Indigenous Communication Theory

This special issue addresses the possible connections and mutual benefits of examining together two analytic concepts – memory and periphery. These concepts receive much attention in various scholarly discussions, yet they have done so rather independently from each other. The potential applications and utilities of combining memory and periphery and the epistemic insights they provide for various disciplins are presented in the different contributions to this issue.

I am still on the first stretch of this nomadic exploration, but I think I can begin to answer the question that is guiding this exploration—'how can the Natural-Indigenous Worldview support our understandings of the potential for an anarchist society (i.e. for social order without hierarchical domination)?' The key of Natural-Indigenous Worldview that opens the lock of an anarchist society, of a society without hierarchical domination, comes in the Natural-Indigenous Worldview's spiritual ecology. When we develop the four R's (responsibility, reciprocity, respect, relationships [Young 2015]) through relating to the world in a manner that is facilitated by the spiritual ecology that rises from the Natural-Indigenous Worldview and thus ascribes spirit to all things without regard for the Colonial Modernist Worldview's distinction between 'animate' and 'inanimate', we come to see the world as a single, living, conscious being. The illusion of a discrete distinction between self and other breaks down and we come to see the self (and other selves) as strands in the unified, conscious web of creation. We come to care for all of creation as we would care for our children, for our partners, for our parents and for our self. Transcending the illusion of discrete individuality we develop a lovingly reciprocal, responsible, respectful and relational orientation to the world that begets virtuous thought, feeling, behavior and being without recourse to hierarchical authority (to punishment and fear of punishment). Engaging with the world through the spiritual ecology that rises from the Natural-Indigenous Worldview allows the sprouts of human nature to grow to fruition without recourse to hierarchical domination (i.e. without recourse to attempts to 'help sprouts grow' by pulling on them and the death of the sprouts of human nature portended by such hierarchical folly [Meng Zi 2016, 2A2]).

Anthropocentrism, which includes assumptions like 'man has the right to dominion over the earth', 'humans are superior to animals', reality is divided into a de-spiriting animate/inanimate binary, etc., can clearly be attributed to the supremacist ontology of A.D. Worldview(s). As ) took care to note, power is not just exerted by what is said but by what is therefore not said, by what is necessarily rendered as untrue by a given regime of truth. What truth exists beyond the chains of Anthropocentrism?

In  what  sense  do  we  speak  of  the planetary university? This  essay  belongs  to  a  more  comprehensive, still  unpublished reflection  that the authors have been developing over  the  past  years  while teaching  and  doing  research in Italy  and  abroad. However,  the essay  delineates  neither  the  situation  of  single  academic institutions, nor  a  general picture obtained by induction starting  from a variety of observational data. Rather,  it  attempts  to clarify,  in  the  specific  situation in which the authors  operate,  the powers  that  act  upon  teaching  and  research  once  they  let  themselves  be  informed  by  the laws  of  the  earth  turned  into  a  planet, that is,  in the words  of  common  language, by the new order of the globalized earth.

This essay is written to address conversations about the best ways to engage in knowledge exchange on important sustainability issues between Indigenous knowledges and fields of climate, environmental and sustainability sciences. In terms of sustainability, a crucial facet of the self-determination of peoples such as Indigenous nations and communities is the responsibility and the right to make plans for the future using planning processes that are inclusive, well-informed, culturally-relevant, and respectful of human interdependence with nonhumans and the environment. Indigenous knowledges often play a crucial role in Indigenous planning processes. In my work, I have found that scientists often appreciate what I will call here the supplemental-value of Indigenous knowledges—the value of Indigenous knowledges as inputs for adding (i.e. supplementing) data that scientific methods do not normally track. In the domain of supplemental-value, Indigenous people’s planning processes will improve, in turn, by having access to the supplemented and hence improved science. But it is also the case that Indigenous knowledges have governance-value. That is, they serve as irreplaceable sources of guidance for Indigenous resurgence and nation-building. Scientists should appreciate governance-value because it suggests that for some Indigenous peoples in knowledge exchange situations, we need to be assured that the flourishing of our knowledges is respected and protected. I hope to make the case for why it is important for scientists who work with Indigenous peoples to understand governance value in the hopes that this understanding will improve their approaches to knowledge exchange with Indigenous peoples.

" Those machines whose output was so great that all men might be clothed; those new methods of agriculture and new agricultural implements, which promised crops so big that all men might be fed—the very instruments that were to give the whole community the physical basis of a good life turned out, for the vast majority of people who possessed neither capital nor land, to be nothing short of instruments of torture. " (Mumford 1922, pp. 115-116, emphasis added) We grew corn at the xʷməθkʷəy̓ əm gardens this year, and while the corn stalks grew to be over eight feet high they were barren. The corn grew tall, but it was unable to bear fruit because of the northerly environment it grew in. Similarly, we grew a strain of tobacco that was gifted to the gardens by a company from the US, and while the tobacco grew tall, had big, beautiful leaves, and even began to flower, it did not mature to the point of bearing its seed pods. The tobacco grew tall, but it was unable to bear fruit because of the northerly environment it grew in. Post-Industrial society can be likened to such a plant, which grew tall from the seed—from the utopian myth—of industrial society but failed to bear the fruits portended by these myths because of the environment (the Paternalist Worldview [Barnesmoore 2017a; Barnesmoore 2017b; Barnesmoore 2017c]) it grew in.

Modernity and a True Return to Nature 0. Point of Departure Question How are human-nature relations and the attainment of virtue through human-nature relations understood in the classical urban theory of Geddes and Mumford? How is technology and technological power seen as mediating the relationship between humans and nature?

Song and dance are a traditional means of strengthening culture and passing knowledge to successive generations in the Torres Strait of northeastern Australia. Dances incorporate a range of apparatuses to enhance the performance, such as dance machines (Zamiyakal) and headdresses (Dhari). The dances, songs, headdresses and dance machines work together to transfer important knowledge about subsistence survival, social structure, and cultural continuity. This paper explores how celestial phenomena inspire and inform music and dance.

La leyenda apapocúva-guaraní de la “Tierra Sin Mal” irrumpe en la literatura americanista de la mano de Curt U. Nimuendajú en 1914. Este texto sugiere una conexión significativa entre un contenido de creencia particular y determinados hechos más generales como las migraciones tupí-guaraní, el factor étnico, la pulsión mesiánica, la religiosidad profética, la ritualidad exuberante o las representaciones escatológicas; todos estos ingredientes serán luego retomados –dosificados e interpretados de manera diferente– por cada uno de los autores que a la vera de Alfred Métraux utilizaron el tema como hilo conductor de sus investigaciones. Mito apapocúva, mito tupí-guaraní, mito amerindio, leyenda cultural o meta explícita de la nueva constitución política del Estado Plurinacional de Bolivia, la exégesis misma de la “Tierra Sin Mal” no deja de ser una variación más sujeta al proceso mitopoiético, y su misma trayectoria puede ser por tanto analizada en clave de una mito-lógica. Palabras clave: Guaraní; Tierra Sin Mal; Mito-lógica.

There are two images of Sir. Patrick Geddes that have been received by subsequent generations, Geddes the Liberal and Geddes the Mystic. This paper examines the ways in which revived sensitivity to the wisdom and limitations of Geddes the Mystic may help facilitate the process of transforming human-nature relations and staving off the cultural and ecological genocide of Modernity.

Catterall's (2018) editorial note for issue 22.2 of CITY, like the final footnote in Barnesmoore's (2018a) editorial for the same issue, raises the question of 'what/whose order is to be asserted in the city'. This question leads us back to the age old question of authority in social, political, economic, religious, etc. systems—who or what has the authority to assert the order of things (in the city and beyond)? This question of authority, as noted by Springer (2014), is all too often understood in the banally hierarchical terms of the Artificial Worldview—which accepts the order of (human) nature as evil and views the production of social, political, economic, religious, etc. order as subsequently dependent upon hierarchical domination (Barnesmoore 2018b)—and the elite class, the state 1 , the legal system, the police, 'bigger scales' and other such edifices of the Artificial Worldview and its conception of order through hierarchical dominion are thus (oft unproblematically) accepted as the natural authority from which the order of things (in the city and beyond) is derived. I have been asked by a reviewer to " set up the critique of urban theory and develop it using examples " , and have done my best to fulfill this request, but, moving from Foucault's insightful and oft repeated observation that the power of what is said is often most clearly expressed in what is therefore not said, my critique of Urban and Geographical theory and the ontological-epistemological debates waged therein is rooted less in what has been said than in what has not been said. My critique is rooted in the lack of engagement with questions of worldview (of the nexus of cosmology and ontology) and the subsequent, unproblematic acceptance of the Colonial Modernist incarnation of the dominant, domineering Artificial Worldview (Four Arrows and Narvaez 2016; Barnesmoore 2018b) implied therein.

If you fail to act now, history will have to record that the greatest tragedy of this period of social transition was not the strident clamor of the bad people, but the appalling silence of the good people." (King 1959) "Future planners assume that today's human behavior is normative, explaining it as adaptive to current conditions and part of a line of progress from prior Western or Euro-centric existence. There is a lack of awareness of how "worldview" has influenced the state of affairs in the world today." (Four Arrows and Narvaez 2016, p. 2) have on one's descendants. Interconnectedness fosters harmony by promoting responsibility and reciprocity, and harmony is considered the most powerful energy in the universe." (Methot 2012) "In Indigenous sciences, the world is often understood in terms of flows of energies (and sometimes entities) across a permeable boundary between manifest and unmanifest realities. Working relationships with forces deemed "superstitious" or "irrational" in modern science are significant aspects of social processes and healing practices. Maintaining these worldviews and practices is an uphill battle against the hegemony of modern scientific thought and the legacy of missionaries and educators who tried so hard to dismantle Indigenous knowledge systems. Even among scientists today, those who try to work outside the mechanistic paradigm in ways that approach Indigenous science are denounced as crackpots." (Herman 2008, p. 75) Returning to our discussion of , accepting that being 'realistic' means accepting the status quo is just fine if accepting the status quo is tenable for you in your seat of privilege, but it is not tenable if accepting the status quo means accepting the suffering and death of your homeland, nonhuman kin, family, friends, communities, etc. By not telling students how things fit together in the political, social, economic, etc. systems of Colonial Modernity or how we should think and feel about the oppressive ways that things fit together in colonial modernity teachers simply allow the exploitative, dominant culture of Colonial Modernity and its many and varied mythological rationalizations for oppression (which have been inscribed upon all those people who are socialized within Colonial Modernity) to go unproblematized (which is to say to retain their 'commonsensical', banal invisibility). By approaching education in a non-didactic manner authors like Cook implicitly support the hegemonic status quo and the many and varied forms of oppression therein. Obviously students will retain their ability to accept or reject didactic narrations, but the key is that didactic narrations which counter the dominant culture serve to problematize the banal invisibility of the dominant culture and its associated myths, ideas, logics, ontological assumptions, etc. (i.e. Worldview) that produce and legitimate the oppressive, hierarchical relations between things that typify Colonial Modernity.

I had two experiences today that have shed some light on the nature of the contemporary academy. The first came in responses to my use of the term 'Abrahamic' when describing the general conceptions of order (via hierarchical domination and submission [Barnesmoore 2017a; Barnesmoore 2017b], which is to say deliverance into an improved order through conquest and colonization [Warrior 1989]) that form the foundation for Judaism, Roman Christianity and Islam. The second came in a response to my use of the term 'Indigenous Worldview' when describing the differences between conceptions of natural order in the Indigenous Worldview (as an inherent good to be emulated) and conceptions of natural order in the Paternalist and Paternalist-Modernist Worldviews (as evil, fallen, chaotic or the like and thus in need of improvement through domination) from which Colonialism and Imperialism were born. Both responses came from the same professor, and both responses highlight the dangers inherent to the fetishization of difference that has come to typify contemporary Geography in Canada (and indeed much of the 'postmodern', Mostmodern academy).

When we examine psychoanalytic theory the burning question that should occupy our time should concern where the complex of ideas that constitute Western civilization originated, how they originated, and whether they have any realistic correspondence to what we can observe and expreince in nature. I think they do not correspond, and I wonder quite often and quite profoundly if the Western psyche has been interfered with at some remote time in planetary history." (Deloria Jr. 1999b, p. 30) 'Primal Feminine Dominion' "Let me emphasize neolithic man's concentration on organic life and growth: not merely a sampling and testing of what nature had provided, but a discriminating selection and propagation, to such good purpose that historic man had not added a plant or animal of major importance to those domesticated or cultivated by neolithic communities. Domestication in all its aspects implies two large changes: permanence and continuity in residence, and the exercise of control and foresight over processes once subject to the caprices of nature. With this go habits of gentling and nurturing and breeding. Here woman's needs, woman's solicitudes, woman's intimacy with the process of growth, woman's capacity for tenderness and love, must have played a dominating part." (Mumford 1961, p. 12) "Under woman's dominance, the neolithic period is pre-eminently one of containers… It was in permanent containers that neolithic invention outshone all earlier cultures…" (Mumford 1961, p. 16) Whether we accept the notion of a feminine principle associated with love, care, regeneration, resiliency-with the qualities of darkness and the night-or not, and while we should surely reject the patriarchal undertones in Mumford's work, it is clear that Mumford's summation of woman's 'dominating part' clearly illustrates his subjugation to the Artificial Worldview and its assumptions concerning the relationship between order and domination. Femininity, like masculinity, need not play a dominating part… The feminine principle, which, like the masculine principle, exists in all people regardless of their biological identity, can just as easily be seen as playing a reciprocal, harmonious role of power with (power with the order of nature, power with the masculine principle, power with our plant and animal kin, etc.) rather than a domineering role of power over. What is more, the notion of 'permanent containers' is as problematic as the notion of 'permanent dwellings'-better that we say long term rather than permanent, for nothing with a beginning lacks an end… This is the same distinction we have attempted to draw between the quest for life extension and the quest to 'conquer death' (to 'eat death') and thus attain 'permanent life'.

The fourth known pre-Columbian Maya codex—the only one discovered in the 20th century—was found by looters in the mid-1960s. First exhibited in New York in 1971, what has come to be known as the Grolier Codex is half of a hybrid-style 20-page, 104-year Mesoamerican divinatory Venus Almanac. With new radiocarbon dates that place it in the 13th century CE, it is likely to be the oldest surviving book on paper from the Americas as well as the only ancient Maya codex now residing in Mexico. Although most Mayanists have accepted it as authentic, based in part on the author’s 40 years of research,* it remains an unacknowledged Mexican national treasure as it has never been officially recognized except in the State of Chiapas. Mesoamerican Venus Almanacs were widely used in pre-Columbian Mesoamerica to regulate practices of sacred warfare and ritual sacrifice, the goal of which was to obtain captives whose blood was shed to invoke the personified forces of rain and fertility. The Grolier Codex offers unique images of 10 of the 20 manifestations of Venus (named in the Maya Dresden Codex), greatly enriching our knowledge of these traditions documented in four other pre-Columbian codices as well as numerous archaeological and ethnohistoric sources. This article is a summary of the talk given on November 7, 2014 to the Pre-Columbian Society of Washington DC and includes a brief history of accounts of the discovery of the Grolier Codex and allegedly associated artifacts; photographic history; outlines the author’s comprehensive program of research, including several new scientific discoveries leading to an interpretation of the Codex—based on the Dresden Codex and other sources; and offers a new Latinized name that recognizes that the “Codex Mayano-Mexicanus” is an authentic ancient book deriving from the Maya culture and now properly residing in Mexico.

          *See <http://umd.academia.edu/JohnBCarlson>.

Also utilized as part of the November 7, 2014 talk are TWO 1983 historical STUDY GUIDE documents which can be viewed at the following academia.edu links:

• GROLIER CODEX Page Study Guide: Pages 1-9 and Reconstructed Page 10/11 (1983): 

https://www.academia.edu/7911420/GROLIER_CODEX_Page_Study_Guide_Pages_1-9_and_Reconstructed_Page_10_11

• GROLIER CODEX Comparative Study Guide (1983): Grolier pages 1-9 and reconstructed page 10/11 with Maya Dresden Codex Venus Almanac page numbers 48/1 – 50/2 with Venus Station and Directional Associations; Names (on Dresden Rows 17 & 22) of the associated Venus Impersonators; and Initial (1983) interpretations of the Grolier Codex scenes & iconographic interpretations. Over the three decades since 1983, some of the glyphic and iconographic interpretations have changed, as discussed in the presentation. The details are in press:

https://www.academia.edu/9208071/GROLIER_CODEX_Comparative_Study_Guide_1983_

*****

This article has been posted on Academia.edu as part of the Grolier Codex Project of the Center for Archaeoastronomy under the directorship of John B. Carlson, Ph.D.  The Grolier Codex Project seeks to further advance the study of the Maya Grolier Codex.

There is increasing recognition of the significance of how traditional knowledges (TKs) can inform our understanding of the impacts of climate change and strategies for adaptation and mitigation. And yet there are potential risks to indigenous peoples in sharing TKs in federal and other non-indigenous climate change initiatives. We intend the term indigenous peoples to designate the diverse populations in the U.S. who could interact with federal and non-indigenous climate change initiatives in ways that involve TKs, whether in the U.S. they are federally-recognized, state-recognized, or unrecognized. We refer to “indigenous peoples” and “tribes” interchangeably in this document, unless we are talking about a specific group or a specific status related to recognition. These guidelines are intended to examine the significance of TKs in relation to climate change and the potential risks to indigenous peoples in the U.S. for sharing TKs in federal and other non-indigenous climate change initiatives. Although it is common to refer to "traditional knowledge(s)" as individual pieces of information, this term also refers to traditional “knowledge systems" that are deeply embedded in indigenous ways of life. These guidelines use the phrase "traditional knowledges" deliberately in plural form because knowledges are emergent from the symbiotic relationship of indigenous peoples and places - a nature-culture nexus. Tribes and indigenous peoples use “knowledges” to emphasize that there are diverse forms of traditional knowledge and knowledge systems that must be recognized as unique to each tribe and knowledge holder. These guidelines should be used to inform the development of specific protocols in direct and close consultation with indigenous peoples. [http://climatetkw.wordpress.com/] Federal agencies and national climate change initiatives are recognizing the significance of TKs, and are proposing and funding collaborative efforts between indigenous communities and federal and non-indigenous climate change entities in ways that involve TKs. This interaction requires an understanding of how individual tribes and knowledge holders choose to share or not to share TKs.

Like other communities, Indigenous peoples must adapt to climate-induced ecological variations like sea level rise, glacier retreat and shifts in the habitat ranges of different species. In ongoing conversations on climate change, some Indigenous women articulate how seriously they take the specific responsibilities they perceive themselves to have within the systems of responsibilities that matter to their communities. Such responsibilities can range from acting as custodians and teachers of local ecological knowledge to acting as conveners of political movements aiming at respectful co-existence with neighbors. For these Indigenous women, the responsibilities that they assume in their communities can expose them to harms stemming from climate change and other environmental changes. Yet at the same time, their commitment to these responsibilities motivates them to serve as enablers of adaptation and mitigation. efforts.
This paper offers a starting point for the following positions: Some Indigenous women have their own unique capacities for collective action that advance adaptation and mitigation. Non-Indigenous parties’ political responsibilities should involve deferring to Indigenous women’s own knowledges of and motivations for collective action. Deference can be expressed through political institutions that bolster the conditions needed to support Indigenous women’s collective actions. In many cases, deference  is incumbent on Indigenous national governments and political organizations. Further work beyond this paper should seek to further clarify the political reforms needed to support Indigenous women’s collective agencies for adapting to and mitigating climate change.

This essay, or rather collection of essays, draws together three distinct streams of thought, time and space into a single river of understanding concerning labor, leisure, human-nature relations, city and town planning and human evolution at both the individual and collective levels. From Daoist tales of effortless leisure under 'useless trees' to Pieper's eulogy of leisure in the Modernist world(view) of total work and onto the planning theory and practice of Sir. Patrick Geddes, this ambling and nomadic stream seeks to problematize hegemonic contemporary conceptions of evolution, order, labor, leisure, nature and human-nature relations and to plant the seeds of a new principle, a new mythos, to which human evolution and being can be oriented in ashes of the charred edifice of Modernity. Can we transcend the materially rationalist, labor centric conceptions of humanity that reign in contemporary hegemonic culture for a more holistic perspective in which the infinite and finite aspects of human being can co-exist without either one interfering with the other? Can human-nature relations, especially as cultivated through city and town planning, transcend the present order of hierarchical domination, objectification and callous consumption of nature for an order of relations in which nature acts upon us as a teacher and we consume nature in harmony with its own natural order rather than through creation of an artificial order?

This annotated bibliography is a supplement to the Guidelines for Considering Traditional Knowledges in Climate Change Initiatives and is intended to demonstrate the ways that existing is already considering TKs in law, policy and natural resource management. Additionally, this bibliography provides access to research which addresses ongoing issues surrounding the protection and use of TKs, including appropriation of Indigenous cultural and intellectual property, legal and policy hurdles that TK users and holders face in collaborating in an equitable manner with researchers, government agencies and others, and the development of research protocols to ensure just collaboration between TK holders and researchers. This bibliography was created to provide additional resources for agency staff, tribal staff and others to increase understanding of existing issues in research and collaboration with Indigenous people regarding TK and emerging opportunities for the involvement of TK holders and users in climate change initiatives.

Carson Viles, a researcher with the Pacific Northwest Tribal Climate Change Project at the University of Oregon, developed this annotated bibliography with support from Tulalip Tribes, North Pacific Landscape Conservation Cooperative and the USDA Forest Service Pacific Northwest Research Station.

s (2012) inquiry into Freire's spirituality provides some low hanging fruit that is just too juicy to pass up (even if we end up a bit sidetracked on the way-that is the point of nomadic wandering-who knows what we might find around the next bend, and what a shame if we were to pass by something important because we already had preconceived notions about what we are looking for 1 -don't let the pace of neoliberal life stop you from taking a moment to pick berries as you walk). For example, following Brookfield (2005), Boyd argues "…critical theory envisions a world that is characterized by equity, justice and participatory democracy." (Boyd 2012, p. 764) Barnesmoore's (2018b) critical theory, on the other hand, argues that participation in structurally unjust systems like hierarchical, legalistic, western Liberal Democracy (which is structurally unjust because its structures presume that the order of human nature is evil and good order must be manufactured through hierarchical domination, which deprives humans of intimacy with our goodly, loving natural order) is slavish and inherently oppressive. Critical theorists aren't very critical if, like Brookfield and Boyd , they simply accept A.D./C.M. Worldview(s) and thus the obfuscating rhetoric about liberty that serves to veil the inherent oppressiveness of systems of hierarchical oppression like liberal democracy. The Red Hat, White Supremacist Republicans and the Neoliberal Imperialist Democrats are participating in democracy, as are the moderates that span the space between these two 'wings', and given their subjugation to A.D./C.M. Worldview(s) there is no shred of a connection between participation and emancipation/liberty (this is of course the flaw of all 'participatory' models in our sickly world). The solution is not anti-participatory models. The solution comes in helping people towards the freedom over worldview assumptions and access to healthy worldview assumptions that are necessary for emergence of subjectivities that can participate in participatory democratic systems in a manner that will lead towards emancipation/liberty rather than continued enslavement to the Archons/MegaMachine and A.D./C.M. Worldview(s) as obfuscated by the illusions of freedom and agency by which liberal democracy manufactures consent for hierarchical domination of the beings of this earth by the Archons/MegaMachine. "While critical theory provides scholars with a cognitive framework with which to analyze and challenge existing practices and structures, spirituality is generally considered an overall orientation toward life that includes not only the intellect, but also the emotions and even physical practices. As such the concept of critical spirituality bridges two distinct and apparently irreconcilable domains of the intellect and the emotions or, in more metaphorical terms, the 'head' and the 'heart'." (Boyd 2012, p. 765)

s): 1. The order of (human) nature is inherently good. 2. Natural order is the basis for beauty, virtue and wisdom. 3. Virtuous order is attained through emulation of natural order. 4. Power with. 5. Order through reciprocal collaboration between sun (breath, active, relatively masculine from the finite human perspective 1 2 , pollen, sperm, mind, etc.) and moon/earth (blood, latent, feminine, flower, egg, emotion, etc.). 1 "I like it except I recommend removing the gender labels. A number of Indigenous cultures saw the sun as female for example. Genderizing is a problematic on many levels which is why many creation stories represented adronenous characters. This gender duality causes binary thinking without the complementarity. If we saw each of us having "solar and lunar" qualities, we would be less homophobic for example." (Four Arrows, Personal Communication April 29, 2018) My Response (I have edited my responses a bit and they are quite a bit longer than the original questions and statements Four Arrows responded to):

“…Do not ask who I am and do not ask me to remain the same: leave it to our bureaucrats and our police to see that our papers are in order. At least spare us their morality when we write.” (Foucault 1972, p. 17)

This editorial does not cede the ontological battle to the Colonial, Modernist Worldview in accepting the ‘commonsensical’ (from the perspective of the Colonial, Modernist Worldview…) assumption that the visible world of manifest facts—‘the real world out there’—is more real than the invisible, unmanifest world of ideas emotions, forms etc. (Needleman 1975; Nicoll 1989; Herman 2008; Blaser 2013) As such, this editorial explores the ideational continuities and discontinuities (Foucault 1972) of the articles assembled in this issue through an overtly nonlinear, nomadic perspective that is rooted in the Worldviews and associated conceptions of order that articulate the invisible lines of ideational continuity and discontinuity that run through the articles. Though a discrete, linear argument belies the nonlinear orientation of this editorial, there are a few arguments that emerge in the following pages: 1. freedom in the city is dependent upon ontological freedom, which is to say upon the right to assert the order of things in the city; 2. freedom in the academy is dependent upon ontological freedom, which might be best explicated by the assertion that freedom in the many and varied epistemological debates that are being waged within the academy cannot be attained without the freedom to assert the assumptions concerning the nature of reality upon which these epistemological debates are dependent; 3. perceived ‘freedom’ and ‘agency’ that come without the capacity and power to assert the order of things for ones self ought to be understood as the illusion of freedom and agency by which liberal democracy attempts to render hierarchical domination as sustainable rather than actual freedom and agency given that potentials for thought, feeling, behavior and conception of being are expanded and constrained by an individual’s commonsensical assumptions concerning the nature of reality. A true revolution of practice cannot occur without a revolution in the Worldview from which we conceptualize practice, be it in the city or in the academy. (Barnesmoore 2017) As for a more general orientation to contemporary social science, this editorial and its nonlinear lines of exploration seek to inspire increased (and less ephemeral…)  engagement with the burgeoning ontological turn (Horton 2015; Heywood 2017) in our discussions of cities in CITY.

El libro presenta una selección de trabajos de especialistas brasileños, franceses y argentinos que promueve el debate sobre las formas relacionales de construcción de la alteridad en la etnología sudamericana, tanto en distintos momentos históricos como en diversos ámbitos geográficos (Amazonía, Chaco, Andes,  Guyanas). Los trabajos procuran trascender lo que generalmente se entiende por ‘relaciones de alteridad’ o ‘relaciones interétnicas’ sin hacer tanto hincapié en los vínculos entre los diferentes grupos indígenas y los representantes externos del contacto (el Estado, misioneros, militares, exploradores, antropólogos, ONG’s), sino más bien, y fundamentalmente, analizando la trama de relaciones, conexiones y transformaciones recíprocas entre los distintos grupos indígenas y asimismo en el etnoconocimiento antropológico derivado de tales interacciones. En este sentido, el libro busca romper la clásica imagen de grandes bloques estáticos (‘indios’ y ‘blancos’) centrándose en cambio en los procesos concretos de construcción de relaciones entre los distintos grupos étnicos.

"The wound is the place where the light enters you." 1 -Rumi "…The movement to make fear the problem is also dangerous. What is needed is courage to resist the oppressive causes for unnecessary suffering 2 , and fearlessness in actions [on] behalf of children at risk [,] and we can only do this by teaching courage and fearlessness to act according to our courageous choices without hesitation." (Four Arrows 2018)

Can one be a true revolutionary without being as a vulgar revolutionary? Can one pursue revolutionary thought, behavior and conception of being-an idealism of 'what should be', which is to say 'what IS'-within the academy without being drawn into a binary struggle with 'what is'? Can we recognize that 'what is' is wrong and pursue 'what should be' without being drawn into a state of thought, behavior and conception of being that is articulated in opposition to 'what is'? Can one do their part to bring about revolution without being as a revolutionary?

En los orígenes de la nación chilena se ocultan una serie de elementos raciales que pueden remontarse a muchos años antes de su establecimiento formal como institución política. Las ideas de “raza” y “racismo” son el eje central sobre el cual el autor intenta analizar dichas retóricas de inferiorización, provenientes tanto de la ciencia, de la política, como de las prácticas culturales de los siglos XVII, XVIII y principalmente del XIX.

Se trata de un trabajo transdisciplinario, que se fundamenta en una revisión crítica de fuentes primarias de la época y de una extensa literatura secundaria proveniente de la historia de la cultura, de la ciencia, la antropología social y cultural, así como de la filosofía.

No se trata de una obra de historia, ni menos de antropología, solo es un intento por pensar o cartografiar nuestro pasado colonial (y poscolonial) como un ejercicio de conceptualización que nos permita cuestionar aquello que se denomina “identidad chilena”.






El contrato colonial de Chile
Ciencia, Racismo y Nación

Por

Patricio Lepe-Carrión





Tabla de contenidos

Tabla de contenidos 2
Tabla de ilustraciones 5
Siglas 6
Introducción 7


Primera Parte: Colonialidad del poder en el reino de Chile
1. Civilización y barbarie: la ‘diferencia colonial’ 13
1.1. Cartografía conceptual de la dicotomía 13
1.1.1. Genealogía de la ‘barbarie’, como ausencia de la razón deliberativa 13
1.1.2. Aristóteles: ‘deliberación’ y esclavitud natural 14
1.1.3. La barbarie, ‘diferencia’ y construcción del Otro 16
1.2. La Junta de Valladolid: la naturalización de las diferencias en el siglo XVI 19
1.2.1. La polémica de los naturales 19
1.2.2. La construcción de la ‘barbarie’ americana 20
1.2.3. Bartolomé de Las Casas y el encubrimiento de la ‘diferencia cultural’ 25
1.2.4. El re-descubrimiento del logos deliberativo: los nativos también pueden ser educados 28
2. La construcción del sujeto colonial en el Chile del siglo XVII 31
2.1. La sedimentación de la ‘diferencia colonial’ en la ‘guerra defensiva’ 32
2.2. Una frontera geográfica, subjetiva y epistémica: la ‘zona de contacto’ 35
2.3. Colonialidad: idea de totalidad, y miradas micropolíticas 40
2.4. La raza como eje articulador de la matriz colonial de poder 43
2.5. Los diagramas de soberanía y disciplina 44
2.6. Una frontera de seducción 47
2.7. El ‘Sermón en lengua de Chile’: orígenes del racismo epistémico 49
2.8. Pedagogía jesuita: individuación y emulación. Disciplina en la Ratio Studiorum 52

Segunda Parte: Taxonomías proto-raciales de la Ilustración

3. Época clásica, y el ‘no lugar’ en la instrumentalización política de los saberes científicos 58
3.1. El Ego Conquiro condición del Ego Cogito 59
3.1.1. Del escepticismo sobre la existencia del bárbaro, al escepticismo metódico cartesiano 60
3.1.2. La objetivación del ‘cuerpo’ como ‘naturaleza’ 61
3.2. Episteme y gubernamentalidad 63
3.2.1. Las tres epistemes 63
3.2.2. La episteme clásica, y su discontinuidad con el Renacimiento 64
3.2.3. La episteme clásica y La Hybris del punto cero 65
3.2.4. La razón de Estado (ratio status) 68
3.3. Biopolítica borbónica: la aparición de la ‘razón de Estado’ en España y Chile durante el siglo XVIII 69
3.3.1. Gobierno de las poblaciones 69
3.3.2. El Censo como ciencia del Estado 72
3.3.3. De la razón al racismo de Estado 74
4. La ‘historia natural’ en el orden y casificación etnoracial de la humanidad 76
4.1. Dios creó, Linneo puso en orden (Deus creavit; Linnaeus disposuit) 78
4.1.1. La escritura universal 78
4.1.2. El género Homo, y la especie Homo Sapiens 80
4.1.3. Cuerpo bello, alma buena. Un primer acercamiento a la kalokagathía 82
4.2. El conde de Buffon, y el dinamismo en la Escala de los Seres 83
4.2.1. La cuestión de la especie: temporalización de la Gran Cadena del Ser 83
4.2.2. Los efectos del clima y el ambiente en la formación de las razas 87
4.3. América es un continente débil y degenerado 89
4.4. Juan Ignacio Molina: el científico que persuadió a Immanuel Kant 93
4.4.1. Molina, el primer científico chileno 93
4.4.2. La incomodidad del criollo, y su arremetida contra los ‘antiamericanistas’ 94
4.4.3. Boroa, un pueblo de chilenos europeizados 96
4.4.4. Chilenos de sangre pura, criollos, y los mestizos bastardos 99
5. Clasificación racial en la filosofía ilustrada. El caso de Immanuel Kant 103
5.1. Luces y sombras de la ‘ciudad criolla’ 103
5.2. Los intermediarios del universalismo 108
5.3. Del racismo al racialismo 110
5.4. El concepto de ‘raza’ en Kant 112
5.5. Mapa racial: el lugar de los ‘americanos’ 117
Excurso: Kant, colonialismo, y el nuevo encubrimiento 122

Tercera Parte: "Nobleza y plebe: residuos simbólicos durante la pos-colonia"

6. Biopolítica borbónica en chile: el discurso antropológico sobre la ociosidad, el vagabundaje, y su objetivación en el mestizaje 128
6.1. Representación moderna de la pobreza 128
6.2. Pública prosperidad, movilidad social y las incomodidades de la ‘nobleza’ 130
6.3. El mestizaje como fuente de vagabundaje 135
6.4. Higienismo y racismo de Estado 137
7. El color de las clases sociales chilenas 139
7.1. Otros contextos, otras categorías 139
7.2. La ‘raza’ en la formación de las clases sociales chilenas 140
7.3. Aristocracia chilena y selección racial 143
8. Imaginando la ‘nación’ 147
8.1. Lugares de enunciación y traducción 147
8.2. ‘El peso de la noche’; el lado oscuro de la Patria 149
8.2.1. El nativo de papel 150
8.2.2. Independencia/Civilización, o Modernidad/Colonialidad 152
8.3. Iustración y ‘libertad’. Legitimación de las diferencias innatas 156
8.4. La infancia de Chile, y el tutelaje de los ‘padres’ criollos 159
8.5. Los ‘negros’ desean la esclavitud, no la libertad 162
9. Dimensión simbólica de las clases sociales: ‘escenificación’ y ‘apariencia’ 166
9.1. La obsesión por el ‘origen’ 166
9.2. El simbolismo de la prosapia criolla 169
9.3. El delirio de ‘ser percibido’ como noble 172
Conclusión: El contrato colonial de Chile 175
Bibliografía 177

While popular images tend to depict indigenous people as having lived a " simple " and unspoiled lifestyle before they became threatened by the " evils " of modernity and (neo)colonial exploitation, there is evidence for the argument that, in many parts of the world, indigenous people were neither " locally locked " in the deep forest or remote hills, nor socioculturally " isolated, " dissociated from others and the outside world. Historians, political scientists, and anthropologists have shown that trade networks reached not only over great distances but also to remote places, and that, even though they may have been able to elude the power of state societies (Scott 2009), people living in those places were never completely isolated. This makes it even more astonishing that the notion of indigeneity has become a universalist concept that has gained global recognition for representing exactly this: a population that is economically " backward, " due to a lack of modern technology , and politically " independent, " due to the freedom from external forces and global capitalism, and therefore in need of protection. Such images tend to ignore the fact that it was colonialism itself that produced the well-known image of the noble or dangerous savage: simple, innocent, even childish, yet untamed and therefore threatening people, who lived in harmony with nature. But while colonial and postcolonial imaginations rested upon the idea that human progress is inevitably connected with a clearly defined path towards modernization, today's discourse on indigeneity considers the indigenous " way of life " as being endangered by the latter, and therefore as requiring protection. [See for details: https://www.berghahnbooks.com/title/GerharzIndigeneity]

Welcome to Australia as the 21st century’s second decade begins: a country where a small Indigenous child living in a remote island town off the far north coast can unwittingly pick up his father’s phone and send a video of himself to his grandfather’s colleague nearly 4000 kilometres away in the nation’s capital. Those of us who have lived in major cities over the past two decades have taken for granted the evolution of the mobile phone from unwieldy brick-like object to smart palm-sized computer with digital media and wireless networking capabilities.That a small child can send a video of himself will therefore seem not at all remarkable to many. These days, infants all around the world perform such feats all the time. It is remarkable, however, that like many Indigenous communities located in regional Australia there was no mobile phone coverage on Elcho Island before 2006. Personal computer ownership and home internet access are also scarce, which makes young Bruce Brown’s generation the first to grow up in an Arnhem Land where smart phones and similar devices can browse the web, and can create, send and receive digital media and information with great ease. Even now, these unwired devices are having an immediate impact on the way that Indigenous Australians of all ages and backgrounds are accessing the internet; staying in touch whether locally or over vast distances; creating, finding and sharing ideas and media; and determining for themselves how they and their communities are represented via the internet and in the greater world. On Facebook alone, I personally have more than 1100 friends of whom most are Indigenous Australians living outside major cities. In microcosm, this suggests a rapid nationwide uptake of information technologies (IT) among Indigenous Australians that was unthinkable even five years ago, particularly among those living in remote communities, and is unprecedented in our nation’s history. Despite limited regional access to the private computing facilities and public communications infrastructure that most Australians in cities take for granted, a process of digital democratisation is nonetheless well underway throughout Australia, and it is rapidly changing the way that Indigenous communities come to know and interact with the rest of the world, and how the rest of the world comes to know and interact with them.

In February 2007 we embarked on an Australian Research Council (ARC) project led by Yolŋu elder Joseph Gumbula to explore his people’s recorded history in the University of Sydney Archives. The aims of this initiative were to identify and assess some of the earliest photographic and written records of Yolŋu life in north- east Arnhem Land and to make them accessible to their source communities in Miliŋinbi (Milingimbi) and Galiwin’ku on Elcho Island. Other central aims were for us to work consultatively with these communities to determine their ongoing access requirements to the university’s archived materials, and to consider how emerging digital technologies might be deployed to facilitate secure remote access at the local level. This was the first ARC project of any kind to be led by aYolŋu Chief Investigator. It focused on materials held in the University of Sydney Archives that include many photographic negatives and prints taken at Miliŋinbi by the anthropologist WL Warner and the missionary TT Webb from 1926 onwards. First seen by Gumbula in 2005, these images had been absorbed into a much larger series of materials within the AP Elkin Personal Archives (named after the university’s Professor of Anthropology from 1933–56, yet including records dating from his department’s creation in 1926). These early records are now of great importance to the Yolŋu, who have come to view their return home in the spirit of gifting and reciprocity found in traditional exchange ceremonies.

The National Recording Project for Indigenous Performance in Australia (NRP) was conceived in 2002 and launched at the Garma Festival in north-east Arnhem Land in August 2004. The primary motivations behind the NRP were as much philosophical as they were pragmatic. First, those of us who envisioned the potential usefulness of such an initiative were dissatisfied at the way that Indigenous communities were rarely able to access, within their own localities, the decades of recorded materials held in collections worldwide that documented their cultural heritage. So to encourage collectors to make their recordings immediately available to their source communities, rather than stockpiling them in shoeboxes under their desks as in many instances in decades past, we have since fostered a national network of interested people from academic, technical and Indigenous community backgrounds through the NRP, which is working collaboratively towards this end. Fundamentally, the NRP aims to develop a national digital repository through which all Indigenous communities in Australia will be able to store and access any existing and future recordings of their music and dance heritage from within their own home towns. Second, we seek to achieve this aim by sustaining a collegial network through which leading Indigenous cultural exponents can share information and shape new strategies for content delivery with recognised world leaders in the field of digital archiving and sustainable repositories.

The proceedings of the National Science Foundation supported WIS2DOM workshop state that sustainability scientists must respect the “protocols” of practitioners of Indigenous sciences if the practitioners of the two knowledge systems are to learn from each other. Indigenous persons at the workshop described protocols as referring to attitudes about how to approach the world that are inseparable from how people approach scientific inquiry; they used the terms caretaking and stewardship to characterize protocols in their Indigenous communities and nations. Yet sustainability scientists may be rather mystified by the idea of protocols as a necessary dimension of scientific inquiry. Moreover, the terms stewardship and caretaking are seldom used in sustainability science. In this case report, the authors seek to elaborate on some possible meanings of protocols for sustainability scientists who may be unaccustomed to talking about stewardship and caretaking in relation to scientific inquiry. To do so, the authors describe cases of Indigenous protocols in action in relation to scientific inquiry in two Indigenous-led sustainability initiatives in the Great Lakes/Midwest North American region. We claim that each case expresses concepts of stewardship and caretaking to describe protocols in which humans approach the world with the attitude of respectful partners in genealogical relationships of interconnected humans, non-human beings, entities and collectives who have reciprocal responsibilities to one another. We conclude with a discussion of the implications of Indigenous protocols for future dialog between practitioners of sustainability and Indigenous sciences.

[http://www.esf.edu/indigenous-science-letter/]

To the March for Science, DC and satellite marches across the nation and the world:

As Indigenous scientists, agency professionals, tribal professionals, educators, traditional practitioners, family, youth, elders and allies from Indigenous communities and homelands all over the living Earth we endorse and Support the March for Science.

As original peoples, we have long memories, centuries old wisdom and deep knowledge of this land and the importance of empirical, scientific inquiry as fundamental to the well-being of people and planet.

Let us remember that long before Western science came to these shores, there were Indigenous scientists here. Native astronomers, agronomists, geneticists, ecologists, engineers, botanists, zoologists, watershed hydrologists, pharmacologists, physicians and more—all engaged in the creation and application of knowledge which promoted the flourishing of both human societies and the beings with whom we share the planet.  We give gratitude for all their contributions to knowledge.  Native science supported indigenous culture, governance and decision making for a sustainable future –the same needs which bring us together today.

As we endorse and support the March for Science, let us acknowledge that there are multiple ways of knowing that play an essential role in advancing knowledge for the health of all life. Science, as concept and process, is translatable into over 500 different Indigenous languages in the U.S. and thousands world-wide.  Western science is a powerful approach, but it is not the only one.

Indigenous science provides a wealth of knowledge and a powerful alternative paradigm by which we understand the natural world and our relation to it. Embedded in cultural frameworks of respect, reciprocity, responsibility and reverence for the earth, Indigenous science lies within a worldview where knowledge is coupled to responsibility and human activity is aligned with ecological principles and natural law, rather than against them. We need both ways of knowing if we are to advance knowledge and sustainability.

Let us March not just for Science-but for Sciences!

We acknowledge and honor our ancestors and draw attention to the ways in which Indigenous communities have been negatively impacted by the misguided use of Western scientific research and institutional power. Our communities have been used as research subjects, experienced environmental racism, extractive industries that harm our homelands and have witnessed Indigenous science and the rights of Indigenous peoples dismissed by institutions of Western science.

While Indigenous science is an ancient and dynamic body of knowledge, embedded in sophisticated cultural epistemologies, it has long been marginalized by the institutions of contemporary Western science. However, traditional knowledge is increasingly recognized as a source of concepts, models, philosophies and practices which can inform the design of new sustainability solutions. It is both ancient and urgent.

Indigenous science offers both key insights and  philosophical frameworks for problem solving that includes human values, which are much needed as we face challenges such as climate change, sustainable resource management, health disparities and the need for healing the ecological damage we have done.

Indigenous science informs place-specific resource management and land-care practices important for environmental health of tribal and federal lands. We require greater recognition and support  for tribal consultation and participation in the co-management, protection, and restoration of our ancestral lands.

Indigenous communities have partnered with Western science to address environmental justice, health disparities, and intergenerational trauma in our communities. We have championed innovation and technology in science from agriculture to medicine. New ecological insights have been generated through sharing of Indigenous science. Indigenous communities and Western science continue to promote diversity within STEM fields. Each year Indigenous people graduate with Ph.D.’s, M.D.’s, M.S.’s and related degrees that benefit our collective societies. We also recognize and promote the advancement of culture-bearers, Elders, hunters and gatherers who strengthen our communities through traditional practices.

Our tribal communities need more culturally embedded scientists and at the same time, institutions of Western science need more Indigenous perspectives. The next generation of scientists needs to be well- positioned for growing collaboration with Indigenous science. Thus we call for enhanced support for inclusion of Indigenous science in mainstream education, for the benefit of all. We envision a productive symbiosis between Indigenous and Western knowledges that serve our shared goals of sustainability for land and culture. This symbiosis requires mutual respect for the intellectual sovereignty of both Indigenous and Western sciences.

As members of the Indigenous science community, we endorse and support the March for Science – and we encourage Indigenous people and allies to participate in the national march in DC or a satellite march. Let us engage the power of both Indigenous and Western science on behalf of the living Earth.

Let our Indigenous voices be heard.

In solidarity,

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Based on the authors’ field experiences, one of anthropology’s main theoretical re-flections in the past decade is used here as a starting point: the relations between humans and non-humans. It reveals that the role of sound is paramount within the Amerindian ontology named animism, especially if compared to Western naturalism and its visual primacy. Consequently, we propose an auditory anthropology as a the-oretical concept, underpinned by further examples from the field. Finally, the practi-cal application of an auditory anthropology is discussed. Researchers may make use of cultural soundscape composition in order to supply a museum’s audience with a means to listen to the manifold cultures of the world.

The current paper is an attempt to build a case for the revitalization of Indigenous Knowledge System which is intellectual property of a native community that resides in a particular environment and enjoying a friendly ecological interaction with ecological niche. The commercialization of development theory with mere economic terms and statistics has hijacked the integrity of indigenous knowledge and resources. The local populations are under continuous mental stress to produce more and more to earn their living and monetary resources. This paper has a long term vision of refreshing the local knowledge as it discusses the gradual shift in development theory towards giving space for locally based knowledge system as a viable option for launching sustainable development. In fact, all considerable countries of the world are struggling to devise an alternative but sustainable strategy for their livelihoods. In such a case that most of the world’s brethren is reviewing their local knowledge systems then why Pakistan lags behind the same. For Pakistan, sustainable development would simply mean non-reliance upon any foreign developmental model. The development that is sprung out of native and local resources both human and natural would call for development not only for the current generation but for the ones to come.

La fiesta del arete es tradicionalmente el rito más importante de la vida religiosa chané. Se trata de un evento festivo anual de gran complejidad, que en sus fases de inicio, desarrollo y cierre involucra un buen número de prohibiciones simbólicas y prescripciones rituales, referencias al simbolismo y al horizonte cosmológico, convites de bebidas, danzas, luchas rituales, la renovación de la cosmogonía, la escenificación de las relaciones interétnicas, una reflexión colectiva sobre el problema de la temporalidad y finalmente la destrucción ritual de todos los elementos de la fiesta. El elemento que aquí interesa examinar de manera particular es uno de los tantos tipos de máscara que aparecen en las jornadas finales de la celebración. Se trata de las aña-häti, que según revelan la etimología de su nombre, los testimonios nativos y las observaciones de la literatura etnográfica, están estrechamente ligadas con el alma de los muertos –llamadas, justamente, aña. Sin embargo, no es menos cierto que esta relación tan íntima origina interpretaciones abusivas: así, sin mayores precauciones exegéticas, se señala con ligereza que los chané creen literalmente que estas aña-häti 'son' los espíritus de los muertos. Nuestra intención aquí consiste, justamente, en examinar con cierto cuidado esa sola idea; no para negar su realidad, sino más bien para problematizarla al restituirla a su contexto de sentido correspondiente, advirtiendo matices que revelen en qué medida es lícito –si es que lo es– traducir la vaga, nebulosa y presentida identificación entre enmascarados y muertos a equivalentes de ideas como 'transformación', 'posesión' o 'encarnación'. Parece imperioso, en este sentido, realizar una revisión crítica de la presunta credulidad de los chané, haciendo el esfuerzo de evitar algunas de las trampas que nuestras categorías y nuestro propio lenguaje nos imponen en la labor de traducción.

Chapter 2, Section 7(3), of the Kenyan constitution, of (The Re public of Kenya 2010) stipulates that the state shall develop, promote and protect the diversity of languages of the people of Kenya. Although this statement has no direct implication to the language of education policy in the Kenyan system of education, their implementation will largely affect the language policy in education. This paper explores ways in which the constitution can be used as a catalyst in the promotion; developments, protection of indigenous languages and at the same time use them as medium of instruction in schools in Kenya.

This chapter seeks to combine indigenous and non-indigenous perspectives to a survey of rock art in the lower Fraser River Region. Ethnography and archaeology combined with typologies based on indigenous language adds further dimensions to the study of rock art in areas  such as the lower Fraser River region where there is direct cultural and historical continuity.

Entry on the keyword "Indigeneity" for Keywords for Environmental Studies (NYU Press), edited by Joni Adamson , William A. Gleason and David Naguib Pellow. About the book: Understandings of “nature” have expanded and changed, but the word has not lost importance at any level of discourse: it continues to hold a key place in conversations surrounding thought, ethics, and aesthetics. Nowhere is this more evident than in the interdisciplinary field of environmental studies. Keywords for Environmental Studies analyzes the central terms and debates currently structuring the most exciting research in and across environmental studies, including the environmental humanities, environmental social sciences, sustainability sciences, and the sciences of nature. Sixty essays from humanists, social scientists, and scientists, each written about a single term, reveal the broad range of quantitative and qualitative approaches critical to the state of the field today. From “ecotourism” to “ecoterrorism,” from “genome” to “species,” this accessible volume illustrates the ways in which scholars are collaborating across disciplinary boundaries to reach shared understandings of key issues—such as extreme weather events or increasing global environmental inequities— in order to facilitate the pursuit of broad collective goals and actions. This book underscores the crucial realization that every discipline has a stake in the central environmental questions of our time, and that interdisciplinary conversations not only enhance, but are requisite to environmental studies today.

Media activists who are women, queer, trans, Indigenous and/or people of colour are shifting mediascapes through intersectional autonomous journalism practices. This community-based co-research project analyses data from six semi-structured focus group workshops with media activists, who identify a contradictory logic between mainstream and alternative journalism. Two distinct autonomous journalism practices emerge that complement and extend traditional horizontal prefigurative media activist practices through an attentiveness to intersectional identities and interlocking systems of oppression. In rooted direct-action journalism, grassroots autonomous journalists collectively report from a perspective rooted in the concerns of the movement, creating media as a direct-action tactic; whereas in solidarity journalism, autonomous journalists report across movements in solidarity with intersectionally marginalised groups and communities. We argue that, emphasising intersectional mutual aid, relationship building, consent, accountability and content co-creation, these value-based practices have begun to shift dominant media and cultural logics. Finally, we offer critical reflections on some of the challenges inherent in these practices, including a meta-analysis of the intersectional value practices in our activist co-research methodology.

A história de um povo contada a partir de sua própria voz, através de sua perspectiva, usando seu tempo e estrutura narrativa tem o poder de cativar o leitor e transportálo para um mundo diferente do dele. Assim, os relatos dos caxinauás, além de revelar traços ricos de sua cultura, língua e pensamento, convidam todos a conhecer o grupo, cuja população total se aproxima de oito mil pessoas, 75% delas em território brasileiro, e ocupa um vasto território na bacia dos rios Juruá e Purus, entre o Brasil e o Peru. HUNI KUIN HIWEPAUNIBUKI ? A HISTÓRIA DOS CAXINAUÁS POR ELES MESMOS é apresentada nas línguas caxinauá, portuguesa e espanhola, conta com vasto material iconográfi co e retrata desde o modo de vida dos antepassados, até como se deu a dispersão do grupo e suas experiências em uma sociedade não indígena. Longe de ser um estudo frio e distante sobre um povo, a obra traz uma voz autêntica da comunidade caxinauá. Muito além do processo de documentação de sua língua e cultura, os relatos caxinauás propiciam um confronto entre diferentes perspectivas, sejam elas as visões analíticas de antropólogos, a curiosidade do leitor não indígena ou a própr ia interpretação dos caxinauás sobre sua noção de mundo.

People who perpetrate colonialism often defend their actions as necessary responses to real or perceived crises. Epistemologies of crisis involve knowing the world in such a way that a certain present is experienced as new. I will discuss newness in terms of the presumptions of unprecedentedness and urgency. In contradistinction to an epistemology of crisis, I will suggest that one interpretation of certain Indigenous intellectual traditions emphasizes what I will just call here an epistemology of coordination. Different from crisis, coordination refers to ways of knowing the world that emphasize the importance of moral bonds—or kinship relationships—for generating the (responsible) capacity to respond to constant change. Epistemologies of coordination are conducive to responding to expected and drastic changes without validating harm or violence.

For organizations starting this journey…
If you find yourself in a position to “include” Indigenous peoples and perspectives in your organization, then there are many practical, ethical, and educational dimensions and implications to consider before and while doing so. In particular, it is important to consider how your invitation might end up reproducing harmful patterns of relationship and representation, even if your intention is to do just the opposite. The following questions may help you think through your expectations, your intentions, and the impact of your choices, and to think systemically how these are rooted in a larger social and historical context. We offer both general guiding questions for reflection and discussion, as well as point to some “red flags” that commonly emerge in the context of these engagements and which warrant pause and further consideration before pursuing efforts to include Indigenous peoples and perspectives.

Coordinated Management of Meaning theory explains the issue in communication is a continuous interaction, creating and sharing of meanings as well as being created by that meaning. The paper tries to show these interactions and meaning making process. in addition to these how Coordinated management of meaning relates with other neighboring fields of study & subjects. by reviewing several materials the paper tries to create some reflection on the issue.