream about regional prosperity is the biggest contribution of the movement. The inability to follow up the dreams that were created, and a failure of the political class who were entrusted to convert those dreams and idealism into reality has really dashed hopes and lofty dreams. The society in Assam seems to settle down, and seems content for much lesser. Regionalism cannot only be confined to formation of a political party and its existence, it has to be a broader, a more widespread phenomenon. The problem arises when certain groups assert their authority over it, when the actual authority should lie with the people. The soul of Assam lies in a regional ideology, where people come out of their differences in customs and celebrate their diversity. The concept 'Son of Soil' plays an important role in the process of growing the sense of regionalism in North Eastern states particularly Assam. As a result of growing regionalism, various movements occurred for the separate autonomy within Assam in different times.

When the East India Company acquired the Diwani of Bengal in 1765, the present day Meghalaya state became the immediate frontier of the Company until Assam was fully annexed over the next century. The inhabitants of this frontier were, describes Alexander Mackenzie (1884: 245), who was Secretary to the Government of India in the Home Department, "the first of the Assam mountain tribes with whom we came into contact" who were at that time "semiindependent". The oppressive practices of the zamindars and the retaliatory raids and murders from these hills led to the formulation of a non-regulation pattern of administration by David Scott, who was the magistrate of Rangpur from 1815 to 1821 and responsible for the Garo frontier. Under Regulation X of 1822 "the Garo Mountaineers, and other rude tribes on the NorthEastern Frontier of Rungpore" were exempted "from the operation of the existing Regulations". Giving a definition of the directional name-the "North-East", Alexander Mackenzie (1884: 1) explains that "The northeast frontier of Bengal is a term used sometimes to denote a boundary line, and sometimes more generally to describe a tract. In the latter sense it embraces the whole of the hill ranges north, east, and south of the Assam Valley". Two decades later George Nathaniel Curzon (1907: 6), delivering "The Romanes Lecture" on 2 November 1907, describes their relationship with them: "The most arduous struggle in which we have been engaged in India in modern times was waged with Frontier tribes".

This article investigates the integration of Vietnamese-origin immigrants into the political sphere in Poland. Drawing on the reconceptualisation of integration as a two-way interactive process between migrant actors and host countries, this study examines the Vietnamese’s political integration by disentangling the migrant group’s willingness to be politically integrated through their participation in the political opportunities granted in the host society. Empirically, this study focuses on the viewpoint of immigrants, analysing the Vietnamese’s latent and manifest political participation in Polish society. By employing mixed-method research with a parallel mixed design utilising qualitative and quantitative data, this study discloses the visibility of political integration into Polish society among Vietnamese-origin immigrants. The integration is characterised by a modest willingness for political engagement, exhibited by a low involvement level in latent activities and a very low rate of engagement in the manifest dimension. Political integration motivation is highly linked to the perception of obligation fulfilment to the host society, the desire to gain recognition from the hosts and the protection of liberal values. The results also uncover a variation in political participation across primary demographic factors, with a high degree of involvement manifested among males, older people and the 1.5 and second generation.

Conjuguant une socio-histoire de l'assimilation et une ethnographie contemporaine des procédures de naturalisation, le sociologue Abdellali Hajjat donne à voir la circulation de cette catégorie entre la métropole et le monde colonial, via la racialisation de l'ordre national.

En el presente artículo pretendemos estudiar cómo los libres de San Antonio de Quili- chao al asentarse accedieron a la tenencia de tierra, dándole variados usos y logrando vincular su producción no solo al mercado local sino a la provincia de Popayán. Para alcanzar lo anterior, los libres contaron con la favorabilidad de condiciones tales como la producción agrícola, la cría de ganados, el desarrollo de pulperías, la especialización en distintos oficios y la utilización de una red de distribución comercial.

En el presente artículo pretendemos estudiar cómo los libres de San Antonio de Quilichao al asentarse accedieron a la tenencia de tierra, dándole variados usos y logrando vincular su producción no solo al mercado local sino a la provincia de Popayán. Para alcanzar lo anterior, los libres contaron con la favorabilidad de condiciones tales como la producción agrícola, la cría de ganados, el desarrollo de pulperías, la especialización en distintos oficios y la utilización de una red de distribución comercial.

Northeast India is inhabited by numerous tribal communities with well-knitted traditions, practices, and beliefs. The region is known for its contested social and political history and ethnic demands for autonomy, homeland, recognition, and accommodation. In contrast to the popular perception of virulent ethnic violence, conflicts, and subsequent displacement of many communities, the region is experiencing greater changes in infrastructure development and road, air, and rail connectivity.

The problem of the third age people's education is considered in the article. The conception of lifelong education as well as its realization in Western European countries is analyzed. The situation of creating and developing universities for the third age people is examined by the example of Poland.

Ce rapport a été réalisé pour la Chambre des Députés du Grand-Duché de Luxembourg. Il ne reflète pas les points de vue de la Chambre des Députés et de ses membres. Toutes interprétations ou opinions exprimées dans ce rapport sont celles des auteurs.

1.0 Le projet et ses activités Le projet 'Baleine' du Centre de Recherche Public-Centre Universitaire a pour but d'étudier l'intégration des étrangers au Luxembourg. Ce projet a été mené en collaboration avec le CLAE, l'ASTI et le SESOPI grâce au concours du Commissariat du Gouvernement aux Etrangers et à une subvention de l'asbl «Année européenne contre le racisme». Les experts de ces institutions forment le groupe d'accompagnement qui est constitué par:

Îles où l'on ne prendra jamais terre Îles où l'on ne descendra jamais Îles couvertes de végétation Îles tapies comme des jaguars Îles muettes Îles immobiles Îles inoubliables et sans nom Je lance mes chaussures par-dessus bord car je voudrais bien aller jusqu'à vous Îles, Blaise Cendrars, Feuilles de route, 1924 « Îles ». Répéter ce mot plusieurs fois, comme l'évocation d'une prière. Rarement un nom n'aura été entouré de telles nimbes légendaires. La seule évocation d'une île, ou des îles, suffit à nous transporter dans un univers aux confins de l'onirique. Des représentations concrètes de l'atoll bleu lagon synonyme de fuite voyageuse à celles, littéraires, de l'île au trésor ou du paradis perdu, voire l'utopie d'une société parfaite, l'île a toujours nourri fantasmes et créations. Créations qui ont parfois trouvé des prolongements réels, l'île chilienne Aguas Buenas ayant perdu son nom au profit de Isla Robinsón Crusoe en 1966. Une île du pacifique fait donc le pont réel entre la fiction de Daniel Defoe et la terre qui aurait été l'abri du naufragé écossais Alexander Selkirk, inspirateur de 1 Je remercie ma collègue et surtout amie Aurore Gaillet pour sa relecture attentive. plus forte que celle française ayant abandonné la référence à l'unité) et reconnaître en son sein des îles autonomes, c'est-à-dire dotées du pouvoir d'adopter leurs propres lois dans certains domaines. Ces îles objets de rêveries littéraires, « Îles où l'on ne prendra jamais terre », peuvent donc être également saisies par le droit constitutionnel qui peut déclamer, à l'instar de la constitution portugaise, les « immémoriales aspirations à l'autonomie des populations insulaires ». Et dépasser le romantisme de la formule pour y attacher des effets juridiques.

PurposePrevious studies have used language proficiency, citizenship, labour indicators, educational outcomes and political rights as measures of migrants’ socio-cultural integration. However, little is known about the migrants’ participation in volunteering activities, music concerts, theatrical plays and artistic activities, among others, and how this is compared to the participation of natives, defined as people of German descent and born in Germany. The study aims to investigate and compare the cultural and social involvement between migrants and natives.Design/methodology/approachThe analysis relies on information from the German Socio-Economic Panel Survey (GSOEP). Panel data models, in particular, the random-effects ordered Logit model, are utilised because the investigated outcomes are recorded in frequency and are ordered variables. The authors compare the participation in socio-cultural activities among immigrants of the first, second and 2.5 generations.FindingsThe finding...

Tema: La Cumbre de Bruselas ha aprobado el 18 de Junio un borrador de Constitución que ahora afronta su fase decisiva. El texto tendrá que ser ratificado, unánimemente, por todos los Estados miembros, a través de una variedad de procedimientos que permiten vislumbrar una posibilidad real de un fracaso del proceso. Este trabajo presenta sumariamente los mecanismos de ratificación utilizados e indica los posibles obstáculos que pueden surgir en su aplicación, así como los efectos sobre la legitimidad de la Unión.

Tema: El 11-S impactó sobre la UE y los procesos desarrollados desde entonces, fundamentalmente la negociación de la Constitución. Ahora, el 11-M abre nuevos interrogantes sobre las posibles repercusiones de estos terribles atentados terroristas perpetrados en Madrid. Resumen: A pesar que aún es pronto para evaluar las repercusiones del 11-M sobre la Unión Europea, este análisis se centrará sobre dos cuestiones que merecen una reflexión: la primera se refiere al impacto que el 11-M tendrá sobre la política europea del nuevo gobierno español y la segunda al efecto que estos acontecimientos tendrán sobre la relación transatlántica.

The socio-political history of development of ULFA (United Liberation Front of Assam) needs to look at to have proper understanding of the situation in Assam. This study is an attempt to analyse the nature of conflict between the ULFA and the Indian state. In this context this paper tries to analyse the ULFA‟S claim for Swadhin ASOM (Independent Assam) and its impact on the conflict situation of Assam. This paper also gives a historical understanding of the causes of marginalization of the Assamese and its implication for the growth of ULFA and further its impacts on the conflict situation of Assam.

СОЦИАЛЬНАЯ ДЕТЕРМИНАНТА ИНДИВИДУАЛЬНОГО ПОТРЕБЛЕНИЯ В УКРАИНЕ Кириленко В. И., доктор экономических наук, профессор; Погорила Л. М., соискатель. Киевский национальный экономический университет имени Вадима Гетьмана Аннотация. Раскрыта сущность, этапы и причины трансформации индивидуального потребления вообще и в Украине, частности. Ключевые слова: потребление, индивидуальное потребление, транзитивная экономика, факторы трансформации.

Empfohlene Zitierung / Suggested Citation: Schild, J. (2001). Verteilung von Aufgaben und Kompetenzen in der EU: Bericht über die 12. Tagung der DeutschFranzösischen Reflexionsgruppe am 15./16. Februar 2001 in der Stiftung Wissenschaft und Politik, Berlin. (SWPStudie, S 10). Berlin: Stiftung Wissenschaft und Politik -SWPDeutsches Institut für Internationale Politik und Sicherheit. https://nbn-resolving.org/urn:nbn:de:0168-ssoar-255681

Este artículo aborda el tema de la Integración Regional en América Latina desde una perspectiva política, basando la investigación en las categorías de análisis propuestas por la teoría neofuncio-nalista. Se analiza la integración como proceso, la importancia del concepto de región, seguido por un desarrollo histórico de los procesos de integración en América Latina desde los años 50 a la actualidad, identificando factores que han incidido en el estancamiento de los mismos. Se evaluó la favorabilidad de las características actuales del sistema regional e internacional, al igual que los actores involucrados.

Tous droits réservés © Cahiers de géographie du Québec, 1992 Ce document est protégé par la loi sur le droit d'auteur. L'utilisation des services d'Érudit (y compris la reproduction) est assujettie à sa politique d'utilisation que vous pouvez consulter en ligne.

This study concerns the political integration of the Vietnamese in Poland, one of the largest non-European immigrant communities with a very long presence in the country. The central analysis is devoted to investigating the role of bonding and bridging social capital produced by involvement in (formal and informal) social networks in the political integration of the migrant group, empirically observed through political engagement in Polish society. The study employs the mixed research method, utilizing quantitative data from an original survey with 347 respondents and qualitative data from 15 semi-structured interviews for analyses. The results show that the effects of social capital on political integration vary across types of social networks and forms of engagement in host politics. Notably, bonding rather than bridging social capital is a prominent driver of the political engagement of the Vietnamese in Polish society.

En dissociant dans l'acte électoral le lien établi entre nationalité et citoyenneté, l'article 8B du traité signé à Maastricht le 7 février 1992 ouvre des perspectives inédites : en effet, les ressortissants européens disposent désormais d'un droit de vote et d'éligibilité pour les élections municipales et européennes dans le pays de l'Union où ils résident 1. Autrement dit, un Portugais habitant en France peut voter ou être élu à une élection municipale ou européenne en France, parce qu'il est un citoyen de l'Union. Comment concrètement peut-on être un citoyen européen, au sens où le formule cet article du traité ? Voulue par « le haut », la citoyenneté européenne at -elle une consistance dès lors qu'on l'observe par « le bas » ? Construite par le droit, se décline-t-elle dans des usages et une pratique ou bien faut-il, une fois encore, prendre acte du paradoxe, solidement installé depuis une dizaine d'années dans les résultats des enquêtes d'opinion publique, selon lequel plus avance et s'accélère institutionnellement la construction de l'Europe et plus semble reculer le désir d'Europe chez les citoyens 2. La participation des Portugais aux élections européennes et municipales en Fr...

PurposePrevious studies have used language proficiency, citizenship, labour indicators, educational outcomes and political rights as measures of migrants’ socio-cultural integration. However, little is known about the migrants’ participation in volunteering activities, music concerts, theatrical plays and artistic activities, among others, and how this is compared to the participation of natives, defined as people of German descent and born in Germany. The study aims to investigate and compare the cultural and social involvement between migrants and natives.Design/methodology/approachThe analysis relies on information from the German Socio-Economic Panel Survey (GSOEP). Panel data models, in particular, the random-effects ordered Logit model, are utilised because the investigated outcomes are recorded in frequency and are ordered variables. The authors compare the participation in socio-cultural activities among immigrants of the first, second and 2.5 generations.FindingsThe finding...