Ethnic Conflict

This paper examines the process of globalization in relation to the Westphalia state system. The central focus of the paper is to investigate why nation-states are breaking up and ethnic nationalities are fighting for sovereignty and territorial authority in spite of all attempts to globalize the world and unify the international system. The paper most predominantly made use of secondary data and employed descriptive analysis. The findings reveal that globalization is not contributing to the withering away of nation-states and ethnic nationalities nor is it creating a new basis for their mutual co-existence in the framework of national (states) or regional communities. Thus, the paper concludes that it is not to be assumed that globalization will bring about the elimination of national or ethnic characteristics or cultures as they are persisting despite all universalization tendencies.

Beginning in 1873, Los Angeles replaced zanjas, or open canals, with pipes for irrigation and sewage. From the city's founding, the zanjas had carried irrigation and waste waters between the Los Angeles River and the citizens. Whereas Mexican public philosophy supported maintaining the zanjas for open access and maximal use, European American newcomers championed enclosed pipes as a means to improve sanitation and enhance opportunities for revenue. Yet city governors did not distribute sewer services equally, denying sewerage to Mexican and Chinese Angelenos. In doing so, they established new relationships of institutional,infrastructural, and environmental inequality between brown residents and the city government.

La pequeña ciudad montañosa de Srebrenica, al Este de Bosnia-Herzegovina, permanecerá para siempre en la conciencia europea. El 11 de julio de 1995 fueron asesinadas 8000 personas, en su mayoría hombres y jóvenes. Es uno de los episodios más crueles que se recuerdan en la historia reciente. ¿Cómo pudo suceder semejante limpieza étnica en una zona confiada a la ONU? El informe oficial sobre las causas de la caída de la ciudad en manos de las tropas del general Mladic, responsabilizó al Gobierno holandés y a las Naciones Unidas de la peor masacre desde la Segunda Guerra Mundial.

Agriculture remains a critical pillar of food security, economic development and livelihood sustenance across the globe. But its vulnerability to climate change has become a growing national and international concern. Thus, this study examined the impact of climate change on agricultural produce availability in Bwari Area Council, Abuja-a critical agrarian hub in Nigeria that is vulnerable to shifting global climate patterns. The study employed a descriptive design and collected data from 500 farmers across ten towns in a cross-sectional survey. A structured questionnaire served as data collection instrument. Data analysis, utilizing frequencies and percentages, revealed farmers' acute awareness of climate change, through observed unreliable rainfall, increased dry spells, rising temperatures, and extreme weather events. These changes profoundly impacted production, with significant yield declines across staple crops like maize and yam and a dramatic reduction in vegetable availability. Livestock production also suffered, marked by decreased pasture and water access. Despite farmers' proactive adaptation efforts (e.g., adjusting planting times, these were severely hindered by lack of financial resources, limited access to improved inputs, and insufficient climate information/extension services. The study concludes that climate change is inflicting tangible negative impacts on Bwari's agricultural output and livelihoods and recommends among others, that there should be enhanced financial inclusion and access to capital for farmers to bolster local adaptive capacity and ensure food security.

Conflict and security scholars have identified ethnic and religious conflicts as one of the main causes of insecurity in Nigeria the African most populous country. One of the states in which these twin conflicts have been occurring is Kano state that incidentally is also the most populous state in the country. Hausa/Fulani ethnic group whose religion is Islam dominates the state that has a current estimated population of over ten million. However, owing to its background as the commercial nerve centre of the northern region, the state has attracted substantially Christian immigrants from the southern parts of the country. Unfortunately, the relationship between the host Muslim Hausa/Fulani and their Christian immigrants especially the Igbos over the years have been characterized by series of conflicts arising from ethnic and religious acrimonies. Against this backdrop, this paper examines the role of Kano Emirate Council in the management of these conflicts. The study is based on a ...

The Institute for Autonomy and Governance (IAG), a homegrown think tank, is dedicated to advancing democracy, the rule of law, human rights, and pluralism as cornerstones of sustainable peace and development. IAG fosters inclusive governance and policy innovation in the Bangsamoro Autonomous Region in Muslim Mindanao and the Cordillera Administrative Region in the Philippines through its diverse programs. Further information is available at www.iag.org.ph. This publication has been funded by the Australian Government. The views expressed in this publication are the author's alone and are not necessarily the views of the Australian Government. The Australian Government neither endorses the views in this publication, nor vouches for the accuracy or completeness of the information contained within the publication. The Australian Government, its officers, employees and agents, accept no liability for any loss, damage or expense arising out of, or in connection with, any reliance on any omissions or inaccuracies in the material contained in this publication. This publication is intended to provide general information only and before entering into any particular transaction users should: rely on their own enquiries, skill and care in using the information; check with primary sources; and seek independent advice.

This research aims to document and analyze the destruction inflicted on cultural institutions and centers in the Gaza Strip since October 7, 2023. The study relies on data and statistics from reliable sources, including UNESCO, the Palestinian Ministry of Culture, and specialized international organizations. The results indicate widespread destruction affecting 110 cultural sites according to UNESCO, and 207 out of 320 heritage sites according to the Palestinian Ministry of Culture, in addition to the martyrdom of 44 cultural workers. The study concludes that this destruction constitutes a systematic cultural genocide aimed at erasing Palestinian identity.

Монолатій І. С. Взаємодія етнічних політичних акторів на Західноукраїнських землях у модерну добу / І. С. Монолатій // S.P.A.C.E. Society, Politics, Administration in Central Europe : електронний науково-практичний журнал / редкол.: Д. В. Яковлев (голов. ред.), К. М. Вітман (заст. голов. ред.), Д. Ю. Дворніченко (відп. секр.) [та ін.] ; НУ «ОЮА». – Одеса, 2016. – Вип. 1. – С. 102-109.У статті досліджуються інституційні процеси у сфері етнополітики Австро-Угорщини, що стосуються забезпечення прав та потреб етнічних політичних акторів, процесів зовнішньої та внутрішньої інституціоналізації українських, польських, єврейських, румунських і німецьких політичних акторів Галичини та Буковини. Охарактеризовано нормативно-правову основу формалізації політичної участі громадян, пріоритети політики держави в умовах етнічного пробудження. Простежено ґенезу етнічного каталізатора політичної мобілізації, визначено співвідношення професійної структури та ліній соціального розмежування в етнічному ...

The decline in college enrolment in Jammu and Kashmir (J&K) represents a critical educational challenge, with the Gross Enrolment Ratio (GER) dropping from 25.3% in 2015 to 19.8% in 2022, compared to the national average of 28.4%. This study investigates the socioeconomic , cultural, and conflict-related barriers contributing to this decline, employing a mixed-methods approach grounded in Bronfenbrenner's socio-ecological framework. Quantitative data from the All India Survey on Higher Education and the Annual Education Report: Jammu and Kashmir reveal significant correlations between enrolment and household income (β =-0.42, p < 0.01), gender disparities (15.2% gap in rural areas), and conflict intensity (r =-0.62, p < 0.01). Qualitative findings from interviews and focus groups with 60 participants highlight financial constraints (65%), socio-cultural norms (60%), and conflict-related disruptions (85%) as primary barriers. These factors interact across micro (family), meso (community), and macro (systemic) levels, perpetuating a cycle of low enrolment that undermines J&K's socioeconomic development. The study proposes targeted interventions, including expanded scholarships, community awareness campaigns, hybrid learning models, and increased college infrastructure, to address these barriers. By offering context-specific insights, this research contributes to the literature on education in conflict zones and informs policy to enhance higher education access in J&K.

The paper seeks to examine caste conflict in Nigeria with particular focus on the Osu/Diala experience. In Nigeria every day we experience conflicts ranging from ethnic to religious, sects to caste conflicts, while so much attention is paid to other types of conflict, little attention has been paid to the conflicts between caste group. This could be the reason for paucity of literature on caste conflicts in Nigeria. The frustration-aggression theory is used as framework of analysis with qualitative descriptive research design and a multi-disciplinary approach of historical study as methodology. The Igbo since time immemorial have been divided majorly along lines of caste with the Diala perceived to be the superior and the Osu the inferior. This division comes with some political, economic, social and cultural restrictions for the Osu caste in communities where the system is practiced. Consequently, these restrictions breed anger, hatred, anxiety, tension, frustration and aggression ...

This article explores the underlying causes of conflict in Manipur state by examining Meitei's and Kuki's counterclaims. The Meitei and Kuki groups had multiple problems before May 3, 2023. The Nagas and Kukis organized a tribal unity protest in the hill districts to protest a proposal to add the Meiteis to the list of ST (scheduled tribes), which was the direct cause of the violence. Manipur has been a hotbed of contested assertions since ethnic flashpoints between the majority of Meiteis and the Kuki tribals erupted at the beginning of May 2023. The Meiteis called the Kukis drug dealers, outsiders, poppy growers, refugees, illegal migrants, and encroachers of statereserved forests. The Kukis oppose the claims that they are overpopulated in Manipur, recognizing their land rights and the existence of a historic Anglo-Kuki War, which the Meiteis and the government deny. The Kukis strongly denied that they were illegal migrants, refugees, or encroachers on state-reserved forests. The Kukis, too, said they were not the only ones running drugs and growing poppies. They also remembered the previous Anglo-Kuki War in Manipur and claimed the territorial occupation. Manipur's Kukis have been yearning to find out their past and ancestry for a long time. Therefore, this study explores the factors causing the conflicts claimed and disputed by the Manipur State Government and the two communities.

Význam slovanskej kultúry pre rumunské dejiny je téma, ktorou sa rumunská historiografi a zaoberá už dlhý čas, ale je známa aj iným historiografi ám, 1 samozrejme nie je neznáma ani slovenskej historiografi i. Vzťah k slovenskej historiografi i je o to zaujímavejší, že slovenská ako aj československá historiografi a sa témou slovanského vplyvu na rumunskú kultúru zaoberala už dávnejšie. V rokoch 1930-1940, slovenský jazykovedec Ján Stanislav študoval územie a jazyk, ktorým hovorili predkovia Slovákov (jazyk používaný na východných územiach Veľkej Moravy). On prvý poukázal jazykovými a toponymickými argumentmi na fakt, že územie ktoré ovládala a kontrolovala Veľká Morava sa tiahlo až do Bihoru, ak nie až po dnešné mesto Kluž. 2 To nám pomáha upresniť tradičné tvrdenia rumunskej historiografi e, podľa ktorej slovanská kultúra na rumunskom území má juhoslovanský (najmä bulharský) charakter, a tiež upozorniť na slovanské vplyvy zo západu (z kultúrneho prostredia Veľkej Moravy), 3 respektíve pre územie Moldavska -z východu (vo vzťahu s Haličou, Kyjevom a inými kniežactvami východných Slovanov). 4 1 Napr. PANAITESCU, Petre P.: Contribuţii la istoria culturii româneşti [Príspevky k dejinám rumunskej kultúry].

Este artículo analiza el estado actual de las fuentes estadísticas disponibles para estudiar la interrelación entre migración y trabajo agrícola en España. A través de un exhaustivo inventario y evaluación de las principales bases de datos —Encuesta de Población Activa (INE), registros de contratos del SEPE, autorizaciones GECCO (OPI), y estadísticas de Eurostat—, se identifica qué información aportan estas fuentes, qué dimensiones sociodemográficas permiten explorar y qué limitaciones presentan en términos de desagregación, accesibilidad y comparabilidad. El estudio muestra que, aunque existen datos relevantes en los distintos organismos públicos, su utilidad analítica es limitada por cuatro grandes fallos estructurales: fragmentación institucional, parcialidad de las variables ofrecidas, opacidad en el acceso a los microdatos y ausencia de información clave, especialmente sobre trabajadores en situación irregular. Estas deficiencias dificultan la construcción de perfiles sociodemográficos completos y actualizados del colectivo de trabajadores migrantes en el sector agrícola. Pese a estas limitaciones, el análisis permite identificar algunas pautas generales —como la predominancia de trabajadores varones procedentes de Marruecos, Rumanía y África Subsahariana—, que permiten un acercamiento, combinando los registros disponibles, a comprender los perfiles de quienes trabajan en la agricultura española.
El artículo subraya
la necesidad urgente de establecer un sistema integrado y transparente
de recogida de datos, como condición indispensable para
diseñar políticas públicas eficaces y con base empírica en el ámbito
migratorio y agrícola.

This article uses urban semiotics as a lens to analyze elite power relations in Iraqi politics, as well as the role and limits of impunity therein. The article focuses on the contestation of symbolism in Baghdadi public space between different political and security actors with a special focus on the symbolism of the Popular Mobilization Units (the Hashd al-Sha'bi) and the Sadrists. Understanding the informal rules and mechanisms that govern how elite actors utilize public space reveals much about how power relations are negotiated, upheld, and contested. It also sheds light on the countervailing pressures and considerations that constrain the impunity that elite actors enjoy.

Bu makalede, 2004-2013 yillari arasinda Turkiye’de devle-tin etnik politikalarinin degisim sureci, bilhassa 42 Avrupa ulke-sinde devletin etnik politikalarinin bir degerlendirmesi cercevesinde ve Turkiye’de 1950’li yillardan itibaren bu konudaki siyasi talepler ve reform denemeleriyle karsilastirmali olarak aciklanmaktadir. 42 Avrupa ulkesine odaklanmakla birlikte 172 ulkede etnik cesitlilige yonelik dokuz farkli devlet politikasinin genel bir degerlendirmesi cercevesinde, uc degisik ulus devlet modeli tanimlanmakta, Turkiye ise tarihsel olarak Fransa’yla ozdeslestiri-len anti-etnik ulus devlet modelini benimseyen ulkelerden biri olarak siniflandirilmaktadir. 1950’li yillardan itibaren toplumdan gelen taleplere ragmen Turkiye’de devlet nezdinde etnik politika degisikliginin gerceklesemedigi bazi tarihsel donemecler irdelenmektedir. 2004-2013 doneminde, devlet televizyonunda bes azinlik dilinde yayin yapilmasi, sadece Kurtce yayin yapan TRT 6’nin ihdasi ve devlet okullarinda alti azi...

Th is study sets out to examine what lessons can be learned from the General Framework Agreement for Peace in Bosnia and Herzegovina (Th e Dayton Peace Agreement) 1995, with particular relevance to inter-ethnic reconciliation. Th e author conducted his fi eldwork in Sarajevo during May, 2009, complementing these fi ndings with materials and information collected during his previous visits to Bosnia and Herzegovina. Th e study identifi es a number of important lessons, and presents them in relation to the process of negotiations, designing of provisions, and implementation of the agreement. Regarding the process, the study suggests that those organising the negotiations should strive to coordinate their eff orts in order to avoid duplications and internal confl icts. Furthermore, the paper calls for caution regarding power negotiations that are modelled on the exclusion of one or a few main parties to the confl icts. In relation to the key provision -reconciliation -one should not neglect local practices of power-sharing and societal organization that traditionally served as pillars of peaceful inter-group coexistence. Imposition of external models that are not in line with local political and societal traditions may rub inter-ethnic relations and negatively aff ect long-term reconciliation. Regarding the implementation phase, two key lessons are highlighted. First, for a successful implementation it is essential to have clear goal and to work with realistic deadlines for implementations. Unrealistic deadlines may create wrong incentives for the primary parties implementing the agreement. Secondly, if provisions include external supervision of the implementation of the agreement, one should consider how this would aff ect domestic ownership of the process. In such an environment, various reconciliatory measures, regardless of how well intended they may be, stand little chance of immediate success.

After turning his back for over 123 weeks, Prime Minister Narendra Modi finally visited Manipur on 13 September 2025. His visit was occasioned by loud declaration of the launch of 19 projects worth over 7300 crores. While this may be useful as a carefully choreographed event for political optics, his silence on substantive concerns of peace, justice and a commitment to a rules-based constitutional order where citizens are accorded equal protection of the law may not be particularly helpful in winning the hearts and minds of the people. Developmental projects as vertical properties of the state have, far from being elixir which resolve all societal problems , historically reinforced development-bias of the state as major chunk of development projects are concentrated in the valley areas. Yet it remains to be seen whether development can, as Sachs argues, serve as ‘a myth which comforts societies’ across the divide in Manipur which are already tormented and psychologically bruised by over two years.

The African continent is urbanizing at a breakneck pace and our cities are in a state of crisis. The causes may vary, so also is the degree of severity, but there is a widely felt sense of urban problems requiring urgent solutions. The nature of the problems is complex, with economic, social, educational, political and physical factors playing major roles in exacerbating the situation. Yet, whatever is perceived to be the most serious physical problems in a city, one key underlying question always present is: What can be done about the disaffection of people for their own urban environments? This issue of fragility may be seen in simple terms of a drop in the perceived desirability of the city as a place one can to live, work or shop in. Whatever the name, the fact is that too many Nigerian cities are becoming unattractive to many citizens and residents. This paper aims at identifying the various ways of assembling a fragile city. Through the review of existing literature, the paper highlights the causes of city fragility focusing on three Nigerian cities. It also discusses fragility as the main hurdle to implementing Sustainable Development Goals and how fragile situation birth architecture of fear. Then, it concludes by noting that developing nations in sub-Saharan Africa, including Nigeria need to be proactive in deconstructing their fragile cities.

Each copy of any part of a JSTOR transmission must contain the same copyright notice that appears on the screen or printed page of such transmission. JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact

The BBC has a major presence within the Sri Lankan media landscape and is a critical commentator on its long-standing ethnic conflict. In this article, the BBC’s two regional language services in Sri Lanka, BBC Tamil and BBC Sinhala, are examined. Based on ethnographic fieldwork in BBC Tamil and Sinhala Services at Bush House in London, and archival research at the BBC’s Written Archives Centre (WAC) in Caversham, UK, the article suggests that the BBC, far from being a global dispassionate observer, is imbricated in Sri Lanka’s fractured ethnic landscape. It argues that the two services became both ethnicized and also ethnicizing ‘love objects’. The two audiences, and the exchange of confidences between diasporic journalists and audiences, are analysed as constituting separate ‘knowable communities’, in Raymond Williams’ terms. Through an analysis of a mutual mirroring — or the ways in which BBC journalists imagine Sri Lanka, and how Sri Lanka’s ethnically segmented audiences imagin...

The quality оf any prоduct is clоsely assоciated with maintenance strategies оf any industry. Tоtal Prоductive maintenance is a unique tооl tо enhance the perfоrmance оf a manufacturing industry by prоducing quality prоduct due tо reduced dоwntime. The purpоse оf this paper is tо evaluate the оutput results оf implementing Tоtal Prоductive Maintenance techniques in a Yunus Textile Mill industry. Effectiveness оf TPM implementatiоn is validated and evaluated thrоugh Оverall Equipment Ef􀅫iciency. The study prоved that the cоmpany has strоng pоtential tо enhance its perfоrmance and оverall prоduct quality thrоugh successful implementatiоn оf TPM methоdоlоgies.

The papers analyses regional differences in EU referenda results in Estonia, Latvia, and Lithuania. In each of the three countries, other things being equal, high income regions were significantly more pro-European than low-income ones, while regions with a high share of ethnic minorities were significantly more opposed to the enlargement than other regions. The ethnic effect was strongest in Latvia and weakest in Estonia. These findings clearly indicate necessity of stronger efforts both in integration of the Baltic societies and in the promotion of reliable EU information, especially in less developed regions. On the other hand, we confirm the findings from earlier referenda that support from EU membersip does not come primarily from regions and groups that are likely to benefit from EU-wide redistribution. In Latvia and Estonia the regions bordering with Russia or Belarus were substantially less in favour of EU membership than other regions (controlling for ethnic composition and economic factors). In Latvia, regions on the borders with EU accession countries were significantly more pro-European than other regions.

The E.U.'s role as an international player began to upgrade alongside the effort to coordinate its external action by adopting a common foreign and security policy (CFSP). As a result, the E.U. has developed a wide range of activities that extended from "the traditional field of external trade to democracy promotion and cooperation in various policy areas falling under its legislative competence" (Lavenex & Schmimmelfenning, 2009: p. 791). After the end of the Cold War, the European Union addressed the challenges arising from the emergence of post-conflict states, a considerable number of which were in its neighborhood. Peacebuilding and state-building interventions were necessary for the post-conflict transition and socioeconomic rehabilitation of these fragile states with contested sovereignty. The EU supported countries with contested statehood both in consolidating peace and building a modern state with political and economic means. Moreover, the EU has adjusted its interventions to the realities and conditions prevailing in each country. Since the impact of the E.U.'s integrated intervention on contested states remains a research concern, the present dissertation aims to address whether the E.U., as a global power, has the mechanisms and appropriate political skills to face up to the challenges presented in countries with contested statehood.

This paper examines the persistent ethnic conflict between the Afar and Somali-Issa communities in Djibouti, with a focus on the Balbala area of Djibouti City. Using qualitative research based on semi-structured interviews with traditional elders, government officials, and community members, the study identifies the root causes of conflict and analyzes the contribution of traditional elders in resolving disputes. The findings show that competition over land, water, and resources, as well as colonial legacies, discrimination, political rivalries, and gender-based violence, remain central drivers of ethnic tensions. Despite growing challenges, traditional elders continue to play a critical role in conflict resolution through indigenous systems of law Xeer among the Somali-Issa and Mada'a among the Afar employing mediation, compensation, oath-taking, and inter-community marriages. The paper concludes that collaboration between traditional elders and the state offers the most effective pathway toward sustainable peace in Djibouti.

Conflicts have been an inseparable and undeniable challenge that our society confronts reiterate in due course of its transformation encompassing different aspects. As such; culture, tradition, identity, boundary or language are claimed to be the crux of such conflicts and is a vogue in such a culturally diverse society like Manipur. The cold war within each, what so-called ethnic groups purposively mobilize, embracing sympathy, redact another brick between humanitarian relations of beyond culture which have been transcending since time immemorial. The seeds of differentiation among the ethnic conglomerates sown seem not for identity protection rather a vested interest of a few. The disagreements between such ethnocentric groups frequently invite an elusive state of prejudice to compensate the long-run demand of autonomy and this is where media with all its ethics and responsibilities trying to douse the flame of hateful. Without a step aback, media mediates to assist in resolving the disagreements acknowledging the arduousness to resolve legitimately. Thus, this article emphasizes local media which in turn voices an incumbent or a game-changer for this chronic disease to cure permanently, wherein public participation is advisable for long-run to be the ultimate weapon. Media, in fact, is the centrifugal force for all segments, of course with different parameters, for instance, class division in a materialistic society wherein 'bourgeois' aristocratically suppress the 'proletariat' in what so-called democratic society. Moreover, the study will show how the ramification of ethnic-sovereign exists in the culturally plural society of Manipur. Nevertheless, media holds its position firmly today exercising all its forms to weave again the torn apart ethnics of recent years, alarming the public, presuming hypothetically the ultimatum path of legitimate emancipation of public for liberal participation beyond the horizon of class or ethnic classification.

Professor Bandarage sets out very clearly from the start of her excellent 223-page book her major thesis, and then skillfully guides the reader -or at least this reader -into acceptance of her view of the most likely solution to this vicious 25-year civil war. Her major thesis is that many, too many, analysts and writers have opted for the simplistic bipolar description of the conflict: at one pole the Sri Lanka government, dominated by Sinhala ministers and heavily influenced by Buddhist priests, and at the other the minority Tamil population (some 18 % of the total according the last national census held in 1981) who have suffered discrimination culturally and economically virtually since independence in 1948.

For its scenic beauty, Kashmir is called the "Paradise on earth." Its rich cultural heritage adds to its beauty and charm. Music is an essential part of Kashmir's cultural legacy. A variety of songs are sung to adorn every celebration in Kashmir. There are different types of music in Kashmir, such as Wanvun, Rouf, Chhakar, Bachhi Nagma, Dhamaly, Lalnavun, Bhand Paethar, Ladishah, Leela, Sufiana Kalam etc. A number of books and articles have been written on Kashmiri music. This article focuses on wanvun associated with marriage ceremonies in Kashmir. It discusses the role of wanvun specific to various events and occasions of marriages in Kashmir. It also explores how the Wanvun sung in Kashmiri marriages not only reflect the joy and delight of the singers on these happy occasions but also how it depicts a variety of themes and ideas.

On April 6, 1941, the Axis-German, Italian, Bulgarian and Hungarian military forcesinvaded, occupied and partitioned Yugoslavia. Four days later, Slavko Kvaternik, the commander of the Ustaša forces, assumed power in Zagreb and proclaimed the New Independent State of Croatia (Nezavisna Država Hrvatska, NDH). On April 10, Ante Pavelić arrived as head of the Ustaša, who was exiled in Italy under the protection of Mussolini, since he and his followers were wanted by the governments of France and Yugoslavia, accused of plotting the assassinations of the French Prime Minister Louis Barthou and King Alexander of Yugoslavia. 1 One of his first acts was to read the messages from Hitler and Mussolini recognizing the NDH. Despite the country's claim to be independent, Germany and Italy divided Croatia into zones of influence. The new state included inner Croatia, Bosnia-Herzegovina, Slavonia, and Srem lying between the rivers Drava and Sava, and a part of the Dalmatian Adriatic coast. The rest of the coast was annexed by Italy. 2 Pavelić, the Poglavnik (Leader), and his fascist organization resembled Hitler and Nazism because they were both antisemitic, anti-modern, anti-communist

The form helps us to allocate you a supervisor. However, should you wish to submit a proposal please do so on moodle by the dates detailed in the relevant tile. __________________________________________________________________________ 500-1000 word Research Proposal _1 What is the main question that I want answered in my research? The main question is looking at Ulster loyalism, particulalrly the UVF and Red Hand Commando from 1966 onwards and asking whether they had a right to resistance during the activities during the Northern Ireland troubles. The first part of the essay will focus on the right to resistance in International Human Rights law using the work of Shannonbrooke Murphy and Costas Douzinas and Article 20 of the African Charter.

The history of education in Afghanistan is influenced by complex social, political, and cultural factors, with a specific focus on the education of the marginalized Hazara minority. Despite their rich history, Hazaras have faced discrimination due to cultural and religious differences, hindering their access to quality education. This study delves into their educational journey, analyzing primary and secondary sources, government records, interviews, and scholarly articles. It traces Hazaras' education evolution from the late 19th century to the present, highlighting the challenges posed by political and social dynamics. The research sheds light on the struggles of the Hazara community to overcome discrimination, advocating for equity in education through Hazara-led initiatives and policy advocacy. Despite historic hardships, Hazaras have strived for education, contributing to various fields. Nonetheless, they still face educational challenges due to factors like scarce resources, unbalanced policies, and racial discrimination. The study underscores the importance of targeted policies and research for achieving educational equity, emphasizing the ongoing struggle for inclusion and quality education.

The JOS crisis has clearly brought to the fore the indigene /Settler issue and the multiple negatives encountered in a plural society like Nigeria. While noting the implosions that exist in such plural societies like Nigeria, recourse is made to John Rawls idea of justice. Succinctly leaning on his idea of overlapping consensus and idea of citizenship, this paper adopts an elastic definition of citizenship and indigeneship. It posited that any Nigerian citizen who has lived in any part of the country for a reasonable length of time and if he so chooses ought to be regarded as an indigene of such a place and as such ought not to be discriminated against. The paper while urging for a religious balanced society in the impossibility of a religious blind society, noted that discrimination is bad since humanity is one.

This study examines the level of Pakistan's sovereignty since March 2024 and its influence on the country's foreign policy towards China and the USA, utilizing Dependency Theory as a theoretical lens. Dependency Theory highlights the asymmetric economic and strategic relationships that shape the policies of developing nations, often compromising their sovereignty. The study relies on secondary data to explore Pakistan's strategic dependencies on China and the USA by focusing on economic help, trade agreements, military support, and geopolitical correspondence. Research discusses these dependencies that influences Pakistan's ability to exercise autonomous decision-making in its foreign policy, particularly balancing relations between the two world powers. It appears that, on one hand, Pakistan has kept an important strategic relationship with China through programs such as CPEC but is looking at the same time for economic and security cooperation with the USA. That puts Pakistan in a critical geopolitical position, which would require careful strategic diplomacy from the government to safeguard the national interest while balancing both the powers' pressures on it. The study underlines the implications of these dependencies for Pakistan's sovereignty and its broader role in regional and global politics.

University of Africa Journal of Governance and Politics (UATJOGAP) is an international reverred scholarly journal published biannually. That is, from January to May and June to November volumes. Also, with special issues when necessary. This journal publishes theoretical, research and empirical papers that significantly contribute to various disciplines which include political science, philosophy and ethics, development and human sciences, public administration and Industrial relations as well as other areas in the humanities, social and management sciences. The central aim of UATJOGAP is to provide an intellectual platform for scholars and to promote interdisciplinary studies across humanities, social and management sciences contributing towards the frontiers of knowledge in the globe. The journal is published in both print and online versions. Manuscripts will strictly undergo a very rigorous double-blind peer review system and process, where the identities of reviewers, authors are hidden in order to guarantee the highest quality and standard of the journal. Two experts are assigned to review each article. UATJOGAP takes the issue of plagiarism very serious. For that reason, all articles are subjected to originality checks and 25% is accepted for publication. -Manuscript should be written in English and not more than 15 pages, typed on Microsoft word, Times New Roman on 12-point font character with double line spacing. -Paper should include title, name of author, affiliations, status, department, email and phone number as well as a scripted abstract of not more than 200 words with maximum of 5 keywords.

This report explores the potential for practical solutions to enhance societal resilience in the Baltic states through multitopic engagement with young people from diverse backgrounds. It employs qualitative analysis of self-perceptions to identify potential sociopsychological indicators of threats among young people in Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania, while scanning the civic, economic and geopolitical dimensions relevant to societal cohesion. These dimensions are examined through the lens of ethnolinguistic minorities and the increasing uncertainty surrounding the ongoing conventional war in Europe. The report also reveals signs and symptoms of cognitive warfare in the Baltic region.

In 2001, forensic DNA profiling was introduced to Thailand. Since the ethno-religious conflict recurred in 2004, the innovation has been used to support both counterterrorism and crime investigation in Thailand's deep south. Thai authorities expanded the gathering of DNA data among Malay-Muslim citizens in order to identify suspected terrorists.

In this article, I argue that the implementation of DNA profiling operates as a means of recognizing, grouping, and controlling a particular population within the country.

The study employs Michel Foucault's concepts of biopolitics to illustrate how the Thai state practices biopolitics in the particular subregion. To bolster my argument, I collected empirical evidence and grey literature.
As a result, it concludes that biopolitics unfolds in three stages: dividing, controlling, and debilitating the Malay ethnic Muslim community in southern Thailand.

The Shia Hazara Community in Pakistan has faced prolonged violence, torture, discrimination, and harassment, which peaked notably from 1999 to 2015. Today, though the frequency of violent incidents has decreased, the Shia Hazara community continues to endure persistent threats, discrimination, and harassment, including sporadic targeted killings. This survey-based investigation draws upon 117 Hazara community members residing in two central localities (Hazara Town and Mariabad) of Quetta, Balochistan, to understand socioeconomic discrimination and pervasive insecurity, the intricate interplay of ethnicity and religion, and additional influential factors that contribute to sustained persecution. In this investigation, besides descriptive statistics and visualization, authors utilize robust statistical techniques encompassing Chi-Squared tests for independence, testing independence for ordinal variables, counts, and rates. This study unearths compelling evidence revealing the profound extent of discrimination endured by the Hazara community in the public domain and the tenacious resistance strategies they harness to combat their subjugation  .