History of European Integration

This chapter examines how the use, content, and impact of the notion of 'European values' in European institutions has changed over time. It especially focuses on when and why (and in what context) the term has been used and distinguishes between a conservative Christian and a more inclusive secular definition of the term. After a brief word about the method, a conservative Cold War use of the term by Christian politicians in the post-war years is examined. The chapter then explores how, after the end of the Cold War, the term was also used in a second, more inclusive and secular sense as it became mainstream when European institutions and politicians increasingly started using it to legitimise the European project (also because rival notions such as that of a 'European identity' or 'social Europe' proved less useful). Moving closer to the present, the chapter then shows how some of today's tensions surrounding the concept of European values can be explained by their history. The chapter ends by proposing a possible way out of today's predicament, pleading for more room for political debate around European values. In today's European political discourse, 'European values' are often invoked by both defenders of the European project and its detractors. The European Union (EU) refers to European values to defend and legitimise its policies, while its critics likewise invoke these values (albeit often interpreted differently) to criticise these very same policies. In what follows I will critically examine who has used the term in European institutions, and when and for what purpose they have used it. I will also see how the use, content, and impact of the notion of 'European values' has W. Weymans (*)

Desde los albores del pontificado recordó que el Viejo continente respira con dos pulmones, uno eslavo y otro occidental. Una realidad espiritual y cultural que es fundamento de la 'casa común'. La derrota del ejército polaco, en los primeros compases de la II Guerra Mundial, y el sometimiento de toda la nación, fue el preludio de una suerte que muy pronto alcanzaría a numerosos pueblos del Viejo continente. Poco más de veinte años antes, el 11 de noviembre de 1918, Polonia había recuperado su independencia. Lo hizo notar Juan Pablo II durante un encuentro con miembros del sindicato Solidaridad, a los que recibió en el Vaticano en el año 2003. "Al recordar la fecha del 11 de noviembredijo en aquella ocasión-no puedo por menos de referirme a la libertad nacional restituida aquel día a la República de Polonia, después de años de luchas que costaron a nuestra nación tantas renuncias y tantos sacrificios". Fue una libertad efímera, pero permanece en el horizonte como un punto de referencia. Un periodo relativamente breve en el que no faltaron dificultades para el desarrollo del nuevo Estado.

Cette thèse de doctorat tente premièrement d'analyser les raisons pouvant expliquer l'abandon par la Commission des Communautés européennes/la Commission européenne de la promotion de politiques industrielles de type interventionniste/vertical dans les années 1980 et d'identifier les acteurs, processus qui ont influencé cette transformation. Ensuite, ce travail essaie d'analyser si le changement de paradigme de la politique industrielle communautaire peut expliquer l'accélération de la dynamique de concentration des entreprises européennes dans les années 1980 et 1980. Pour atteindre ces objectifs, sont étudiées les interventions de la Commission européenne dans la sidérurgie entre 1974 et 2002.

Il Consiglio europeo del 26 giugno 2025 si è svolto in un momento emblematico per la traiettoria di sviluppo dell'Unione sul piano dell'integrazione politica: sullo sfondo di un conflitto ucraino tutt'altro che risolto, di una crisi commerciale incipiente con gli Stati Uniti (è del 12 luglio 2025 l'annuncio del Presidente degli Stati Uniti dell'introduzione di dazi al 30% per le merci UE) e di una crescente instabilità nella regione mediterranea, le conclusioni adottate a Bruxelles si sono presentate come un documento ambizioso e, tuttavia, segnato da ambiguità e fragilità.

This article explores the role of history and memory in the European Parliament. Informed by the author's experience of heading the newly established European Parliament History Service (EPHS) in a part-time role during 2022-24, it reflects on the nature, challenges, and fragility of transgressing boundaries between academia and politics on the science-policy interface in a transnational institution. The trajectory of the EPHS demonstrates inter alia how much effective interaction between academia and politics in such a context depends on key bureaucratic decision-makers themselves being intellectually curious enough and politically willing to transgress boundaries.

Europe’s response to the dramatic tests of the pandemic has unfolded amidst a climate of uncertainty. From Britain’s exit from the European Union to the cyclic waves of nationalist sentiment, the central question emerges: did Europe act united in the face of catastrophic events, or maintain its unity? What actions and reactions were implemented to confront the Coronavirus on a unified front? Ironically, after an exhaustive struggle against the health, and socio-economic crisis caused by COVID-19, marked by an unprecedented mobilization of human and economic resources in the Union’s history, Europe abruptly confronted a new reality: the outbreak of war in Ukraine. These disruptive events prompt reflection on the future European Union’s potential evolution.

This research paper seeks to come out with an exogenous explanation of why the EU is following a different strategy toward a potential integration with full member rights for Kosovo, which is not included in a road-map for Western Balkans, at least not yet. To do so, the paper uses an intergovernmentalist versus constructivist theoretical explanations, where the first corresponds to the actions that EU undertakes based on cost calculations and other rational motives and the other builds on the presumed value-conflicting norms that precipitate or inhibit the process of Kosovo`s integration in EU. The main driving question that this research paper seeks to answer is: "Does Kosovo integration process pose a challenge or opportunity for EU to build on its image as a 'normative power'?" Our initial hypotheses suggest that Kosovo is perceived mostly as a challenge to EU absorbing capabilities, mostly because of the objections concerning its disputable (yet) statehood. Nevertheless, as it will be argued from an analytical (not normative angle), Kosovo fulfills all the criteria for full membership in EU in the due time, having made enough progress not only in the legal aspect (incorporation of acqui, strengthening of rule of law etc), but also politically, socially and culturally), adding to EU architecture a real value. Without Western Balkans in general and Kosovo as part of its own community of values, EU cannot be fully completed and it sets a setback on the rhetorical commitment and 'entrapment' (Schimmelfennig 2003) that promises a post-national belonging to these countries. Kosovo thus represents a real value for EU, yet to be understood and duly integrated.

, 1. As the title of his book suggests, and as he makes explicit in the opening chapter, the common appellation of the EC is the European Community, even though the three are formally independent (though merged) institutions, and the title the EC itself uses is the European Communities. This creates a terminological mess which the student of European politics simply cannot avoid. All the institutions have their own acronym and names are indetermi-nate. For example, EC means European Communities, European Community, European Commission, and European Council. The first two are the most common, but all have appeared. For this discussion, EC will refer to the Community as a whole, which will be labelled in its common form, the European Community. 2

Discussing Pax Germanica: The Rise and Limits of German Hegemony in European Integration examines and reconsiders Germany’s paramount role in shaping European integration from the aftermath of World War II to the present. This volume meticulously explores the ascendancy of Germany to a dominant position in European politics and economics. It critically engages with the concept of hegemony, delineating Germany’s influence on the development of the European Union and its resemblance to historical precedents in German history like the Holy Roman Empire. Methodologically, the book integrates archival research with contemporary literature to craft a historically grounded narrative relevant to current European affairs. The work stands out for exploring Germany’s strategic use of economic power and political diplomacy to shape the European Union according to its interests while facing inherent limitations and challenges, such as the eurozone crisis, migration policies, energy dependency, and foreign policy towards Russia. Targeting a diverse audience of both scholars and non-specialists, this book is particularly relevant for those interested in European politics, German history, and international relations.

Lord Mackay dans son discours “Diversity in Unity - European Laws”, propose le concept de “legal symbiosis” (symbiose légale) pour décrire un échange croissant de concepts juridiques en Europe favorisé par le rôle de la Cour Européenne de Justice qui a rendu poreuses les barrières entre les différents systèmes juridiques européens favorisant ainsi une “intellectual osmosis” (osmose intellectuelle) ainsi qu'une interfécondation des systèmes juridiques européens. Pour lui cette “symbiose légale “ peut être observée dans trois domaines: dans celui du droit communautaire substantiel (substantive law) où la jurisprudence communautaire se réfère à des institutions existant dans les états membres pour développer son droit, dans celui du développement d'approches et de procédures dans les deux cours de la communauté économique européenne influencés par les pratiques juridiques des états membres et enfin dans celui d'une institutionnalisation croissante du respect mutuel entre différents systèmes juridiques menant à la reconnaissance de décisions judiciaires d'un pays dans les autres sans qu'une procédure particulière soit nécessaire. Il veut mettre en lumière par ce concept les bénéfices découlant d'une coopération étroite entre les différents systèmes juridiques de la communauté et qui ne nécessitent pas la standardisation ou la perte du caractère original des différents systèmes. Comme c'était déjà apparent dans le titre de son discours Lord Mackay essaye de défendre avec son idée de “legal symbiosis” une approche plurale du droit européen, qui plus que de permettre de penser la diversité dans l'unité semble même favoriser la première au détriment de la seconde en mettant l'accent plus sur l'émergence de droits nationaux “européanisés” que d'un véritable droit européen commun entendu au sens d'un droit non pas d'origine nationale mais européenne et s'imposant uniformément partout en Europe. Pour Lord Mackay construire l'Europe par l'imposition d'une réglementation rigide et uniforme dans tous les états membres est une vue non seulement indésirable mais aussi naïve. Il s'agit plutôt pour lui de respecter les différences nationales et de construire sur elles dans la pratique, en vue de réaliser ensemble des objectifs communs comme la réalisation d'un marché interne unique, la protection des droits de l'homme et la construction d'une communauté européenne prospère, dynamique et tournée vers l'extérieur. Une telle approche est-elle compatible avec le développement d'un “ius commune” européen ?

Dans sa quête d'Europe, Altiero aimait se comparer à Ulysse. C'était pourtant tout autant au mythe de Sisyphe qu'aurait pu se référer ce « porteur » de projets européens. Du manifeste de Ventotene à la Constituante européenne, en passant par le Congrès du peuple européen, on ne ...

When the European Economic Community (EEC) was established, France, Belgium, and the Netherlands still controlled colonial territories. Italy and West Germany, though no longer colonial powers, had recent imperial pasts-Italy having lost its colonies after World War II and Germany having seen the dissolution of its African possessions in 1919 and its European empire in 1945. With the Treaties of Rome (1957), the colonies of these European states-now officially designated as Overseas Territories -were formally associated with the Common Market. But how central was the colonial and imperial dimension to the process of European integration, which emerged from the devastation of World War II? Historians and political scientists remain divided on this question. Some scholars argue that European integration was, in part, a mechanism for the perpetuation and Europeanization of colonialism, ensuring that Europe's global influence persisted even as formal decolonization unfolded. At the core of these analyses lies the geopolitical and geoeconomic concept of Eurafrica-a vision of economic, geographic, and political interdependence between Europe and Africa-which, according to this interpretation, played a significant role in shaping the early European institutions. As documented in previous studies, Eurafrica was not a postwar invention but rather a concept that gained traction during the interwar period, influencing European geopolitical thinking well into the 1950s. Yet, while scholars have examined how this vision shaped French colonial policies and influenced the EEC's approach to its member states' overseas territories, there remains a fundamental question: what role was attributed to European colonies, and more broadly to Africa, in the process of European integration? In recent years, historians have debated this issue intensely. As existing literature has shown, At the level of political discourse, Africa was thus positioned as a cornerstone of the European project. However, economic integration does not merely reflect political rhetoric; it also involves concrete financial and industrial processes that transcend political imagination. This raises a critical yet understudied question: what role did European business networks play in advancing economic integration and forging strategic partnerships between Western Europe and the African (former) colonies? Despite the recognized importance of economic actors in liberal capitalist societies-where investment decisions are largely decentralized-this dimension has received surprisingly little attention in existing scholarship. Moreover, while historians widely agree that French policymakers sought to integrate their colonial empire into the European project, it remains unclear to what extent their European partners shared this vision. Until now, there has been no comprehensive investigation into how two former imperial powers, Italy and West Germany, approached the issue. This thesis addresses this gap by asking: How was the concept of Eurafrica interpreted in Italy and West Germany, especially by economic agents? What does this reveal about the broader relationship between European integration and colonialism? Was the association of the colonies with the EEC perceived as the foundation for deeper economic and political ties between Europe and Africa?

Probing the Silk Road. Greek Contacts with the People's Republic of China during the Early Post-Mao Era Bilateral Background and International Context On the occasion of the People's Republic of China (PRC) President Xi Jinping's state visit to Greece, in November 2019, the two governments signed a joint statement, reaffirming their 'comprehensive strategic partnership' established in 2006 as part of the general framework of relations between the rising Asian power and the European Union. The two sides also pledged to enhance co-operation at every level, paying tribute to the fortieth anniversary of the scientific and technology co-operation agreement signed at the time of Greek prime minister's Konstantinos Karamanlis' visit to Beijing, in November 1979. During these forty years, the PRC has developed into a major trading partner of Greece, ranking 5 th in terms of exports, helping to generate 5.55% of Greece's overall foreign trade, and, through a state-owned shipping and logistics services company, COSCO, methodically turning Piraeus into the primary hub of Europe's trade with East Asia. 1 This article attempts to offer an introduction to relations between Greece and the PRC, decades before the 'Red Dragon' set its eyes upon the minor power of South-East Europe, strategically located at the intersection of three continents and a important waterways. The Sino-Greek rapprochement occurred in the early 1970s, and it was a relatively delayed manifestation of a general trend in relations between the People's Republic of China (PRC) and non-communist states around the globe. The most famous example of the PRC's emergence

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Questo secondo volume della monumentale storia della filosofia di Jürgen Habermas racconta l’origine e il tramonto di un’immagine metafisico-religiosa del mondo così potente da orientare per secoli la cultura e la società europea. Il rapporto tra fede e sapere raggiunge la prima importante sintesi al tempo di Agostino, con l’osmosi tra cristianesimo e neoplatonismo, e culmina, nell’Europa cristiana, con la filosofia scolastica di Tommaso d’Aquino. Duns Scoto, Guglielmo da Ockham e Lutero sono tappe decisive nella separazione radicale di fede e sapere che apre la via moderna e prepara il passaggio dall’ontologia alla filosofia del soggetto. Nel racconto di Habermas il Medioevo non appare più come un’“oscura” parentesi millenaria tra la civiltà greca e il Rinascimento, ma come un’epoca piena di vita dello spirito umano, nella quale si realizzano processi di apprendimento collettivi che segnano per sempre la nostra storia. Che si tratti dell’idea di libero arbitrio, del concetto di causalità o del problema degli universali, la genealogia di Habermas è straordinaria per la sua capacità di trasmetterci il senso storicamente costruito delle coordinate intellettuali che continuano ancora oggi a indirizzare il nostro pensiero.

A cura di Luca Corchia e Walter Privitera
Traduzione di Massimo De Pascale, Walter Privitera e Luca Corchia
Sommario
Quarto capitolo
La simbiosi di fede e sapere nel platonismo cristiano e la formazione della Chiesa cattolica romana 13
1. Il cristianesimo dei primordi: il Gesù che annuncia e il Gesù annunciato 23
1.1 Il rapporto dei primi cristiani con il giudaismo 23
1.2 Gesù – autocomprensione e insegnamento 26
1.3 L’interpretazione paolina del cristianesimo 33
2. L’incontro tra cristianesimo ed ellenismo nell’ambiente greco-romano dell’Impero 45
2.1 La diffusione delle comunità cristiane e la funzione religiosa 45
2.2 L’Impero Romano – l’ambiente politico e sociale 51
2.3 Nel campo di tensione tra dottrine filosofiche e religiose 57
2.4 Ellenizzazione del cristianesimo? 64
3. Plotino e Agostino: la trasformazione cristiana del platonismo 72
3.1 La fondazione dell’idealismo assoluto: il concetto dell’Uno  72
3.2 Il cristianesimo come la migliore filosofia: fede e sapere 83
3.3 La volontà peccaminosa, il tempo esperito e il sapere performativo 96
4. Agostino e la Chiesa – tra istituzione di salvezza e potere mondano 107
4.1 Il ruolo della Chiesa di Stato nell’Impero Romano 107
4.2 La storia del mondo e l’evento salvifico 118
Quinto capitolo
L’Europa cristiana: la progressiva differenziazione tra sacerdotium e regnum e tra fede e sapere 135
1. Chiesa, società e Stato nell’“Europa cristiana” 152
1.1 La Chiesa come forza costitutiva dell’Europa dell’Alto Medioevo 154
1.2 I movimenti riformatori, la riforma gregoriana e la differenziazione tra potere imperiale e potere papale 166
2. La teologia del XIII secolo e la sfida aristotelica 187
2.1 La ritardata ricezione cristiana di Aristotele nel Medioevo Centrale 187
2.2 La rivoluzionaria idea di scienza degli “Analitici Secondi” 192
2.3 Il Dio dei filosofi e il Dio di Abramo 195
2.4 La disgiunzione della ragion pratica dalla ragione teoretica 199
3. Le risposte di Tommaso d’Aquino 204
3.1 L’appropriazione teologica dei concetti fondamentali di Aristotele 205
3.2 Le modalità della fede e del sapere 221
3.3 Teologia come scienza 228
4. L’ontologizzazione dell’etica aristotelica e la ristrutturazione della filosofia pratica 232
4.1 Dalla teoria dell’azione alla guida della volontà mediante la ragion pratica 239
4.2 L’etica come “sommo bene” 243
4.3 Superamento della “politica” nella filosofia sociale 248
4.4 “Trattato della legge” e filosofia del diritto 254
Sesto capitolo
La via moderna. L’orientamento filosofico del percorso verso la modernità scientifica, religiosa e sociopolitica 265
1. L’introduzione di un cambio di paradigma: Duns Scoto 271
1.1 Il distacco dal concetto metafisico di Dio – critica dell’analogia entis 273
1.2 La svolta semantico-trascendentale dell’ontologia 280
1.3 Onnipotenza di Dio, contingenza della natura e conoscenza empirica 287
1.4 Libertà come vincolo autonomo alla legge assolutamente obbligante 293
2. Guglielmo di Ockham: il duplice volto della “rivoluzione nominalista” 307
2.1 La critica a Duns Scoto e i limiti della ragione naturale 309
2.2 La discussione sull’identità numerica e quella personale 315
2.3 La preparazione della svolta mentalista 322
2.4 La portata rivoluzionaria degli scritti politici: disputa sulla povertà e costituzione ecclesiastica 329
3. La differenziazione funzionale tra diritto e politica e una nuova forma di integrazione sociale 351
3.1 La differenziazione tra Stato ed economia capitalistica nell’Italia settentrionale 353
3.2 Marsilio da Padova sul rapporto tra Stato e Chiesa 362
3.3 Giuridificazione della politica e spersonalizzazione del potere 374
4. Una teoria funzionalista del potere statale (Niccolò Machiavelli) e nuovi problemi di legittimità (Francisco de Vitoria) 382
4.1 Il potere astratto e le condizioni della sua stabilizzazione 383
4.2 Politicizzazione del diritto naturale (Guerra dei contadini tedeschi) e fondazione del diritto internazionale europeo (nel corso della colonizzazione dei “popoli pagani”) 397
Settimo capitolo
La separazione di fede e sapere: protestantesimo e filosofia del soggetto 413
1. La rottura di Lutero con la tradizione e la trasformazione della teologia 422
1.1 La disputa sulle indulgenze e la dottrina della giustificazione 427
1.2 Sola fide e il mutamento di forma della teologia 436
1.3 La dottrina dei sacramenti e la semantizzazione del dono sacrale 446
1.4 La disputa con Erasmo e la concezione luterana della libertà 455
2. Premesse teologiche, sociali e politiche del diritto razionale moderno 463
2.1 Lutero su legge, Stato e Chiesa, libertà religiosa e diritto di resistenza 465
2.2 Le dottrine calviniste del diritto alla resistenza politica 473
2.3 Excursus. Il pensiero sul diritto naturale 483
3. Il contesto del diritto razionale: dinamiche storico-sociali e sviluppo scientifico 498
3.1 Tendenze alla giuridificazione del potere politico 501
3.2 Dalla teologia alla scienza naturale: Francesco Bacone 510
3.3 Cartesio e Pascal 517
4. Il cambio di paradigma verso la filosofia del soggetto e il conseguente problema della fondazione delle norme vincolanti 533
4.1 Thomas Hobbes 533
4.2 Baruch Spinoza 546
4.3 John Locke 558
Seconda considerazione intermedia
La cesura della separazione di fede e sapere 581
1. L’appropriazione filosofica di atteggiamenti e contenuti religiosi 583
2. Impulsi innovativi per la filosofia politica e la filosofia del diritto 588
3. La sfida delle moderne scienze naturali 590
4. Il congedo dall’età delle immagini del mondo 593
Riferimenti bibliografici 601
Indice dei nomi 623
Indice dell’opera completa 635

The metamorphosis that NATO underwent in the early 1990s took two main directions: the political-diplomatic binary of the “hand of friendship” and the military binary of the New Strategic Concept. The ambitious reform, which was designed to enable NATO to remain at the forefront in the new post-1989 scenario, then underwent two surprising and in some ways unexpected developments over the course of the decade: enlargement and out-of-area operations in the former Yugoslavia. This paper analyses part of the major institutional reform that the Alliance has undergone from a diplomatic, military and political point of view, and therefore the functioning, objectives and founding motivations of the three main bodies established during the decade: the North Atlantic Cooperation Council of 1991, the Partnership for Peace of 1994 and the Euro-Atlantic Partnership Council of 1997.
Keywords: NATO Institutional Reform; Hands of Friendship; Diplomatic, Military and Political Integration; Enlargement.

The CIVILIZATION OF THE MODERN WORLD takes its origins in the RENAISSANCE IN EUROPE. A HISTORICAL RECONSTRUCTION of the creation of modern Europe since the Renaissance leads to a thorough understanding of the critical and constituent elements that are CHARACTERISTIC OF THE MINDSET OF EUROPE and its people: (a) the growing INDIVIDUAL CONSCIOUSNESS and the role played by the individual in society, (b) the specific European view on PROGRESS, and (c) the unique European view on GROWTH. SCIENCE and TECHNOLOGY are the foundation and basic melody of the Western model of capitalism and LIFE IN MODERN EUROPE. In their combination, this complex of factors and forces has driven Europe and the West to COLONIALISM and the paradigm of never-ending EXPANSION. These constituent factors and their systemic interdependencies are characteristic of the mindset of Europe and of the COLLECTIVE HISTORICAL MEMORY of the Western nations.
The SPECIFIC MINDSET OF EUROPE and its people is considered the principal root cause of the economic, political and environmental CRISES IN EUROPE. Through globalization, the crisis in Europe and the Western-dominated world has spread and is exerting its impact globally. RAPID DEMOGRAPHIC GROWTH is identified as a cause not only for the globally growing stream of migration, but also for increasing tensions, violent confrontations and wars. The rapid demographic growth is also perceived as the root cause of the destructive pressure on the living environment on our planet. Life on earth has reached a threshold.
The crisis is further exacerbated by a lack of globally valid rules for GLOBAL GOVERNANCE to effectively cope with the crisis. GEOPOLITICS in the age of the HEGEMONIC STRIVE is mainly occupied with the building up of war machines and armies to drive VIOLENT CONFRONTATIONS AND WARS. The geopolitical initiatives to manage humanity’s actions concerning a globally overheating economy, an exponential demographic growth rate, and a generalized destructive pressure on the living environment on earth are lacking efficiency and power. The GLOBAL SOUTH is not convinced by the suggestions and actions of the Western power elites.
EUROPE AND THE WEST are losing their last battle. Hence, it is high time for Europe and the Western nations to look for an honorable and peaceful outcome.
PRAGMATIC AND FEASIBLE STEPS for a WAY OUT OF THE CRISIS IN EUROPE are shown in the book. A CHANGE IN THE MINDSET IN EUROPE and a PARADIGM SHIFT IN POLITICS are demanded.

This article tries to reconstruct the figure of Walter Hallstein, as an emblematic representative (practical and theoretical) of the fundamental directions taken, over the decades, by the development of European integration. Thus, we attempt to analyze some essential elements of its theoretical-legal conception, to emphasize the critical links with the ideological dimension of the Union’s structure. First, we provide a brief comparison with other theorists of European integration. Secondly, we trace, specifically, some fundamental thematic elements that emerge from internal reflection on Hallstein’s writings. Thirdly, we highlight the similarities with the theoretical positions of that complex of doctrines attributable to the so-called German ‘ordoliberalism’. Considering these analytical passages, we try to argue the profound connection of Hallstein’s perspective with some founding paradigms of the architectural structure of the Eu, which see the centrality of law as one of the key elements. The perspective of the German politician and jurist sees the legal dimension as the indefectible requirement for a solid and structured European integration (even if this does not exclude the importance of politics and economics). The centrality of law is what reveals the relevance of Hallstein’s positions to understand, on a genealogical level, and from a philosophical-political profile, a good part of the historical and institutional developments of the Eu.

To sign the treaty creating the European Coal and Steel Community (ECSC) the foreign ministers of Belgium, France, the Federal Republic of Germany, Italy, Luxembourg and the Netherlands met in Paris in April 1951. In a solemn Joint Declaration they stressed that through the newly created organisation, 'the Contracting Parties have given their determination to set up the first supranational institution and thus lay the real foundations of an organised Europe'. 1 The ministers represented the ECSC as a radical rupture with history, as if Europe had been completely disorganised until the new organisation's creation. In a similar vein, the ECSC Treaty emphasised the member states' resolution 'to substitute for historic rivalries a fusion of their essential interests; to establish, by creating an economic community, the foundation of a broad and independent community amongst peoples long divided by bloody conflicts'. 2 Since 1951 official European Union (EU) documents and other sources have forged a similar image, one which has been undergirded by assumptions about the creation of the 'core Europe' of the ECSC as a collective 'supranational' break with a past characterised by severe ideological divisions and extreme nationalism.

In a typical conversation about twentieth-century European history, the subject of war will almost certainly arise-whether it is the Great War, the Second World War, or the Cold War. Similarly, historians who write about contemporary European history often view war as the twentieth century's iconic event. In fact, many scholars rely on Europe's political history, rife as it is with military confl ict, to set the timeframe for their work. The infl uential historian Eric Hobsbawn, for example, defi ned the twentieth century as beginning with the First World War and ending with the collapse of the Soviet Union; Hobsbawn named this period-1914 to 1991-The Short Twentieth Century. Indeed, the topic of war and rupture has dominated the discourse on Europe in the twentieth century-and understandably so. We, the editors and authors of the Making Europe series, however, have taken an alternative approach to our subject. We offer a European history viewed through the lens of technology rather than war. We believe that a European history with technology at its core can help to understand the continuities that have endured despite the rupture of wars. Making Europe places continuities-from the rise of institutions like CERN to the evolution of hacker networks-in a longer-term perspective. The Making Europe narrative suggests x Making Europe: An Introduction to the Series

L’histoire de l’intégration européenne est singulière car animée par un puissant courant critique. Il repose sur la stigmatisation d’une histoire censée être complaisante envers une dynamique technocratique et issue en partie de Vichy. Or l’étude de l’historiographie francophone de l’histoire de l’intégration européenne permet au contraire de réfuter ces critiques en les remettant en perspective dans une histoire plus globale, à l’image d’un champ qui s’est considérablement renouvelé en s’ouvrant. L’Union européenne n’est plus étudiée comme un isolat, mais comme une partie de dynamiques historiques qu’elle éclaire d’une lumière révélatrice.

European integration history evolves toward normalization. It is not more teleological or inward-looking than other fields. The critical perspective has always been present in European integration history, including by its most famous representative, Alan Milward himself, and has grown stronger ever since.
Amid a blossoming field, three debates have emerged that clearly link European integration history to other fields: i.e., globalization, institutions and economics. The first two debates are especially useful to understand the specificity of European integration compared to other forms of international cooperation, while the third reinserts it into a broader evolution of economic models also visible at the national and international levels.

The Unfinished History of European Integration is a companion to the history of the European Union. From the aftermath of the First World War to the EU of 27 member states and Russia’s invasion of Ukraine, it guides the reader past the main events, crucial sites and key actors that shaped the EU we know today. How did it evolve from a market project to a geopolitical force, what explains the expansion of its membership, institutions, policies and the resistance to this growth, and why does it function as it does?

This book provides more than just a chronological account of over seventy years of European integration. It also shows how observers past and present have made sense of the EU. The Unfinished History of European Integration is therefore a unique introduction for readers with different disciplinary backgrounds to understanding the EU. If over seventy years of European integration have taught us anything, it is that fundamental crises as well as moments of rapid institutional change have been constants in its history.

Manuel López Escudero, así como a todos los autores que han contribuido a la elaboración de esta excelente obra, por la publicación del presente volumen. Nos encontramos ante una obra que constituye una referencia inexcusable para todos los especialistas en la acción exterior de la UE, así como para todos aquellos interesados en conocer con profundidad los desafíos políticos y jurídicos a los que se enfrenta la acción exterior de la UE en un momento de gran incertidumbre sobre el futuro del proceso de integración europea.

Die Projekte Typology of Francophonies (ToF) und Romance Languages in Africa (RoLA) sind dem Französischen in der Welt gewidmet. Seine soziolinguistische Situation, Sprachgeschichte und sprachlichen Charakteristika sowie die ihm geltende interne und externe Sprachpolitik werden für jede einzelne Frankophonie dargestellt. ToF betrachtet dabei auch einige Gegenden Frankreichs genauer und erlaubt so, Unterschiede und Gemeinsamkeiten bei der Entwicklung des Französischen in seinem wichtigsten Kernland und späteren Expansionsgebieten herauszuarbeiten. RoLA nimmt zudem portugiesisch-und spanischsprachige Länder Afrikas sowie die ehemaligen italienischen Kolonien in den Blick und legt damit insbesondere den Vergleich der afrikanischen Frankophonien mit den Hispanophonien und Lusophonien Afrikas nahe. Beide Projekte zeichnen sich durch ihre Kohärenz aus: Alle Gebiete werden nach einheitlichen Analysekriterien beschrieben und bezüglich der Mehrsprachigkeit vor Ort perspektiviert (vgl. Reutner 2017, in Vorbereitung). Im Hinblick auf ihre Sprachgeschichte lassen sich die Frankophonien nach der Dauer unterscheiden, in der die Gegenden dem französischen Einfl uss ausgesetzt waren. In den Kerngebieten konnte sich das Französische direkt aus dem Latein entwickeln und somit frühestmöglich etablieren. Ausgehend von diesen Gegenden wurde es in Expansionsgebiete getragen. Dabei stellen sich nicht nur späte Expansionsgebiete, die im Zuge des ersten und zweiten Kolonialreichs zu Frankreich kamen, als solche

Отношение Шарля Морраса к Великой Французской
Революции – важная часть идеологии французского монархизма,
позволяющая ознакомиться с настроениями, внутри лиги «Action
Française». Так же эта часть моррасовской идеологии была заимствована праворадикальными движениями в самой Франции и вне её, она подпитывала фашистские движения по всему миру, контрреволюционные, антимарксистские и антидемократические по своей природе.
The attitude of Charles Morras to the Great French Revolution is an important part of the ideology of French monarchist, which allows to get
acquainted with the moods within the league «Action Française». Similarly, this part of Maurrassisme was borrowed by right-wing radical movements within and outside France, and it fueled fascist movements around the world, counterrevolutionary, anti-Marxist, and anti-democratic in nature.

This study is motivated by Ernest Haas's Neo-Functionalism Theory in International Relations that emerged in the 1950s. Post-World War II European strategies have been heavily influenced by a shift towards political and economic integration amongst European states. This contrasted the traditional realist perspective focused on maximizing individual state interests, a viewpoint often associated with instigating historical conflicts like the two world wars. Building on the inception of the European Coal and Steel Community (ECSC) in 1951, scholarly discourse indicates that neo-functionalism, particularly through Haas's 'Spillover' effect, can enhance insight into the European Union's contemporary politics. The 'Spillover' effect posits that integration in one policy area among sovereign states triggers cascading effects into other policy domains under specific conditions. Haas stipulates that neofunctionalism is pertinent in settings characterized by industrialized economies, robust political mobilization, and leadership within accepted democratic norms. Neofunctionalism elucidates international regional integration through three interrelated factors: escalating economic interdependence, enhanced dispute resolution mechanisms, and the establishment of supranational market rules superseding national regulations. This research delves into the East Mediterranean region's energy landscape, focusing on newly discovered gas reserves in Egypt and Israel. It scrutinizes how energy resources serve as a catalyst for economic cooperation potential in the region, fostering cross-border energy collaboration and laying groundwork for broader economic and political synergies in the East Mediterranean.