Peacekeeping operations

The adoption of the AU's Post Conflict Reconstruction and Development (PCRD) policy framework in 2006, in The Gambia, represents a milestone in the AU efforts to coordinate and support peacebuilding processes in Africa. The AU Commission, Member States and partners, including African civil society and think tanks, met from the 19th to 21st of October 2016, to reflect on the first ten years of the PCRD framework and identify 1
priorities for the AU's peacebuilding work over the coming decade. This paper, which provides a background to the discussion on the first decade of the PCRD framework, reflects on the institutional and normative underpinnings of the AU's peacebuilding work and analyses the experiences of the AU's peacebuilding activities to date. It concludes with a number of policy recommendations for strengthening the PCRD over the next five years.

Access to formal state of justice in Timor-Leste is one of the major problems as a logical consequence of a process of building a new state like Timor-Leste. We have seen that Timor-Leste at the time of its restoration of Independence has been facing a lack of its qualified human resources in the area of justice.
The public questions a lot the process of justice in the courts in respecting human rights especially in relation to the time limit of the trial, the preventive detention that exceeds the time without a fixed date for the trial, the problem of evidence, the trial of minors, torture and homicide in preventive detention, the problem of the use of the Portuguese language in court and there are many cases pending in court. Even so, the state seeks to make a lot of effort so that justice can be accessible to all citizens through the judicial reform that this government makes and the formation of judges, public defenders, prosecutors, judicial officers and mobile courts.
Timorese leaders seek to establish Timor-Leste as a state of law where state positive law regulates the entire life of the state and the people. One of the indications of a rule of law is the guarantee of access to justice to assert and protect human rights of the timorese people.
We have seen that in Timor-Leste, not only does the state justice system exist, but also the state of Timor-Leste values and promotes the use of the traditional justice system, especially in rural communities, as a quick and accessible solution in the search for the solution and resolution of the conflict.
Therefore, we can consider that the state of Timor-Leste seeks to establish the state and traditional mechanism to help every citizen in accessing justice.

Since 1945, the United Nations Security Council (UNSC), entrusted with the responsibility of maintaining international peace and security, has been at the core of the global system. However, in the post-Cold War era, the increasing variety of crises, the resurgence of great power competition, and the intensified use of the veto have called into question both the functionality and legitimacy of the Council. The inability to take decisions in moments of crisis has eroded the organization's capacity to produce norms; particularly, the repeated vetoes on the Syrian, Ukrainian, and Gaza files have created a blockage that falls short of the expectations of the international community. This thesis argues that even without constitutional change (permanent membership or the removal of veto power), a "minimal functioning regime" can be established. The study focuses on three instruments: (i) UNGA Resolution 76/262, which requires a mandatory and open General Assembly session after each veto; (ii) Note 507, which introduces measurable indicators into the Council's working methods; and (iii) the Peacebuilding Fund's assessed contribution base, which provides predictable financing. The thesis makes three original contributions: testing the combined causal effect of these instruments within a single framework; developing an operational indicator set for Note 507; and quantitatively demonstrating the effect of PBF's financial stability on operational efficiency.

successful under article 4(j) than (h) because whereas 4(h) requires forceful entry into a sovereign state, 4(j) is a result of invitation by the state with problems. The ASF does not provide solutions to interstate conflicts. It seems there was no conceptualization of dispute resolutions for such conflicts or maybe the assumption is that the UN will handle these kinds of conflicts. Thus, EASF provides a model force from which the ASF can extract useful lessons in its endeavor to provide security for Africa. CHAPTER 5. 5.1 AU Assembly Decision 2013 XV. Available online at wwww.peaceau.org. AU Assembly Decision XV 2015 AUPSC protocol Article 13 EASF Deployment Concept Manual 2014. UN Charter Chapter VI Author observation as a member of Kenya Embassy team to the AU, 2016/17. Author observation as the Kenya Representative at the ASF Full operational capability after action review in Maputo, 16 -

The involvement of the United Nations in East Timor can be divided into four periods, including the anti-colonial period (1955)(1956)(1957)(1958)(1959)(1960)(1961)(1962)(1963)(1964)(1965)(1966)(1967)(1968)(1969)(1970)(1971)(1972)(1973)(1974), the reaction period (1975)(1976)(1977)(1978)(1979)(1980)(1981)(1982), the attenuation period (1983)(1984)(1985)(1986)(1987)(1988)(1989)(1990)(1991)(1992)(1993)(1994)(1995)(1996)(1997)(1998) and the commitment period (from 1999). It is about this last period that this paper will focus by analysing the decisive steps of the UN, as a multilateral organization with a security mandate, in resolving the Timorese conflict and peacebuilding in that territory. This analysis will be guided by the proposals of the document "An Agenda for Peace" presented in 1992 by Boutros Boutros-Ghali, then Secretary-General of the United Nations, and the expectations he created in the field of peace operations. We are particularly interested in looking at the design of post-conflict peacebuilding missions and assessing the extent to which the (expected) capital gains from these operations compared to conventional peacekeeping missions would come to fruition or not. Thus, it is important to examine how the main missions were carried out, with special focus on the different actors, as well as to make a critical balance with some historical distance. In this context, it seems to us that the case of East Timor will be a good example to understand the need for a new approach to peacebuilding, as advocated in this Report, but which at a distance of more than 25 years becomes even more evident. The perception of peace as a continuous process that involves a whole sustainability network, and that depends above all on fostering and developing competences for peace (involving multiple and distinct actors facing constant coordination and negotiation challenges), therefore allows demanding greater commitment on the part of the Security Council, but also on that of the General Assembly in carrying out this difficult task in the context of the new world (dis) order.

Estudiando la política exterior chilena en su contexto histórico e internacional, sobresale el que la llegada de la democracia en Chile permitió una reinserción internacional exitosa. Una herramienta esencial para lograrlo fue la suscripción de Tratados de Libre Comercio (TLC), de los cuales el TLC entre Chile y Canadá es un buen ejemplo de cómo este tipo de acuerdo puede impulsar una relación bilateral. Hoy en día, la profundización de la cooperación entre Chile y Canadá en una gran variedad de temas, no sólo económicos, se volvió un objetivo relevante de la política exterior chilena. Ello se debe a la convergencia de sus políticas exteriores y a la necesidad para los Estados poco poderosos de asociarse con otros de mayor envergadura, para influir de esa manera en los sucesos de la política mundial.

A key tool in the arsenal of international intervention, peacekeeping operations (PKOs) have consistently been shown to reduce violent conflict. However, more recent work has begun to disaggregate these impacts in key ways. How does the entrance and exit of peacekeepers affect rebel and government violence against civilians? We argue that PKOs have divergent impacts on rebel and government violence based on their ability to diminish operational and organizational capacity. This paper uses fine-grained geolocated data on PKO deployment across all of Africa from 2000-2017 to examine the impact of PKOs on rebel and government violence. By leveraging a difference-in-differences approach with 2.3 million observations, we account for unobserved potential confounders and more closely approximate the effect of PKOs on violence. We find that peacekeepers increase local state political violence and displace it at an even higher rate, while likely diminishing rebel capacity and thus rebel violence against civilians. Taken together, our results suggest that scholars and policymakers should carefully consider how and when peacekeeping operations can effectively protect civilians from violence.

Why are some peacekeepers more effective than others? Since the end of the Cold War, UN Peacekeeping Operations (PKOs) have increased dramatically in size and scope. However, most analyses of peacekeeper effectiveness fail to account for the gendered effects of peacekeepers. Conversely, work exploring the role of gender in peacekeeping has not taken advantage of recent advances in data availability that allow for more fine-grained analyses of the local and subnational effects of peacekeeping deployments. By unifying the relevant literature on the effects of female peacekeepers on trust, this paper provides the first comprehensive framework explaining how women can enhance UN peacekeeping effectiveness. Using two-way fixed-effects models and recent advances in optimal matching, I provide the first empirical evidence that including more women in a peacekeeping force can dramatically increase the unit's effectiveness against rebel one-sided violence. These findings suggest that female peacekeepers are more critical in maintaining peace than previously thought.

As operacoes de paz sao respostas pragmaticas da comunidade internacional a uma situacao de ameaca ou comprometimento a paz e seguranca internacionais. Apesar da Carta da Organizacao as Nacoes Unidas (ONU) nao fazer uma referencia explicita as operacoes de paz elas estao amparadas nos capitulos VI, VII e VIII do referido tratado. A Organizacao utiliza, ainda, como base teorica para o tratamento do tema, principalmente, os documentos Uma Agenda para Paz e seu Suplemento que foram apresentados pelo entao Secretario-Geral Boutros Boutros-Ghali em 1992 e 1995, respectivamente. Desde 1947, mais de um milhao de militares, policiais e civis serviram nas 67 missoes de manutencao de paz realizadas. Os paises sul-americanos, em especial o Brasil, a Argentina e o Uruguai, tem marcado significante presenca nessas operacoes. Esse trabalho apresenta um balanco descritivo da participacao dos paises da America do Sul em operacoes de manutencao da paz das Nacoes Unidas e os dispositivos legais que r...

The author thanks the participants of that conference for a fruitful discussion. Special thanks are due to Andreas L. Paulus. The author also wishes to thank Helmut P. Aust and Konrad G. Bühler for very helpful comments. All mistakes are the sole responsibility of the author.

Security entanglements rooted radical movements have long afflicted the serenity of the Sahel region of Africa. The response of regional countries to such terrorist attack often fails due to various factors. What has also been overloked is the sources and factors which push radicalistion in the regions. This study aims to examine the expansion dynamics of al-Qaeda in the African continent by adapting them to the push and pull theory in the context of radicalization process. Al-Qaeda, for some it was maladaptive to the Continent, has begun to establish its presence in the Sahel region, leveraging its ideology and operational experience, following its loss of ground primarily in Afghanistan, as well as in Iraq and Syria. Attempting to capitalize on both its historical roots and the structural and chronic problems plaguing the region, Al-Qaeda has initiated a process of expansion and entrenchment by engaging with local elements. During this process, JNIM, an al-Qaeda-affiliated group operating in the Sahel region, has emerged as al-Qaeda's most significant regional partner. However, despite of JNIM's affiliation with Sufi traditions such as Tijaniyya presents, the member of JNIM's sympathy and engagement to Al-Qaeda, which is a Salafi ideology that oppose Sufi line, persist a paradoxial dynamics of the issue. The research critically analyzes the motivations underlying the strategy of JNIM, as it expands its influence in the area. It also examines al-Qaeda's expansion in the Sahel region, concludes that the organization's growth has been accelerated by factors such as the border policies implemented during the colonial and neo-colonial periods, power struggles among tribes, the divergence between traditional and central authorities, climate and economic issues, and external interventions. Religious justifications, as elements of motivation, have been found to play a relatively secondary role.

The purpose of the study was to analyze the transformation of the Army in Dealing with Change, to analyze the influence of the transformation of the army role in order to face changes to the loyalty of soldiers and to analyze what is most dominant in influencing the loyalty of Army soldiers in Kodam VI Mulawarman. The research was conducted at Kodam VI Mulawarman. The type of research used is a survey of 99 respondents using quantitative data through the use of Structural Equation Model method with WarpPLS 5.0 software. The sampling technique used in this research model is the total sampling technique because the sample taken is the commander.The results showed that 1) Army transformation to face change is in the aspect of transformation strategy where the quality of human resources possessed by soldiers in Kodam VI Mulawarman, then transformation into second benchmark is a component of the transformation of the attention of the power of operationally and attention to the commander ...

W książce opisano przyczyny powoływania operacji pokojowych a także zadania, struktury oraz działania polskich kontyngentów wojskowych w latach 1990-1999. To okres od odzyskania suwerenności do roku, kiedy Polska stała się członkiem Sojusz Północnoatlantyckiego. Pracę opatrzono licznymi diagramami, mapkami i fotografiami/The book describes the reasons for establishing peacekeeping operations as well as the tasks, structures and activities of Polish military contingents in the years 1990-1999. This is the period from regaining sovereignty to the year when Poland became a member of the North Atlantic Alliance. The work is accompanied by numerous diagrams, maps and photographs.

This study explores the complex dynamics of the herder-farmer conflict in Nigeria, examining the underlying causes, consequences, and potential solutions. The conflict, driven by competition for land and resources, is exacerbated by factors such as climate change, desertification, and population growth. Through an analysis of the conflict's social, economic, and environmental dimensions, this research provides insights into the struggles for power and control over resources. The study offers practical recommendations for addressing the conflict, including, modern ranching practices, and policy reforms. By shedding light on the complexities of this critical issue, this research contributes to a deeper understanding of the conflict and informs efforts to promote peace and stability in Nigeria.

This article explores the evolving dynamics shaping African security governance. Drawing on the concept of regime complex, the study frames African security governance as a fluid system characterised by overlapping institutions and non-hierarchical interactions. Within it, the research emphasises the role of state actors in strategically selecting the institutional arenas that best align with their interests during security crises by means of forum-shopping activities. The article combines thematic and qualitative content analysis, and through the examination of three paradigmatic cases from the past decade (CAR, Burkina Faso, DRC), demonstrates how institutional overlap and rivalry led to bargaining activities among states, shaping African security regime configurations. This framework diverges from static explanations and sheds light on the unpredictability and constant negotiations that define security governance in the continent. The article enriches the debate on African IR by offering an analytical tool to study the continental security regime complex(es).

With UN peace operations involved in increasingly volatile and dangerous situations, there appears to be growing acceptance among member states that UN missions need greater capacity to generate intelligence, both to protect themselves and to fulfill their mandates more effectively. This policy paper strives to unpack the concept of intelligence in UN peace operations by explaining its needs and requirements, existing structures, and limitations and to clearly define the concept of intelligence within the limits of the UN’s fundamental principles and its multilateral and transparent nature. It aims to clarify and demystify the debate on intelligence in UN peace operations and to propose a specific UN approach. In order to reform and strengthen its analytical capacities and capabilities in peace operations, this paper proposes that the UN: - Develops a definition of intelligence different from the traditional military definition, which focuses on serving the national interest and ope...

In a world full of diverse conflicts, peacekeeping is a continuous feature in
many fronts. While we have organisations primarily tasked with the mandate of peace keeping and peace support operations like the United Nations and African Union, it is important to understand the nitty-gritty of such immense tasks when providing interventions in conflict territories.

The whole idea of peacekeeping is as old as the human race. Even though the strategies of peacekeeping may have changed over time, the expectations and desire for peace always drives the human race towards seeking for a formidable solution to keep conflicting parties from further harm and arriving at an amicable solution.In this paper, we will examine the theory and practice of peacekeeping and peace support operations, legal bases and efficacy for resolving contemporary
conflicts.

Conflicts constitute one of the greatest challenges currently facing African continent. Africa is a continent afflicted by social, economic and political woes which manifest in hunger, disease, high infant mortality rate, short life span, corruption, technological slow motion, poor infrastructure, mass poverty etc. this situation has been compounded by insurrections, civil wars, ethnic, religious and communal violence in almost all the socioeconomic formations in the continent. The Integration Theory has been adopted as the framework of analysis. The integration theory according to Weiner (1971) enhances understanding of how unity is created from formerly disparate groups by promoting what is common and communally advantageous to them, while de-emphasizing their area of difference. The paper opined that consequence of failure in the management or resolution of conflicts is usually severe, devastating and sometimes unimaginable. Africa as a continent has suffered so much in this respect, not only because of the loss of millions of innocent lives and the destruction of valuable assets and property but also in terms of the economic, social and political emasculation of the continent, associated with various tales of "arrested development" Thus, the need for the African Union in collaboration with other sub-regional blocs to work harmoniously in forestalling and de-escalating the spread of new wave of conflict in the African Continent.

This book represents the culmination of two years of directed research. During that time, we conducted fieldwork in some 20 countries and interviewed more than 200 policy makers, practitioners, and members of civil society. We have many people to thank. While it was not possible for us to visit all of the African (sub)regional organizations highlighted in this book, each one assisted us greatly by answering our questions and providing documentation. We are particularly indebted to Chris Bakwesegha, the former Head of the Conflict Management Division of the Organization of African Unity, and his successor, S. Bassey Ibok, both of whom were especially generous with their time. The same is true of Halima Ahmed, Adrienne Diop, and Roger Laloupo of the Economic Community of West African States, Amb. Nelson Cosme of the Economic Community of Central African States, and R-Adm. Alexandre Diam, the Secretary-General of the Treaty on Non-Aggression, Assistance, and Mutual Defence. We were also unable to visit all of the other multilateral organizations that we focus on in this book, but many gave us critical feedback. Peter Craig-McQuaide of the European Commission and Sandra Pepera of the Commonwealth Secretariat provided valuable documents and texts. Rafael Branco of the Community of Portuguese-Speaking Countries (CPLP) was particularly candid in his comments. As for the United Nations, we wish to broadly thank the Departments of Peacekeeping Operations and Political Affairs within the Secretariat, as well as the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees. The Governments of France, the United Kingdom, and the United States were all extremely open in discussing their respective African capacitybuilding and military assistance programmes. Amb. Gabriel de Bellescize, the Ambassador for France's Renforcement des capacités africaines de maintien de la paix and his Military Adviser, Lt-Col. Eric Bonnemaison, were very helpful, as was Emmanuel Lenain of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. As concerns the United Kingdom, we appreciate the assistance that British Military Advisory and Training Teams in West Africa and Southern Africa afforded us during our visits to Accra and Harare. Gill Coglin, the Deputy xviii Head of the Peacekeeping Section in the Foreign and Commonwealth Office's United Nations Department, took a keen interest in our work from the outset of the project and was always eager to be of help. Amb. Marshall McCallie, the Special Coordinator of the US African Crisis Response Initiative (ACRI) Interagency Working Group, readily answered our questions. He also facilitated our interviews with members of his staff-a practice that his successor, Amb. Aubrey Hooks, continued. ACRI's Scott Fisher was particularly detailed and expansive in his remarks, and Philip Egger provided timely and thorough responses to our queries. David Hamon at the Department of Defense was instrumental in putting us in touch with colleagues both within and outside the US Government. Beyond these organizations and individuals, we were privileged to interview a number of people who by virtue of their experiences were in a position to provide us with unique insights into the issues we studied.

As the Indo-Pacific gradually becomes the world’s geopolitical and geoeconomic epicentre, states and regional organisations are progressively pivoting to it. Due to a combination of drivers, European and Indo-Pacific actors have increased cooperation with Washington and NATO in the region. However, the second Trump administration looks considerably less aligned with the conventional pillars of US foreign policy. In light of the unfolding fracture between the US and its European allies over Ukraine, the question arises ahead for NATO-Europe-US cooperation in the Indo-Pacific.

The policy brief discusses Brazil-Russia relations, the Brazilian position in the War in Ukraine, and the Sino-Brazilian and US-Brazilian relationship in the light of the War in Ukraine. Brazil's relations with Russia began in 1828. However, despite an informal visit by Dom Pedro II in 1876, the first state visit occurred only by José Sarney in 1988. Continuous and sustained relations between the two countries started only in 1997,

Throughout its history, the Republic of Haiti has been the  scene  of  constant  institutional  instability,  it  has  lived  with  corruption,  acute  social  problems,  epidemics,  earthquakes,  coups,  and  an  unfavorable  situation  that  has  impeded  its  development,  especially  from  the  perspective  of  human  rights.  As  a  result  of  the  instability in the country, in 2004, MINUSTAH was created under Brazilian  leadership,  in  order  to  pacify  the  State,  whose  Brazilian  troops  stayed  in  Haiti  for  thirteen  years.  In  another  analytical  perspective, but whose objects of study converge to a common point, in 1977, Snyder conceptualizes strategic culture, and from this point of  view  several  authors  interpreted  and  reinterpreted  the  concept.  Based  on  Snyder  and  the  other  theorists  who  succeeded  him,  the  article  aims  to  identify  the  set  of  variables  with  which  the  Military  Forces mirrored the Brazilian strategic culture in Haiti. The research is  descriptive,  explanatory,  bibliographical  and  documentary.The  conclusions point to the fact that the strategic culture of the military presented the following profile: offensive, defensive, with traces of flexibility, humanity, leadership, among others.

Resumo: Este trabalho verificou de que maneira o Exército Brasileiro realiza a preparação de uma Força de Ajuda Humanitária e como ela atua nos casos em que apoia a defesa civil em situações de desastre humanitário. Nesse contexto, foi conduzido um estudo de caso sobre o sexto exercício de ajuda humanitária, executado pela 14ª Brigada de Infantaria Motorizada, na cidade de São Francisco do Sul, em Santa Catarina, no ano de 2022. Para isso, foram coletados dados por meio de revisão bibliográfica, pela observação participante de um dos autores do artigo, além da realização de entrevista com militar que participou da organização do exercício. Como resultado, foram verificadas as necessidades para a atuação efetiva de uma Força de Ajuda Humanitária em território nacional.

The  article’s  main  objective  is  to  identify  and  compile  information  regarding  the  actions  taken  by  the  Brazilian  State  in  compliance  with  the  commitments  assumed  regarding  the  pillar  of  performance  &  accountability  of  the  Action  for  Peacekeeping  (A4P)  initiative.  To  do  so,  it  is  initially  sought  to  present  the  A4P  initiative,  contextualizing  it  with  the  moment  of  its  launch.  Subsequently,  a  more  in-depth  analysis  of  the  performance  &  accountability  pillar  was  carried  out  to  identify  the  commitments  made  by  the  various  parties.  Next,  it  is  sought  to  identify  in  detail  the  actions  taken  by  Brazil  aimed  at  fulfilling the obligations assumed, based on two integrating aspects: the participation  in  the  Peacekeeping  Capability  Readiness  System  and  the  training of human resources. From a methodological point of view, this is a qualitative exploratory investigation, carried out through bibliographical and documentary research, complemented by interviews. As a result, the survey indicated that Brazil has been adopting concrete measures, which fulfill the commitments assumed and shall allow the country to send high-performance military and police officers for future peace operations.

In the fall of 2014, I published the first article worldwide that spelled out a potential peacekeeping force in Ukraine with "What's Peace in the Donbas Worth to Us?". In the article, I argued that at least 50,000 peacekeepers with a robust mandate would be needed. Currently, there is a lot of talk about a negotiated end to the war in Ukraine and the necessity to back such a settlement up with tangible security guarantees, which might include a major peacekeeping mission. Given the length of the contact line between Ukraine and the Russian forces, experts put the number of peacekeepers to secure it at around 200,000 or more.

The purpose of the study (using the legal framework, bibliography and articles) is the legal-critical examination of the institutional framework that refers to the management of crises and disasters in Hellas (which has faced many unsuccessfully in the last 20 years) and how the crisis-disaster management know-how developed in Hellas in 2004 during the Olympic Games (OG) could help to improve this. In this context, the responsibilities of the Self-Governmental Organizations will be examined and analysed as how these contribute or could contribute more effectively to the prevention-managementcounteraction of crises and disasters. The study will be completed by presenting conclusions and proposals.

Los enormes riesgos ante los que se enfrenta actualmente la Comunidad Internacional están poniendo en cuestión la estructura normativa surgida tras la Segunda Guerra Mundial y representada por la Carta de las Naciones Unidas y más concretamente su Sistema de Seguridad Colectiva. En efecto, la caída del Muro de Berlín, la desmembración de la Unión Soviética, así como el fin de la denominada Guerra Fría, han hecho surgir una serie de amenazas y riesgos para la seguridad internacional para lo que no parece estar preparada normativamente las Naciones Unidas.
Ante esta situación, conviene destacar en nuestra opinión la descentralización que se está produciendo en el ámbito del mantenimiento de la paz y la seguridad internacionales, concretamente por lo que respecta a la flexibilización existente en la competencia primordial que ostenta el Consejo de Seguridad en este marco. Nos referimos a lo que el profesor Cardona Llorens denomina “privatización/externalización” o más correctamente “descentralización”. En efecto, en nuestra opinión es más correcto hablar de “descentralización” entendida como la delegación de competencias, en este caso competencias de ejecución, y de tal forma que lo diferenciemos a los nuevos usos en la aplicación del uso de la fuerza a través de empresas privadas que sería más acorde con el término “privatización”.
A partir de esta visión, y tomando como modelo el caso de la Unión Europea, analizaremos el papel de las Organizaciones Internacionales regionales en el mantenimiento de la paz y la seguridad, como complementarias de la labor de Naciones Unidas y con capacidades más actualizadas, flexibles y adaptables a las existentes en la propia Carta de San Francisco. Así, en nuestra opinión, se estaría llevando a cabo una descentralización en aplicación del principio de subsidiariedad, con respeto de los principios y propósitos de la Carta, y únicamente en los aspectos ejecutivos del mandato del Consejo de Seguridad. En este ámbito, las diversas manifestaciones que ha ido desarrollando la UE, denotan que nos encontramos ante una organización regional óptima a fin de encabezar esta descentralización, cada vez más multidimensional, en un mundo en cambio constante y que requiere la cooperación de todos los sujetos internacionales, a fin de lograr una paz y estabilidad a nivel mundial.

L’équation de la guerre et de la paix en Tripolitaine à la fin de l’ère vandale, in I. Muhammed Saadaoui et N. Wénssowa Mayeda, (dir.), Guerres, espoirs, désespoirs et paix dans l’histoire. Actes du XIIe colloque international organisé par Tunisian World Center for Studies, Research and Development and Tunisian-Mediterranean Association for Historical, Social and Economic Studies. Monastir (Tunisie) les 25, 26 et 27 novembre 2019. Série Savoir Sans Frontières, 11, 2024, volume 1, pp. 57-69.

Global Affairs Canada is funding Monash Global Peace and Security centre (Monash GPS) to conduct a 3-year research project (2023-26) on uniformed personnel with caring responsibilities 2 in UN peace operations. This project is part of the Elsie Initiative 3 and aims to contribute to increasing the meaningful participation of women among uniformed personnel in UN peace operations, and thereby enhance operational effectiveness, and advance gender equality. The project is the first to identify the causes and consequences of marginalising women with caring responsibilities from security institutions in Troop and Police-Contributing Countries (T/PCCs) and UN peace operations. This project aims to propose ways to reduce this marginalisation and thereby improve the recruitment, retention and promotion rates of women in security institutions, and their subsequent deployment to UN peace operations. Project results are also anticipated to include UN peace operations and T/ PCC security institutions being more gender-responsive and attentive to care responsibilities and needs, including the self-care and well-being of personnel. In turn, this is expected to contribute to improved workplace cultures and reduction of the factors that can contribute to stress, burnout and safeguarding cases. This Policy Brief maps publicly available best practices supporting personnel with caring responsibilities in UN peace operations. It is intended to form part of the basis for primary data gathering. Subsequently, this mapping exercise will be expanded to include best practices identified in our fieldwork UN peace operations. It is important to note that best practice is often subjective and what is best practice in one context may not work in another. Adherence to the principles of context specificity, inclusion and gender equality is always important when considering applying best practices on supporting carers from one context to another. Recommendations 18 Notes 20 Contents Policy Brief-2 3 This is the second of two policy briefs that explore how the needs of uniformed personnel with caring responsibilities are attended to. Policy Brief #1, Global Practices of Care in Security Institutions, maps best practices for personnel with caring responsibilities in security institutions within T/PCCs. Building on it, this second brief focuses on UN peace operations to map policies that address the needs of peacekeepers with caring responsibilities. This is important not just for the individual peacekeeper who has caring responsibilities, but because of the growing evidence that points to a correlation between organisational attentiveness to care, gender equality and operational effectiveness. 4 It is also important to note that deployment on operations is often a condition of promotion, so barriers to deployment for carers also feed lack of representation at senior levels in security institutions as well as on mission. Moreover, how the UN (and T/PCCs) cares for peacekeepers with caring responsibilities provide insights into its normative ideas or beliefs about what peace and security should look like.

El presente ensayo realiza un análisis crítico de la política exterior y de la seguridad nacional de México bajo el gobierno del Presidente Fox. El autor plantea que ambas políticas carecieron de un plan estratégico que permitiera la defensa de los intereses mexicanos en el desarrollo de la guerra contra el terrorismo, liderada por Estados Unidos. Lo cual queda de manifiesto al no existir una coordinación al interior del gabinete ministerial, lo

Information shapes the conduct of civil conflict.
Its source, composition, curation, sharing, and
use dictate comprehension of the operational
environment and inform all levels of military planning
and execution. How we understand and act upon the
economic, political, and social contexts of our environ-
ment are all affected by the information available to
us. Factors that enable or impair this process therefore
exercise significant influence over the management of
violence and the success or failure of security activity.

The territorial conflict between Jama'at Nasr al-Islam wal Muslimin (JNIM) and the Islamic State in the Greater Sahara (ISGS) has escalated the power struggles in the Sahel. As both groups vie for control in Niger, Mali, and Burkina Faso, their ideological and operational distinctions fuel violent confrontations. ISGS, aligned with the Islamic State, emphasizes territorial dominance and mass civilian attacks, while JNIM, linked to al-Qaeda, seeks localized influence and community integration. This rivalry, driven by competition over resources, fighters, and strategic positions, has deepened the humanitarian crisis, leading to displacement, food insecurity, and disrupted livelihoods. The ongoing clashes have eroded state authority and heightened insecurity in a region already plagued by governance issues. Despite occasional cooperation, their intensifying competition has increased violence, impacting both fighters and civilians and raising concerns about long-term stability in the Sahel. This briefing paper examines how the clashes between ISGS and JNIM have impacted the Sahel region.

The ECOWAS Convention on Small Arms and Light Weapons, their Ammunition and other Related Materials was adopted on the 14th June 2006 by member state of the Economic Community of west Africa State. The Convention prohibits all international transfers of small arms within the sub region unless a Member States obtains an exemption from the ECOWAS Secretariat
The Convention is a legally binding instrument adopted in 14th June, 2006 in Abuja(Nigeria) which entered into force on 29th September, 2009, after ten member states had ratified the Convention. It draws its strength from Article 58 of the revised ECOWAS’ Treaty relating to regional security.

It seems, often, policymakers send disaster relief personnel and resources into dangerous situations without a clear explanation of the mission's application to US national interests. So, what is the purpose of air-enabled disaster assistance missions? And, to what extent are these missions successful at meeting intended outcomes? Answers to, or a better understanding of, these questions are needed now more than ever considering the looming problem of climate change that will likely animate more calls for American aid. Using quantitative and qualitative analysis of 31 disaster assistance cases between 1992-2017, this research attempts to add rigor and breadth to policy reviews of foreign relief operations with positive interstate relations as an outcome. This research finds inconclusive evidence that disaster assistance missions positively influence interstate relations. Concurrently, it finds inconclusive evidence that supports nascent, qualitative disaster diplomacy scholarship suggesting aid missions are more useful to sustain existing interstate relations rather than initiating them. If scientific estimates about the effects of climate change hold, the US military and specifically the USAF will be called upon to assist with a growing number of international relief operations. If US decision-makers do not have a guide to help make choices about when and why committing air-enabled assets to an international disaster is appropriate, then there is a strong chance that high-demand low-density assets, like our mobility forces, may be misapplied. Thus, this thesis proports to continue research of linkages between disaster relief ways and means to appropriate outcomes.

Este capítulo presenta los resultados de una investigación documental exploratoria histórica, desde un enfoque descriptivo y cualitativo, basado en la revisión de las Directivas de Instrucción y Entrenamiento del Ejército Nacional de Colombia, 1985-2019, con miras a describir los patrones en ellas contextualizadas, enfatizando en los referentes significativos de las tareas desarrolladas en las áreas de preparación dentro de la formación básica de combate en el militar colombiano. Se confrontan y triangulan las actividades y ejecuciones ordenadas y apreciadas en estos documentos, analizando su evolución, recurrencias, vacíos, contradicciones y tendencias de la interdisciplinaridad militar caórdica para edificar los principios, valores e identidad institucional de quienes asumen la responsabilidad de la seguridad y defensa, aplicada en la profesión militar, basados siempre, en las herramientas doctrinales brindadas para la toma de decisiones en sus nuevos desafíos, el deber ético y la responsabilidad social, conllevando un informe comprensivo del fenómeno analizado.

The United Nations Security Council is primarily entrusted with maintaining international peace and security across the globe. Perhaps in order to establish and ensure the sustainability of such peace, the Council has moved beyond its traditional role and entered into the lesser-known dimension of human rights. Its role in this field was relatively marginal during the Cold War, but the Security Council has placed on human rights in subsequent years. Divided into six sections, The United Nations Security Council in the Age of Human Rights by Jared Genser and Bruno Stagno Ugarte (Eds.) provides a detailed account of the Council's engagement with international human rights. Parts I and II provide a historical overview of the Security Council's attention to human rights, as well as an overview of its thematic work. The introductory chapter by Ugarte and Jenser provides a detailed account of a historical engagement of the Security Council, followed by an evaluation of how pressure from permanent members and outside factors forced the Council to enter the human rights field. The second section on thematic work delves into the Council's initiatives in this regard, comparing its work on civilians and armed conflict (chapter 2 by Rosa Brooks); women, peace, and security (chapter 3 by Janet Benshoof); and children and armed conflict (chapter 4 by Shamala Kandiah Thompson). These early chapters lay the foundation for understanding the Security Council's role in international human rights, as well as how it has approached a variety of thematic issues. In the third and fourth sections, authors consider ways to enhance the protection of human rights building from that foundation. Mari Katayanagi explores UN peacekeeping and rights protection in chapter 5, for instance, while Bertrand G. Ramcharan considers coordinating with UN organs in chapter 6. This section on Bsecuring, maintaining, and building peace^differs from the following section on Blaw and justice,^however; the

Utilizing the theoretical framework of transnational legal orders (TLOs), this article treats two master questions in global governance: what are the limits to the power of the UN Security Council? Can norms of rule-of-law constrain UNSC powers? First, we outline a research design with emphasis on its documentary and unique internal empirical sources. Second, we sketch an interpretive narrative of UNSC engagement from the early 1990s to the present with ROL in three areas of UNSC action: peacekeeping, sanctions, and force. Third, we offer a new conceptual approach by proposing that ROL in the UNSC manifests itself in three dimensions: discourse; procedure (or rules); and structures. These dimensions come into play both internally, within the UNSC itself, and externally, to ROL institution-building in and between states, as well as in post-conflict zones, with a rather gray area between (e.g., when the UN peacekeeping missions are themselves subject to ROL oversight for the behavior of their personnel). Fourth, we examine the emergence of micro-TLOs under construction within the UNSC itself. We conclude with reflections on the potential for empowering elected members of the UNSC and weaker states in the UN to press ROL norms on the UNSC as a springboard for ROL global governance via the UNSC.

AU missions should strengthen the institutional framework for Human Security threat early warning signals, escalation, response preparedness and capabilities through utilising the full capacities of the UN and international framework.

A specific institutional structure of effective threat intelligence, data gathering, and analysis for robust operational, policy and strategic decision-making is needed.

There is an increasing urgency to highlight the need for full support and long-term commitment from the international community in preventing and combating transnational threats. Improving the efficiency and effectiveness of AU missions may require that human security considerations are adequately prioritised in mandates. Mandates must better specify areas of human security considerations such as access to justice, education, health, physical protection from abuse by state and non-state actors, armed and criminal groups and spoilers.

A scale up of political and technical support to the AU is required in its peacebuilding, reconstruction and development efforts across all relevant activities and engagements.
AU missions should strengthen the institutional framework for Human Security threat early warning signals, escalation, response preparedness and capabilities through utilising the full capacities of the UN and international framework.