Peace Journalism

Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk menganalisis peristiwa konflik etnis yang terjadi di Sampit, Kalimantan Tengah, pada tahun 2001, sebagai salah satu tragedi kemanusiaan terbesar dalam sejarah modern Indonesia. Konflik antara suku Dayak dan suku Madura ini mencerminkan kompleksitas dinamika sosial dalam masyarakat multikultural. Penelitian dilakukan melalui metode tinjauan literatur dengan mengumpulkan dan menganalisis berbagai referensi dari buku, jurnal, dan artikel ilmiah yang membahas konflik etnis dan nilai-nilai Pancasila, khususnya sila ketiga: Persatuan Indonesia. Hasil analisis menunjukkan bahwa konflik dipicu oleh faktor struktural dan kultural, seperti ketimpangan ekonomi, marginalisasi sosial, serta lemahnya pengelolaan keberagaman. Temuan juga menunjukkan bahwa implementasi nilai persatuan belum berjalan optimal dalam konteks masyarakat plural. Upaya pasca-konflik, seperti rekonsiliasi sosial dan pendekatan berbasis kearifan lokal, menjadi kunci dalam membangun kembali kohesi sosial. Penelitian ini menegaskan pentingnya penguatan nilai-nilai Pancasila secara konkret, pengembangan dialog antarbudaya, dan kebijakan multikultural yang adil dan inklusif guna mencegah konflik serupa di masa depan serta mewujudkan persatuan bangsa yang berkelanjutan.

This study examines the journalistic discursive strategies of stance taking with references to selected voices in the reporting of the Arab-Israeli conflict in two international newspapers: Washington Post (WP) and Al Jazeera (English) (AJE). The study employs a Discourse Analysis framework by integrating the Faircloughian critical discourse perspective (Fairclough, 2010) and Martin and White's (2005) appraisal framework. This conceptual framework informs the analysis of the evaluative and affective dimensions of language, shedding light on underlying values, standpoints, power dynamics and attitudes. A total of 117 news texts are collected from AJE, and 113 news texts are sourced from WP. The findings uncover variabilities and resemblances in the patterns of how (inter)personal emotions (i.e., affect) and judgements (i.e., social sanction and social esteem) are operated and disseminated by AJE and WP. The findings also disclose that manners of engagement i.e., ‘endorse,’ ‘attest’ and ‘acknowledge’ in both newspapers are primarily included in noteworthy methods through which the writers can construct their evaluative language. The writers have subjectively adopted some external voices to potentially meet their own assessments and narrow down the possibility of (including dialogic voices) dissenting their assumptions or challenging their views. Both medias have alternative or multiple voices acknowledge the epistemic sources in a way that can intersubjectively ensures/foregrounds the writers’ attitude and stance. This indicates that both newspapers construct conflict discourse according to certain dimensions where they can elevate their feelings, commitments, attitudes, and judgements concerning selected themes or events. The journalists emphasize establishing hard news based on emotional dimensions i.e., negativity/positivity (over accuracy and objectivity) that can generate the attention of the audience consciously or subconsciously
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towards certain awareness, beliefs and reactions. AJE and WP constitute newsworthiness based on undertaken socio-cultural practices, ideologies and political implications that may restrict standards of fairness, objectivity and nuanced reporting in conflict discourse, and thus produce ideologically-driven reporting. This can lead to a polarization of public opinion, escalation of the conflict and creation of further divisions between communities. AJE often takes a critical stance towards bias and double standards of the US administration in their approach to the conflict. So, AJE prioritize the Arab voices that adopt Muslim perspectives or Arab identity and struggle against the Israeli occupation and US prejudice. WP, on the other hand, tends to frame the conflict in terms of US commitments, policies or/and interests in the region which may express why the WP ignores Arab/Palestinian grievances. In this view, language of conflict reporting plays a multi-function task especially in the key issues of a conflict. Journalists and news institutions should acknowledge that their emotional evaluation can affect their reporting and may indirectly consequent in more hostility and collective violence, and thus hinder the prospects of peaceful resolution.

Τα διηγήματα της Λένας Κιτσοπούλου πραγματεύονται ιστορίες που διαδραματίζονται στο κλειστό οικογενειακό κύκλωμα και αφηγούνται τη σεξουαλική βία, την παιδική κακοποίηση, τον γκροτέσκο φόνο, οποιαδήποτε μορφή παρέμβασης στο ξένο σώμα. Με όχημα τη δήλωση της ίδιας της δημιουργού: «Η αρρώστια είναι στη φύση του ανθρώπου. Οι εξαιρέσεις των ανθρώπων είναι υγιείς.» συζητιέται το ζήτημα της ενδοοικογενειακής βίας και ο τρόπος με τον οποίο εκείνη ασκείται στα διαφορετικά πλέγματα εξουσίας, ιδίως της πατριαρχικής κυριαρχίας, στις συλλογές διηγημάτων: Νυχτερίδες (2006), Μεγάλοι δρόμοι (2011), Το μάτι του ψαριού (2015). Στο πλαίσιο θεώρησης της οικογένειας ως ενός οργανισμού, στον πυρήνα του οποίου εκτυλίσσονται διαρκώς παραστασιακές διαδικασίες, αναδεικνύονται όλες εκείνες οι «υλικές» παρεμβάσεις που βιώνονται σωματικά από υποκείμενα που στερούνται προσωπικής βούλησης και αυτονόμησης στο επιδραστικό οικογενειακό πλαίσιο. Οι ήρωες της Κιτσοπούλου εμφιλοχωρούν στα διηγήματα ως σύμβολα γιγαντωμένων εκδοχών της ηθικής αποτελμάτωσης, καταδεικνύοντας ευκρινώς μια κοινωνία σε σήψη. Μέσα από μια γραφή τραβηγμένη στα απώτατα όρια της υπερβολής, η σωματική βία διεκδικεί θέση πρωταγωνιστική στο πλαίσιο της κανονιστικής πειθάρχησης και ευθυγράμμισης σωμάτων που έχουν ήδη υπερκαθοριστεί. Σε μια προσπάθεια χαρτογράφησης ανομολόγητων τραυμάτων στο πεδίο του ιδιωτικού, η εργασία μέσα από τον μεγεθυντικό φακό της Λένας Κιτσοπούλου φωτίζει τις διαφορετικές εκδηλώσεις ενδοοικογενειακής βίας, οι οποίες, διαρρηγνύοντας κλειδωμένες πόρτες, καθίστανται πλέον δημόσια «εκθέματα».

Sri Lanka is taking forward a number of reform processes, including setting up of the institutional framework and policies required for its peacebuilding and transitional justice process. Long-term peace in Sri Lanka will require the creation of political, legal, educational, and cultural institutions that will foster a pluralistic and multiethnic environment. Education is one of the key factors for promoting peace and reconciliation. It is important to recognize that the relationship between education and violent conflict is highly complex and that education systems can be both 'victim' and 'perpetrator' of war and conflict. Sri Lanka's aspiration to rise from the conflict depends on how skilled and versatile its people are for analyzing and resolving conflict as well as promoting peace within their communities.

The higher education systems in post-conflict states have the potential to contribute towards more effective post-war reconstruction and recovery. Higher education should be conceptualized as an important pillar of recovery; the capacity of domestic higher education sectors in post-conflict contexts is an often under-recognized and under-utilized resource of considerable potential value that can connect to a wide range of reconstruction and recovery processes and effectively drive post-conflict recovery and transitions. Given the under-theorized and under-studied nature of higher education and post conflict recovery Loyola Campus: Higher Education at the margins attempts to fill the gap. Loyola Campus believe that in Sri Lanka in the post-war context scenario education plays a crucial role in creating a culture of peace and healing the wounds of war and peacebuilding that is inclusive and socially just. Promoting research, development and innovation will be essential to expand knowledge and technology-intensive industries and services to meet Sri Lanka's aspirations to become a peaceful and reconciled nation.

The National Policy on Education for Social Cohesion (2008) has highlighted two other key pre-conditions that together can result in substantial change towards peace and reconciliation, namely curriculum revisions and school to university level models aimed at strengthening competencies among young Sri Lankans for analyzing and resolving conflict as well as promoting peace within their communities. Moreover, the report points out that, while there were many initiatives that had happened over the years bringing together students from different backgrounds, little had been documented about the effectiveness of such programmes. The policy also notes that the Ministry of Education has to (i) revise and implement school curricula that strengthen the development of competencies related to the conflict resolution, conflict prevention and promotion of peace, (ii) enhance the capacities of principals, teachers and school communities to prevent and resolve conflict and promote peace and (iii) strengthen systems for research, monitoring and evaluation to inform relevant policies and programmes.
The significance of Loyola campus journal is that it will strengthen and inform relevant policies to promote reconciliation and social cohesion. It will inform programs towards promoting peace through Education: a. Establish a research and information management hub. b. Develop an Education for Social Cohesion research strategy and capacity for implementing it through relevant stakeholder institutions. c. Develop dissemination strategy and establish network among similar research initiatives in other countries. The research effort will also compliment the exiting work done on Education for Social Cohesion and Peace. It aims to influence policies to revise and implement to strengthen the development of competencies related to the conflict resolution, conflict prevention and promotion of peace and develop a system for research, monitoring and evaluation.

Objectives 1. Define core terms (political economy, geopolitics, conflict). 2. Understand regional history and global linkages. 3. Apply theories to case studies in Asia 4. Critically evaluate different views 5. Design action-oriented volunteer community projects.

Agama-agama sejak zaman dahulu telah memiliki hubungan erat dengan
propaganda atau penyebaran ajaran, karena para utusan Allah SWT memiliki kewajiban untuk menyampaikan pesan agama kepada umat manusia. Oleh karena itulah, para nabi berusaha melakukan langkah-langkah terbaik dalam menyebar-luaskan pesan tersebut. Ini juga berlaku dalam penyebaran agama Islam. Islam adalah agama dakwah yang
mewajibkan seluruh ummatnya untuk menyampaikannya ajarannya, sesuai dengan kemampuan yang dimiliki, kepada ummat manusia. Dalam Al-Qur’an disebutkan tentang kewajiban terpenting para nabi, yaitu menyampaikan ajaran Ilahi kepada masyarakat dan kewajiban ummat yang terpilih dan terpanggil untuk menyampaikan ajaran Islam tersebut. Oleh karenanya, tidak dapat tidak, media penyampai pesan harus
digunakan. Di sinilah peran media tersebut terlihat.
Propaganda selalu menggunakan media, mulai dari bentuk yang sederhana, hingga yang paling mutakhir, sesuai dengan peradaban manusia. Bentuk yang sederhana tersebut seperti, penyampaian pesan melalui sandi dan lisan. Seiring perkembangan zaman, sebagai kegiatan mempengaruhi orang lain tersebut mengalami perkembangan.
Perkembangan yang mengikuti alur kemajuan pikiran manusia karena menganggap pentingnya media komunikasi.

Kelangsungan perdamaian pasca konflik komunal di tanah air belum berlangsung maksimal oleh karena rekonsiliasi masyarakat mengalami kegagalan yang menyebabkan terjadinya krisis kepercayan. Karena itu, masyarakat membutuhkan trust sebagai modal sosial utama yang mesti dibangun kembali untuk membantu rekonsiliasi pasca konflik komunal. Tulisan ini bertujuan untuk menjelaskan kegagalan resolusi dan krisis kepercayaan serta menjelaskan upaya membangun kembali perdamaian berbasis trust. Metode penulisan yang digunakan adalah analisis kepustakaan. Hasil analisis menemukan bahwa kegagalan rekonsiliasi konflik komunal berimbas pada terjadinya segregasi sosial yang berpeluang membentuk kembali sentimen in-group dan out-group, memudarnya masyarakat corak familistik yang tergantikan corak individual, serta tumbuhnya stigma dan prasangka sosial, sehingga berpotensi menumbuhkan kembali kantongkantong potensi konflik baru. Sedangkan dalam membangun kembali perdamaian berbasis trust, di mulai dari menanamkan kembali sikap trust antar masyarakat dalam kelangsungan perdamaian. Disimpulkan bahwa masyarakat yang pernah dilanda konflik komunal seyogyanya masih membutuhkan proses perdamaian jangka panjang yang berbasis trust. Disarankan penting untuk rekonstruksi modal sosial trust pasca konflik sehingga program pembangunan sosial pasca konflik berjalan maksimal.

Abstrak : Kelangsungan perdamaian pasca konflik komunal di tanah air belum berlangsung maksimal oleh karena rekonsiliasi masyarakat mengalami kegagalan yang menyebabkan terjadinya krisis kepercayan. Karena itu, masyarakat membutuhkan trust sebagai modal sosial utama yang mesti dibangun kembali untuk membantu rekonsiliasi pasca konflik komunal. Tulisan ini bertujuan untuk menjelaskan kegagalan resolusi dan krisis kepercayaan serta menjelaskan upaya membangun kembali perdamaian berbasis trust. Metode penulisan yang digunakan adalah analisis kepustakaan. Hasil analisis menemukan bahwa kegagalan rekonsiliasi konflik komunal berimbas pada terjadinya segregasi sosial yang berpeluang membentuk kembali sentimen in-group dan out-group, memudarnya masyarakat corak familistik yang tergantikan corak individual, serta tumbuhnya stigma dan prasangka sosial, sehingga berpotensi menumbuhkan kembali kantong- kantong potensi konflik baru. Sedangkan dalam membangun kembali perdamaian berbasis trust, d...

Regional Head Election (Pilkada) is an important moment for the people in determining their regional leaders. The determination in the election cannot be separated from political strategies in media utilization. Apart from being a means of conveying information, it is also influential in shaping people's views. So that in political events, the mass media is used as a campaign tool and plays a key role. Whereas the media is required to present professional news to the public. This research discusses the coverage of the 2020 Governor candidate pair Rusdy Mastura and Ma'mun Amir. Using the categorization of media performance by Denis McQuail in revealing the tendency of media coverage. The research method used is quantitative content analysis with multi-stage sampling on the news of Radar Central Sulawesi Daily and Metro Sulawesi Daily to determine the coverage of the pair's campaign. The results show variations in the quality of coverage between the two media, with Metro Sulawesi tending to be more influenced by certain political interests. The findings provide a deeper understanding of the dynamics and role of local mass media in the political process and are more critical in addressing the various news reports.

ES] El artículo presenta un estudio interdisciplinar sobre los medios de comunicación en el confl icto vasco a la luz del Periodismo de Paz y la Psicología Social. El estudio expone los principales trabajos en Ciencias de la Comunicación sobre el comportamiento de los medios en dicho confl icto, y basa su apartado empírico en 22 entrevistas en profundidad con responsables de medios vascos. Los testimonios señalan que los medios fueron actores del confl icto, trasladaron visiones simplifi cadas y polarizadas de la realidad, y fueron víctimas de la violencia. Como refl exión fi nal, se infi ere que los medios practicaron un Periodismo de Guerra.[EN] The paper presents an interdisciplinary study on the media in the Basque confl ict based on Peace Journalism and Social Psychology. The study exposes the main works in Communication Sciences on the behavior of media in this confl ict, and bases its empirical section on 22 in-depth interviews with Basque media managers. The witnesses indica...

The JOS crisis has clearly brought to the fore the indigene /Settler issue and the multiple negatives encountered in a plural society like Nigeria. While noting the implosions that exist in such plural societies like Nigeria, recourse is made to John Rawls idea of justice. Succinctly leaning on his idea of overlapping consensus and idea of citizenship, this paper adopts an elastic definition of citizenship and indigeneship. It posited that any Nigerian citizen who has lived in any part of the country for a reasonable length of time and if he so chooses ought to be regarded as an indigene of such a place and as such ought not to be discriminated against. The paper while urging for a religious balanced society in the impossibility of a religious blind society, noted that discrimination is bad since humanity is one.

While few studies have examined the inclusion of sustainability and the visual aspects of peace journalism (PJ) in mainstream media coverage, this article aims to fill this gap. It explores the extent to which The Guardian applied visual PJ frames and United Nations Sustainable Development Goals (UNSDGs) in its coverage of the China-Taiwan conflict when tensions escalated in August 2022. The quantitative content analysis reveals that the majority of The Guardian's coverage was dominated by war journalism frames (WJ) (72%), whereas PJ frames accounted for only 28%. In contrast, the application of the examined SDG frames [SDG-8 (Decent Work and Economic Growth), SDG-13 (Climate Action), and SDG-16 (Peace and Justice)] appeared to a significant degree (more than 50%), especially after the departure of former Speaker of the U.S. House of Representatives, Nancy Pelosi, from Taipei. The study concludes that while applying sustainability frames is feasible in media coverage, they are still influenced by the political context on the ground.

This research analyses the increasing impact of algorithms on the dissemination and consumption of news inside digital media platforms. Algorithms, specifically engineered to tailor material for individual users, are essential in determining the news presented, thereby affecting public opinion and democratic dialogue. The study examines current literature on algorithmic curation, filter bubbles, and echo chambers, and investigates the effects of algorithm-driven news feeds on information variety and user engagement. Empirical data from user behaviour analytics and case studies of prominent platforms such as Facebook and Google News are examined. Research indicates that whereas algorithms enhance engagement by customizing content according to preferences, they may also restrict exposure to varied viewpoints, thereby exacerbating ideological polarization. The report finishes with suggestions for openness and algorithmic accountability to maintain plurality in news consumption.

Με το άρθρο εξετάζεται η διαχείριση ιδίως της χορήγησης πολιτικού ασύλου στην κλασική Αθήνα, όπως η διαδικασία αυτή προκύπτει μέσα από τις Ικέτιδες του Αισχύλου. Γίνεται διερεύνηση του κειμένου της τρα και άλλων πηγών της κλασικής περιόδου με τη βοήθεια της βιβλιογραφίας. Η ἱκεσία κατηγοριοποιείται ως δημόσια και ιδιωτική και ανιχνεύονται τα χαρακτηριστικά κάθε κατηγορίας. Επισημαίνεται ο θρησκευτικός χαρακτήρας της ἱκεσίας και οι δυσμενείς επιπτώσεις στις σχέσεις μεταξύ των Πόλεων σε περίπτωση χορήγησης ασύλου υπέρ πολιτικών αντιπάλων.
Το άρθρο καταλήγει ότι η ασυλία δεν εχορηγείτο άνευ όρων, παρά τη θεϊκή “εντολή” για την απεριόριστη προστασία του ικέτη. Το αρμόδιο όργανο της Πόλεως εξέταζε τον δίκαιο χαρακτήρα του αιτήματος και εφόσον θεωρούσε ότι ο ικέτης ήταν ήδη αδικούμενος στον Τόπο του, τότε και μόνο χορηγούσε το άσυλο.
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The article examines the management of the granting of political asylum in classical Athens, as this process emerges from Aeschylus’s Supplications. The text of the tragedy and other sources of the classical period are investigated with the help of bibliography. Supplication is categorized as public and private and the characteristics of each category are traced. The religious nature of supplication and the adverse effects on relations between the Cities in the event of granting asylum in favor of political opponents are highlighted. The article concludes that immunity was not granted unconditionally, despite the divine “command” for the unlimited protection of the supplicant. The competent body of the City examined the fair nature of the request and, if it considered that the supplicant was already wronged in his Place, then and only then did it grant asylum.

Peace negotiations are customarily held exclusively between political elites and in secret. Whilethis confidentiality may be essential to the delicate process of negotiating peace, the fact thatpeace negotiations take place behind closeddoors prevents cooperation between politicalrepresentatives, and progress in the negotiations, from being known to the public. Existing research has shown the negative impact of secrecy and explored what motivates political elites to retain adversarial public discourses during peace negotiations, but not their opposites. To fill this gap, this research project explored why progress in peace negotiations is disclosed to the public through the in-depth study of the negotiations between the Santos government and the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC) (2012-2016). The central research question of the project was: Why is progress in peace negotiations disclosed to the public? With the ultimate aim of uncovering why they are disclosed or not, it explored what negotiation progress is disclosed to the public and what is not; when in the timeline of the negotiations they are disclosed or not; and how they are disclosed. The concept of ‘negotiation progress’ is defined broadly as any sort of agreement, or step towards agreement, such as confidence building measures, and any kind of agreement on procedure or substance, such as framework, partial, or comprehensive agreements.
In order to understand why negotiation progress is disclosed to the public, and to uncover when, how, and why this takes place in a peace process, a qualitative in-depth study of a peace negotiation process was needed. It was critical to uncover the decision-making process behind the release of information to the public. To shed light on this, interviews were conducted with members of negotiation delegates, and both documental (official reports and communiqués from the negotiations, memoirs, news articles) and interview data analysed through a qualitativecontent analysis. The findings and publications of this project have contributed to existing academic debates on the need for secret versus more open and inclusive peace negotiations and inform peace mediators on how to balance the need for confidentiality with that for transparency and public information. Ultimately, this can prevent public opinion manipulation and help promote societal reconciliation during peace negotiations.
Four key reccomendations are made to negotiators and mediators: first, the confidentiality of the negotiations needs to be balanced with public information and education through an effective public communication strategy agreed by the parties at the table; second, piecemeal negotiations can be particularly useful in allowing smaller agreements to be communicated to the public and provide enough information to
prevent the exploitation of information vacuums; third, including political opposition to some capacity in the negotiations can help prevent their emergence and manage their impact on public opinion; and lastly, mediators can assist the parties in the design and delivery of acommunications strategy geared to communicating progress to the public.

لم يشهد العالم يوماً ضجيجاً إعلامياً بهذه الدرجة التي نشهدها اليوم، ويعود الفضل في ذلك بشكل كبير إلى الثورة الرقمية. ولكن كيف أثّرت بيئتنا الإعلامية المزدحمة، سريعة التطور، وذات التنافسية العالية على معايير وممارسات الصحافة؟ وكيف يشهد الصحفيون أفضل وأسوأ ما في هذا العالم الجديد، في بحر مضطرب بشكل متزايد.
يُعتبر سوق الإعلام اليوم عالماً مُجزّأً، حيث تتوفر خيارات أكثر من أي وقت مضى، ولكن حيث تُتاح وفرة المعلومات تختفي الصحف الورقية، ويلجأ عدد كبير من القرّاء الآن إلى قنوات الأخبار التلفزيونية، وشبكات التواصل الاجتماعي، والمدونات، وتويتر. يتحول جمهور "الجماهير" السابق إلى مستخدمين متخصصين أصغر حجماً يسعون وراء هوايات معينة، والترفيه، والسياسة. لم تعد وسائل الإعلام التي تأمل في البقاء تجذب الجماهير العريضة، بل جماعات المصالح - من مشجعي الرياضة، وهواة التاريخ، إلى المحافظين أو التقدميين. بمحاكاة صناعة الأخبار في القرن الثامن عشر، عادت التحزبية بقوة، وأكثر ربحية من أي وقت مضى. بالنسبة لوسائل الإعلام الغربية، لم يعد من المنطقي كتم الميول السياسية للوصول إلى جمهور عريض. بدلاً من ذلك، تجني وسائل الإعلام الآن المال من خلال استهداف وتلبية اهتمامات محددة.

"This is a massively researched, theoretically rich, historically rooted study of the multiple ways in which the media have handled the still on-going nationalistic rivalries and peace process in Cyprus. But in stressing the ethical responsibilities of both professional and non-professional journalists, Sanem Şahin shows how the media can be utilised to transcend the stereotyping of 'us' versus 'them' dichotomies and promote, instead, understanding and reconciliation between the Greek and Turkish communities. While the focus throughout is on Cyprus, the findings of this are of global significance."

This study proposes a context-specific model for integrating peace education into teacher education programs in Pakistan. Acknowledging the critical importance of peace-building within state's educational system, the model is adapted and adjusted to equip pre-service teachers with the requisite knowledge, skills, and dispositions to foster peace, tolerance, and conflict resolution in their professional practice. Through the incorporation of peace education into teacher preparation, the model seeks to empower future educators as catalysts for cultivating inclusive and non-violent learning environments, thereby contributing to broader societal harmony. The research employs a qualitative methodology, beginning with an extensive review of global literature and existing peace education frameworks, alongside an analysis of the B.Ed. (Hons.) curriculum to assess current provisions for peace education in Pakistan. Empirical data were collected from the University of Karachi and four affiliated public colleges through semi-structured interviews with ten teacher educators and five pre-service teachers. These interviews explored perceptions, challenges, and opportunities related to the implementation of peace education. Supplementary non-participant classroom observations were conducted to examine how peace-oriented practices are enacted in educational settings. Additionally, a purposive survey of 100 teacher educators and pre-service teachers was administered to evaluate attitudes and practices concerning peace education. Data were analyzed thematically to inform the development of the proposed model. The model comprises four core components: curriculum integration, transformative pedagogical approaches, teacher training and professional development, and contextually informed strategies addressing Pakistan's sociocultural realities. Central to the model is the promotion of empathy, intercultural understanding, social justice, and conflict resolution competencies among teacher candidates. The anticipated outcomes aim to expand the scholarly discourse on peace education within the field of teacher education, particularly in postcolonial and conflict-prone contexts. The findings are expected to have implications for educational policy, curriculum design, and institutional practices by supporting the systemic incorporation of peace education in teacher training programs. Dissemination will occur through academic publications, stakeholder workshops, and policy briefs to engage educational policymakers, teacher training institutions, and practitioners. Ultimately, the research aspires to contribute to the cultivation of a culture of peace, equity, and mutual respect within Pakistani schools by empowering future teachers to serve as agents of positive social transformation.

This academic note provides a comprehensive analysis of Mohandas Karamchand Gandhi's philosophy and application of Satyagraha within the context of the Indian independence movement. It argues that Satyagraha, or "truth force," was not merely a political tactic but a profound ethical and spiritual framework that fundamentally reshaped the struggle against British colonialism, acting as a veritable "torchlight" that illuminated a new path for mass mobilization and moral confrontation. This paper traces Gandhi's arrival onto the Indian political stage, details the timeline and mechanics of his major Satyagraha campaigns, and evaluates their impact through the lens of contemporary and modern academic reports. It explores the conceptual underpinnings of Satyagraha-Satya (Truth), Ahimsa (Non-violence), and Tapasya (Self-suering)-and examines its successes, limitations, and the critical perspectives it has attracted. The note concludes that while subject to valid critiques, the Gandhian method of Satyagraha was the single most influential force in galvanizing the Indian populace and establishing the moral high ground that ultimately rendered British rule untenable.

Muslim Australians believe that prevailing media attitudes towards them and their religion, Islam, disadvantages them both economically and socially. The Western media is alleged to have aggravated anti-Muslim sentiment since the 1990-1991 Gulf Crises, and after September 11, 2001 and the Bali tragedy in 2002, effectively divided the world into the Muslim terrorists ("evil") and the civilised Christians ("good"). Within the framework of national interest and security, this paper examines whether Muslims' allegation of media bias is valid. If so, then, it will address the question, why is the media demonising this group of people, and who is to blame for this phenomenon-the media, its audience or the militant Islamic groups? This paper is based on primary and secondary sources including oral testimonies.

THIS PAPPPER IS AN ATTEMPT TO PRESENT PAST EFFORTS IN RESOLVING ETHNIC CONFLICTS IN NIGERIA.  CREATION OF NEW STATES, ENACTMENT OF LAWS AND PAST COMMISSIONS OF INQUIRY REPORTS FAILED TO STEM THE TIDE OF FAULTLINE CONFLICTS IN NIGERIA FROM COLONIAL ERA TO DATE.

Η δημοσιογραφία εν πολέμω είναι μία δύσκολη, σκληρή και απαιτητική κατάσταση. Εκτός των άλλων, εμπεριέχει και τη διαχείριση του τραύματος, τόσο των άλλων, όσο και των ιδίων των δημοσιογράφων. Η έρευνά μας ασχολείται με το τελευταίο, μελετώντας το πιθανό ατομικό, ψυχικό, δημοσιογραφικό τραύμα, καθώς στη βιβλιογραφία εμφανίζεται κενό στη διερεύνηση της σχέσης της ελληνικής δημοσιογραφίας με το τραύμα εν καιρώ πολέμου. Σκοπός της είναι να εμβαθύνει στους κινδύνους τους οποίους αντιμετωπίζουν οι δημοσιογράφοι που καλύπτουν πολεμικές συρράξεις, καθώς συχνά έρχονται αντιμέτωποι/ες με τραύματα. Ποιες είναι οι επικίνδυνες συνθήκες που αντιμετωπίζουν; Με ποιες πρακτικές αμύνονται του πιθανού τραύματος; Τι προτείνουν για ασφαλέστερες πολεμικές ανταποκρίσεις; Πρόκειται για ερωτήσεις φαινομενικά απλές, όμως, σε επίπεδο βιβλιογραφίας η συστηματική μελέτη του δημοσιογραφικού τραύματος δεν είναι τόσο εκτενής. Η έρευνα βασίζεται στην ποιοτική ανάλυση συνεντεύξεων τεσσάρων Ελλήνων που ταξίδεψαν στην Ουκρανία προκειμένου να καλύψουν διάφορες πτυχές του πολέμου ο οποίος ξέσπασε το Φεβρουάριο του 2022. Οι συνεντεύξεις διενεργήθηκαν με ημι-δομημένο ερωτηματολόγιο. Τέσσερις έμπειροι ρεπόρτερ (δημοσιογράφοι και φωτορεπόρτερ) αποκρίθηκαν στις ερωτήσεις αυτές εις βάθος. Η ανάλυση των συνεντεύξεων διεξάγεται με δύο μεθόδους, τη Θεματική Ανάλυση (ΘΑ) και την Κριτική Ανάλυση Λόγου (ΚΑΛ). Η μεν ΘΑ υπογραμμίζει κυρίως τις εμπειρίες των πληροφορητών, η δε ΚΑΛ ακολουθεί μία περισσότερο κονστρουξιονιστική προσέγγιση. Η ποιοτική ανάλυση των απαντήσεων εστιάζει στο ότι οι πληροφορητές εξηγούν και αναλύουν με δικά τους λόγια τα ζητήματα που τίθενται επί τάπητος, επιστρατεύοντας τις δικές τους εμπειρίες, αλλά και πεποιθήσεις. Οι συνεντεύξεις τελούνται υπό το πέπλο της ανωνυμίας προκειμένου οι πληροφορητές να έχουν τη δυνατότητα να μιλήσουν ελεύθερα και χωρίς περιορισμούς, να αξιολογήσουν τη συμπεριφορά τους απέναντι στο δυνητικό τραύμα και να διατυπώσουν σκέψεις και πρακτικές που ενθαρρύνουν την αποτελεσματική αυτοπροστασία των δημοσιογράφων που καλύπτουν πολέμους. Η Θεματική Ανάλυση ανέδειξε τρία κύρια μοτίβα: α) δυνητικά τραυματικά γεγονότα σε πολεμικές συρράξεις τα οποία προκαλούν φόβο ή θλίψη, β) πρακτικές διαχείρισης του ψυχικού βιώματος και καταφυγή στο αλκοόλ και γ) συναδελφική αλληλεγγύη και έλλειψη συμπαράστασης από ειδησεογραφικούς οργανισμούς. Η δε ΚΑΛ σήμανε την αποστασιοποίηση των πληροφορητών από το τραύμα, την αλληλεγγύη που επικρατεί μεταξύ των ανταποκριτών, καθώς και την ανάγκη για πιο περίπλοκες μεθόδους εκπαίδευσης και εξειδίκευσης πάνω στην κάλυψη πολεμικών συρράξεων.

Η μελέτη εξετάζει πώς τα Μέσα Μαζικής Ενημέρωσης (ΜΜΕ) επηρεάζουν τη δυναμική εθνοτικών και πολιτικών συγκρούσεων στη μετα-Ψυχροπολεμική εποχή. Τεκμηριώνει τη διπλή τους δύναμη: να κλιμακώνουν την ένταση όταν αναπαράγουν ρητορική μίσους· αλλά και να συμβάλλουν στην ειρήνη, όταν προάγουν ακριβή πληροφόρηση, διάλογο και πλουραλιστικές ταυτότητες. Μέσα από βιβλιογραφική ανασκόπηση, παραδείγματα συγκρούσεων (Ρουάντα, πρώην Γιουγκοσλαβία κ.λπ.) και χαρτογράφηση παρεμβάσεων ΜΚΟ όπως η Swisspeace και το Common Ground, παρουσιάζεται ένα τριφασικό μοντέλο δράσεων—πριν, κατά και μετά τη σύγκρουση. Οι παρεμβάσεις περιλαμβάνουν παρακολούθηση ρητορικής μίσους, εκπαίδευση δημοσιογράφων, τεχνική ενίσχυση τοπικών σταθμών και μεταρρύθμιση κρατικών ραδιοτηλεοπτικών φορέων, με σκοπό μια ελεύθερη και πολυφωνική δημόσια σφαίρα. Επισημαίνονται επίσης κρίσιμα εμπόδια (χρηματοδότηση, περιορισμένη πρόσβαση, κινδύνους προπαγάνδας, χρονικούς περιορισμούς και ζήτημα «προστιθέμενης αξίας») και υποστηρίζεται ότι μόνο πολυεπίπεδες, συντονισμένες πρωτοβουλίες—νομικές, θεσμικές και εκπαιδευτικές—μπορούν να αξιοποιήσουν πλήρως το δυναμικό των ΜΜΕ για θετικό μετασχηματισμό των συγκρούσεων.

Images are ubiquitous in today's modern society. They tend to be taken for granted and their power is underestimated. However, images do not just reflect the world around us, but they construct reality. They can be inspirational and ideological, as they can trigger a political conscience. They now accompany every occurring event; they update and form the public. The Arab Spring context represents an image-saturated revolution wherein images have proved to be an effectual weapon and a catalyst of a massive public reaction and mobilization. The present paper studies images as a medium that is loaded with messages and is capable of shaping public opinion. It explores the different meanings encoded within these images, as it analyses their effectiveness on the public during and after the last Arab uprisings. The paper also ponders upon the reason why some images raise multiple reactions, and push leaders and masses to action.

Este artigo aborda a infodemia na Argentina e Brasil. Com base na sociologia dos problemas sociais são analisados os discursos e práticas de 17 claim-makers entrevistados, envolvidos em sensibilizar a opinião pública e os responsáveis políticos dos efeitos da infodemia. Os resultados mostram que eles condenaram a politização da comunicação científica. Na Argentina e no Brasil os/as entrevistado/as questionam a eficácia da regulação estatal e da autorregulação por parte das plataformas, enfatizando a necessidade de melhorar a oferta midiática, investir em alfabetização científica e desenvolver estratégias de fact-checking para prevenir a desinformação científica.

Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk mengkaji bagaimana portal Kompas menulis pemberitaan tentang kekerasan dan perlindungan anak di sekolah. Penelitian dilakukan dengan pendekatan kualitatif dengan teknik analisis isi (content analysis) dengan mengkaji 3 (tiga) artikel pada bulan Mei 2025. Artikel yang dikaji dalam penelitian ini hanya yang berkaitan dengan isu kekerasan terhadap anak di sekolah yang ditulis oleh portal kompas. Hasil penelitian menunjukkan bahwa portal kompas menulis pemberitaan terkait dengan gaya dan jenis berita straight news sehingga informasi tidak tergali lebih dalam. Adanya penggunaan framing yang mengarahkan berpihak kepada korban dan sekolah terkesan abai dalam isu kekerasan terhadap anak. Kajian ini juga menemukan minimnya penggunaan pedoman peliputan pemberitaan anak yang diterbitkan oleh Aliansi Jurnalis Independen (AJI) sebagai panduan dalam peliputan.

Analisou-se matérias jornalísticas sobre morte por covid-19 nas duas semanas epidemiológicas de maior mortalidade pela doença nos anos de 2020 e 2021. O aporte teórico-metodológico baseou-se nas quatro principais finalidades jornalísticas, tendo o suporte do campo Saúde Coletiva, no entendimento de que a covid-19, para além de uma pandemia, configurou-se numa sindemia em meio à (des)infodemia, muito além de um problema biomédico. A sindemia amplia o conceito de pandemia, é agravada por questões socioeconômicas e ambientais e afeta de forma díspar a saúde. Das 42 matérias analisadas, predominou a finalidade de mera informação (N=40). Apenas uma notícia teve o intuito de fiscalizar o poder e fortalecer a democracia. As conclusões apontaram que as finalidades jornalísticas demandam uma reflexão crítica e interdisciplinar diante de crises como a covid-19 e da nova realidade tecnossocial midiatizada imperante.

The quest for a solution to the conflict is an issue of national concern. Nowadays, concerted efforts are being made at individual and group levels to sustain peace. The dominant paradigm adopted in dousing the menace of conflicts in Nigeria has been the use of gun and militarisation. However, this approach has been widely criticised as full of human rights abuse and incapable of restoring lasting peace. Furthermore, evidence has shown that violent extremists have made effective use of the media (directly or indirectly), especially cyberspace, to advance their propagandistic aims and radicalism. This chapter provides an exploratory review on understanding the impacts and prospects of peace media in the context of peacebuilding toward countering violent extremism and sustaining peace through peacebuilding using peace broadcast media in the northeast of Nigeria.

This research examines the differences in ideological and framing strategies in news reporting on the Ukraine-Russia conflict by CGTN and CNN, as well as the degree to which their coverage aligns with the principles of peace journalism. This study employs a qualitative method that utilises structured, focused comparisons alongside theoretical frameworks, including peace journalism and framing theory. This study examined 247 news articles and identified ten pivotal events in the conflict that transpired on different dates between 2022 and 2024. It seeks to examine how two media networks, embodying Western and Eastern viewpoints, formulate their narratives and portray the principal actors in the conflict.

This research uncovered the distinct framing tactics used by CGTN and CNN, highlighting their fundamentally divergent ideological stances. CGTN generally adopts a neutral tone, occasionally integrating Russian narratives that downplay the Ukrainian perspective, whereas CNN depicts Russia as an invader and aggressor, outlining Ukraine as a victim and employing militaristic vocabulary. Neither network adhered to principles of peace journalism.

The objective of this research is to enhance understanding of the media’'s role in shaping public perception and political agendas in conflict situations, alongside the effects of geopolitical factors on media coverage. It highlights the difficulties media face in maintaining neutrality and promoting peace within the context of complex international conflicts.

Tο 2010 ανέκυψε στη δημοσιότητα το ζήτημα της «ελληνικής κρίσης», με την Ελλάδα να μπαίνει στην ατζέντα των ειδησεογραφικών δικτύων παγκοσμίως σχεδόν σε καθημερινή βάση· σύντομα, η δημοσιότητα αυτή πήρε πολύ κακόβουλη τροπή, ιδίως στη διετία 2011- 2012. Το αφήγημα που επικράτησε για την ελληνική κρίση εννοιολογήθηκε μέσα από διάφορα προϋπάρχοντα υποτιμητικά στερεότυπα, τα οποία τώρα αξιοποιήθηκαν για να στηθεί μια άγρια επίθεση στο σύνολο του ελληνικού λαού – αν και στην πραγματικότητα στο στόχαστρο βρέθηκαν κυρίως τα μεσαία και κατώτερα κοινωνικά στρώματα. Η ελληνική κρίση παρουσιάστηκε στα διεθνή αναγνωστικά και τηλεοπτικά κοινά με ιδιαίτερα λεπτομερή (όσο και αποσπασματικό) τρόπο: ελληνικά και διεθνή ΜΜΕ θεαματικοποίησαν την κρίση, παράγοντας συγκεκριμένες νοηματικές αλληλουχίες που «αποκάλυπταν» την πραγματικότητα στην Ελλάδα, εστιάζοντας σε αρνητικές πληροφορίες που αποδείκνυαν τον «αυτοπαθή» χαρακτήρα της ελληνικής κρίσης, η οποία υποτίθεται πως είχε προκληθεί από «τους ίδιους τους Έλληνες». Σε εποχές έντονης αβεβαιότητας, η δημοσιότητα της «ελληνικής κρίσης» παρήγαγε οδυνηρά αποτελέσματα· διάβρωσε σχέσεις μεταξύ λαών και υπονόμευσε δυνατότητες αλληλεγγύης.
Η μελέτη εστιάζει ακριβώς στο πεδίο της δημόσιας κατασκευής της ελληνικής κρίσης, έτσι όπως νοηματοδοτήθηκε από φιλελεύθερους πολιτικούς και διανοούμενους, στοχεύοντας στην ανάλυση μεγάλων ενημερωτικών μέσων τριών χωρών της ΕΕ που αντιπροσωπεύουν το κέντρο και την περιφέρεια της τελευταίας. Στις σελίδες που ακολουθούν σκιαγραφούνται κριτικά τα βασικά και μόνιμα χα- ρακτηριστικά του ηγεμονικού λόγου της κρίσης. Τα χαρακτηριστικά αυτά προϋπήρχαν της κρίσης και διατηρούνται στη μετά-την-κρίση εποχή. Αφορούν συγκεκριμένα νοήματα που κανονικοποιούν και αναπαράγουν τις άνισες κοινωνικές και πολιτικές σχέσεις μεταξύ κέντρου και (ημι)περιφέρειας.

This study explored the impact of social media on the conflict dynamics in Somalia, a country that is slowly recovering from a devastating civil war that engulfed the country since 1991. This is necessitated by the increase in digital connectivity, use of internet and smart phones in  Somalia. This has led to social media becoming a key battleground, as various players, clan-affiliated groups, government authorities, political entities and civil society organizations, compete for influence and control through social media narratives. This study strived to answer the following questions; How does social media influence the framing and perception of conflict-related events in Somalia? And how does social media platforms contribute to the escalation and/or de-escalation of inter-clan violence in Somalia? The paper has used Agenda Setting Theory to structure the discussions on the impact of social media on conflict dynamics in Somalia. The study employed a mixed-methods approach; quantitative and qualitative. The quantitative data focused on the patterns of use of social media across Somalia, while the qualitative data was collected through in-depth interviews with local journalists, social media influencers, and policy makers and experts. This study found that social media is being used negatively to incite inter-clan conflict in Somalia. The study also found that diaspora-based social media influencers play the most negative role in inciting inter-clan conflict. The study further found there are serious legal and regulatory gaps in not only monitoring the social media, but also dealing with its misuse in Somalia. However, the study also discovered that social media can be a very useful tool in peacebuilding efforts. The study recommends enactment of legal mechanism to regulate and control the social media. There is also need to create awareness among the citizens to understand its negative aspects. It also calls for engagement of diaspora communities to come up with means of regulating their members using social media for clan-based incitement, and collaborating with various governments abroad in dealing with the issue.

This research focuses on current photojournalism practices in the media representation of the climate crisis, exploring how images published by Spain's leading digital newspapers contribute to shaping public perception of the phenomenon. Through a mixedmethods approach, this study examines eco-visual reporting in 2023-a year characterized by unprecedented global temperatures-alongside an examination of the initial month of coverage of the 2024 DANA floods. The main objective of this study is to evaluate whether the visual depiction of climate change in mainstream media aligns with or deviates from the established visual patterns associated with stereotyped iconography and alarmist narratives. This research provides a taxonomy of the predominant thematic elements and their frequency, addressing key issues such as the persistence of worn-out visual tropes, the reliance on stock images, and the episodic nature of its news treatment. The inclusion of the most catastrophic climate disaster of the 21st century in Spain allows for an exploration of how the media pressure inherent to crisis situations intensifies the risk of errors in image attribution and contextualization. Finally, we offer practical recommendations to guide visual coverage toward comprehensive, accurate, and human-centered approaches, aiming to foster public trust and maximize the potential of photojournalism as a key tool in collective mobilization against the climate emergency.

This research aims to identify and analyze the linguistic preferences of Pakistani and Indian news articles during the coverage of prominent cross-border events and military engagements of the last decade. It attempts to provide in-depth understanding of the smart and careful utilization of different news frames by prominent Pakistani and Indian news articles in order to present the same event through different lenses of reality. The research also attempts to unveil the socio-political agendas that act as the main driving force behind Pakistani and Indian media for the different portrayal of the same cross-border and military engagements events through meticulous content analysis besides educating public of both countries about the role of media as a vehicle for building realities differently.

This study aimed to explore the news framing of Indo-Pak Conflicts with regard to war and Peace Journalism by Times of India and The News, Pakistan. The foremost objective of this research was to measure the stance of the Pakistani and Indian prestigious newspaper towards treatment of Indo-Pak Conflicts especially the issues relating to Kashmir and Terrorism. This research study utilized the content analysis in which unit of analysis was the entire news

Image is a collection of figures related to a person, an association, a concept or an object. It is a fact that appearance and modification of the image are highly dependent on communication. The effectiveness of press on political leadership image is analyzed in this study with the messages of 59th government about the process of membership of Turkey in European Union. Also, the relation between the variable news based on political characters and taking shape of political leadership image is suggested. With this aim, the dates supposed to be important in the process of membership of Turkey in European Union which are reflected to the newspapers named Cumhuriyet, Hürriyet and Yeni Şafak, are accepted to be the quantitative unit of this study. The message belongs to power which have high frequency on each three newspaper is supposed to have positive contribution on political leadership image also formed the headlines.

This paper presents a stylistic analysis of Shrouq Aila’s journalistic work, particularly her interviews on reporting from Gaza during ongoing conflict. Through close examination of her tone, diction, imagery, and rhetorical strategies, the analysis highlights how Aila blends personal grief with professional duty to construct a compelling narrative voice. The study explores how her language choices, emotional appeals, and symbolic references serve not only to inform but also to humanize and evoke empathy from a global audience. It also considers her unique position as a local journalist in an international media landscape, offering a critical reflection on power, representation, and resistance. Ultimately, this analysis demonstrates how Aila’s storytelling transcends traditional reportage to become an act of advocacy, memory, and resilience.

This study examines the way in which two major Spanish newspapers, El País and El Diario Vasco, framed the 11 March 2004 (11-M) Madrid train bombings through peace journalism or war journalism, based on Peace Studies theorist Johan Galtung's classification. An analysis of the news articles in the immediate aftermath of the bombings finds both frames present. The incumbent Spanish government initially tried to use the news media as a vehicle to present a premature interpretation that the Basque separatist group ETA perpetrated the attacks, even trying to pass a United Nations resolution. However, some journalistic coverage of the events in the week after the 11-M attacks portrayed the Spanish people's sentiments regarding Spain's support of the US in the Iraq war, Spaniards' engagement with their democracy, including massive street protests, and parallels between the Iraqi people's suffering and the Spanish train bombing victims. Other journalistic coverage focused on the perspectives of high-level Spanish government officials, emphasized the importance of prevailing in 'the war on terror', and provided an 'us-them' orientation.

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Integrasi Generasi Z dalam TNI Angkatan Darat menghadirkan tantangan sekaligus peluang besar dalam transformasi militer. Generasi yang melek teknologi, adaptif, dan kreatif ini memiliki potensi untuk memperkuat efisiensi operasi dan adopsi teknologi modern dalam struktur militer. Namun, kesenjangan teknologi, perbedaan budaya organisasi, serta kebutuhan akan keseimbangan kerja-hidup menjadi tantangan yang perlu diatasi. Dengan pendekatan yang strategis, Generasi Z dapat menjadi motor penggerak modernisasi TNI AD melalui inovasi, pendidikan yang disesuaikan, dan penguatan nilai inklusivitas. Tulisan ini menggarisbawahi pentingnya adaptasi kebijakan dan program untuk mendukung integrasi yang efektif, serta memanfaatkan kemampuan unik Generasi Z guna memastikan kesiapan TNI AD dalam menghadapi dinamika global dan tantangan masa depan.