Lise Howard

Georgetown University, Government, Faculty Member

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Dr. Lise Morje Howard is an Associate Professor of Government at Georgetown University. She specializes in the study of international relations, civil wars, and UN peacekeeping.

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Reviewers for Volume 26

International Security, 2002

Fiona Adamson Samina Ahmed Mikhail Alexseev Ivan Arreguín-Toft Robert Art Debbie Ball Desmond Bal... more Fiona Adamson Samina Ahmed Mikhail Alexseev Ivan Arreguín-Toft Robert Art Debbie Ball Desmond Ball Karen Ballentine Michael Barnett Mats Berdal Richard Betts Stephen Biddle James Blight Bear Braumoeller Shlomo Brom Stephen Brooks George Bunn Steven Burg Nathan Busch Melissa Carr Ashton Carter Vikram Khub Chand Marie Chevrier Ajin Choi Mark Clodfelter Alexander Cooley Walker Connor Richard Cupitt Ivo Daalder Steven David James W. Davis, Jr. David Deese Michael Desch Laura Donohue Paul Doty June Teufel Dryer John Dufaeld William Durch David Edelstein Jason Ellis Miriam Fendius Elman Matthew Evangelista Paul Evans Peter Feaver Steve Fetter Bernard Finel Martha Finnemore David Franz Aaron Friedberg Francis Fukuyama Sumit Ganguly John Garofano Raymond Garthoff Richard Garwin Bates Gill Charles Glaser Michael Glosny Stacie Goddard Hein Goemans Adinarayantampi Gopalakrishnan Michael Green Peter Grose Devin Hagerty Christopher Hamner Gunther Hellman George Herring Fiona Hill Stanley Hoffmann Ted Hopf Lise Howard Michael Ignatieff Erin Jenne Robert Jervis Ellis Joffe Colin Kahl Gaurav Kampani Aaron Karp Regina Cowan Karp Stuart Kaufman Carl Kaysen Patrick Kelly Yuen Foong Khong Andrew Kuchins Charles Kupchan Alan Kuperman Eric Labs Gail Lapidus Peter Lavoy Christopher Layne Jeffrey Legro George Lewis Peter Liberman Roy Licklider R. William Liddle Robert Lieber Jennifer Lind James Lindsay Timothy Luke Douglas MacDonald Lenore Martin Ernest May Rose McDermott John Mearsheimer Sarah Mendelson Ariel Merari Dinshaw Mistry Susan Moeller John Ellis Van Courtland Moon Andrew Moravcsik J. Stephen Morrison John Mueller Karl Mueller Janne Nolan Robert Oakley Michael O’Hanlon Nobuo Okawara Mitchell Orenstein John Orme Frank Pabian Robin Pangi Robert Pape Roland Paris Roger Petersen Kenneth Pollack Barry Posen Samantha Power Andrew Price-Smith William Quandt Dan Reiter John Reppert Appendix 1

Kosovo and East Timor in comparative perspective

Why do some states, with foreign assistance, transition from ‘fragile’ to ‘robust?’ Scholars in s... more Why do some states, with foreign assistance, transition from ‘fragile’ to ‘robust?’ Scholars in state-building have argued that neotrusteeship is an effective strategy by which external organizations might build post-conflict states. This working paper tests this hypothesis, and two related propositions, in a paired comparison between Kosovo and East Timor. The two states are ideal for comparison in that they share many similar characteristics, including, most crucially, the fact that both experienced regional peace enforcement operations to end violent conflict, followed by massive neotrusteeship operations. …/

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U.S. Foreign Policy and Habit: Individual vs. Group Rights as a Solution to Ethnic Conflict

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Part IV Activities of Organizations, Ch.9 Peace Operations

The Oxford Handbook of International Organizations, 2016

This chapter discusses the origins of peace operations; their evolution alongside the growing int... more This chapter discusses the origins of peace operations; their evolution alongside the growing international conflict management structures of the United Nations (UN) and other international organizations; and their core functions, composition, and efficacy. Although peace operations have roots in earlier forms of military intervention, their emergence as a dominant tool for conflict management is a distinct innovation of the same internationalist project that forged the UN. Their evolution lays bare the fundamental tensions between state interests and the liberal internationalist project of a ‘world organization for the enforcement of peace’, and their execution has defined the way wars are fought today. The chapter focuses on UN peace operations throughout because they are the modal type of mission in the world. It also discusses the use of force within peace operations, an issue of growing importance that highlights fundamental tensions in the authorization and execution of intern...

Persuasion in Namibia

Power in Peacekeeping, 2019

Power and United Nations Peacekeeping

Power in Peacekeeping, 2019

Peacekeeping, Peace Enforcement, and UN Reform

The United Nations has the largest deployed force in the world today. More than 110,000 UN peacek... more The United Nations has the largest deployed force in the world today. More than 110,000 UN peacekeepers are charged with keeping the peace in 1 6 operations across the globe. In both scholarly work and in American public opinion, UN peacekeeping has been assessed as largely successful.1 Peacekeepers have patrolled borders to prevent states from going back to war, and they have helped to knit many countries back together after civil war. In a very few but horrific and memorable instances, UN peacekeepers failed miserably to implement their mandates (in Somalia, Rwanda, and during the genocide in Srebrenica, BosniaHerzegovina). As a result of those failures, peacekeepers have been granted more robust "peace enforcement" mandates to protect civilians. However, in far more but less -noted places Namibia, El Salvador, Mozambique, Cambodia, Croatia (Eastern Slavonia), Timor Leste, Burundi, and Sierra Leonepeacekeepers have successfully implemented complex mandates, without using...

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Sources of Change in United States–United Nations Relations

Global Governance: A Review of Multilateralism and International Organizations, 2010

... the wake of increasing pressure to intervene in fragile states and the global nature of many ... more

The Use of Force in UN Peacekeeping

International Organization, 2017

UN peacekeeping was not designed to wield force, and the UN's permanent five (P-5), veto-wiel... more UN peacekeeping was not designed to wield force, and the UN's permanent five (P-5), veto-wielding Security Council members do not want the UN to develop a military capacity. However, since 1999, the UN Security Council has authorized all UN multidimensional peacekeeping operations under Chapter VII of the UN Charter to use force. The mandates do not serve to achieve the council's stated goal of maintaining international peace, nevertheless, the council repeats these mandates in every multidimensional peacekeeping resolution. Neither constructivist accounts of normative change, nor the rational pursuit of stated goals, nor organizational processes can explain the repetition of force mandates. Instead, we draw on insights from small-group psychology to advance a novel theoretical proposition: the repetition of force mandates is the result of “group-preserving” dynamics. The P-5 members strive to maintain their individual and collective status and legitimacy by issuing decision...

UN Peacekeeping in Civil Wars: Bibliography

US Foreign Policy Habits in Ethnic Conflict

International Studies Quarterly, 2015

Individual political rights and civic national identity lie at the core of American democracy, an... more Individual political rights and civic national identity lie at the core of American democracy, and spreading democracy is a crucial component of American grand strategy. However, American policymakers have often supported the construction of rigid, group-rights-based institutions in ethno-religious conflicts even when the parties were not demanding such institutions. The pursuit of "ethnocratic" solutions not only runs contrary to American ideals, but it is also not pragmatic, in that it enables the creation of regimes that are fragile, divided, and often dependent on outside assistance to maintain peace. This article weighs hypotheses about the sources of foreign policy decision making stemming from three contending Weberian logics of social action: instrumental rationality, normative appropriateness, and habit. Drawing on causal-process observations during crucial decision moments in Bosnia and Iraq, I argue in favor of the plausibility of habit as a driver of U.S. foreign policy. This work furthers the theoretical development of the concept of habit, offers a means of studying social habits empirically, and suggests improvements for American foreign policy in ethnic conflict.

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United Nations Transition Assistance Group (UNTAG-Namibia)

Oxford Handbooks Online, 2014

Michael Doyle and Nicholas Sambanis, Making war and building peace: United Nations peace operations

The Review of International Organizations, 2006

Since the end of the Cold War peacebuilding in war-torn societies has become the most important t... more

UN Peace Implementation in Namibia: The Causes of Success

International Peacekeeping, 2002

Page 1. This article was downloaded by: [ ] On: 09 July 2011, At: 23:58 Publisher: Routledge Info... more

Pitfalls and Prospects in the Peacekeeping Literature

Annual Review of Political Science, 2008

Following closely the practice of peacekeeping, the literature on the subject has come in one sma... more Following closely the practice of peacekeeping, the literature on the subject has come in one small wave and then two larger ones. The first wave, during the Cold War, includes classic works focusing mainly on peacekeeping in wars between states. The second wave, at first inspired by the boom in peacekeeping shortly after the end of the Cold War, soon reflected disillusionment and focuses largely on failure and dysfunction, despite significant cases of success. The third and most recent wave also reflects a resurgence in peacekeeping but is newly concerned with systematic and methodologically rigorous analysis (both quantitative and qualitative) of basic empirical questions about the effects of peacekeeping and the sources of peacekeeping outcomes. Recent empirical studies have demonstrated peacekeeping's effectiveness in maintaining peace, but related questions persist concerning the use of force, transitional administrations, which organizations most effectively keep peace, pe...

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El Salvador: centrally propelled learning

UN Peacekeeping in Civil Wars, 2007

Introduction The United Nations Observer Mission in El Salvador (ONUSAL) was established in May 1... more Introduction The United Nations Observer Mission in El Salvador (ONUSAL) was established in May 1991, in the midst of the Salvadoran civil war, before the brokering of a cease-fire or a final peace agreement. The mission had been invited, under Chapter VI of the UN Charter, by both sides of the conflict – the Salvadoran government and the opposition, the Farabundo Marti Front for National Liberation (FMLN) – to monitor the abysmal human rights situation in the country. After the warring sides signed the peace accords in January 1992, ONUSAL expanded to include significant civilian police, military, and later elections-monitoring divisions. Specialists in Central America have argued that, as of the mid-1990s, “of the UN's internal peacemaking efforts since the end of the Cold War, its work in El Salvador stands out as the most unambiguously successful.” While I would argue that the UN was comparatively more successful in Namibia, because of the results of its widespread engagement directly with the population, there is no question that the peacekeeping mission in El Salvador was successful, both in terms of implementing its mandate, and in terms of helping to reform and create domestic institutions that would ensure the future peaceful development of El Salvador. I argue that the operation was a success in large part because the UN mission functioned as a learning organization over the course of shaping and implementing its mandate.

The United Nations Observer Mission in El Salvador (ONUSAL)

Oxford Handbooks Online, 2014

Why Civil Wars Are Lasting Longer

Foreign Affairs, 2018

Kosovo and Timor-Leste: Neotrusteeship, Neighbors, and the United Nations

116 Why do some states transition, with foreign assistance, from "fragile" to "rob... more 116 Why do some states transition, with foreign assistance, from "fragile" to "robust"? Scholars in state-building have argued that neotrusteeship is an effective strategy by which external organizations might build postcon flict states. This article tests this hypothesis, and two related propositions, in a paired comparison of Kosovo and Timor-Leste. The two states are similar in many respects and both experienced regional peace enforce ment operations to end violent conflict, followed by massive neotrusteeship operations. They have had divergent results, however, in postconflict state building: while the state and economy are gradually becoming stronger in Timor-Leste, the same cannot be said of Kosovo, which continues to be plagued by high unemployment, low growth, corruption, and organized crime. I argue that many of Kosovo's problems can be traced back to the strategy of dividing international responsibility for neotrusteeship operations.

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Learning to keep the peace? : united nations multidimensional peacekeeping in civil wars

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