Democratic consolidation

Physically, from the rest of Asia, Pakistan is separated in the north by the Hindu Kush, Karakoram, and the Himalaya high ring of mountain chains. Other mountain ranges are going down on the Pakistani western side to the Arabian Sea. Below them is the long and broad valley of the Indus River. The Province of the NorthWest Frontier contains the strategically very important Khyber Pass, which is very high. Toward the south is the Punjab plateau. It is watered by the tributaries of the Indus River, where wheat is grown. However, to the east is the Thar Desert. It is important to stress that between the Sind Desert, which covers part of the Indus delta, and Baluchistan in the western hills, there are large reserves of natural gas and, to a certain extent, oil, which is also found in Punjab.

I would like to emphasize that even with specialized laws and institutions and even with the support from groups like non-government organizations ... the fight against corruption will never be easy unless society also takes a hard look at its values'.

I would like to emphasize that even with specialized laws and institutions and even with the support from groups like non-government organizations ... the fight against corruption will never be easy unless society also takes a hard look at its values'.

The pivotal role of the legislature as the law making body in all democracies is further reinforced by its duty of legislative oversight on the other two arms of government. This important role which is meant to ensure that the implementation of the law reflects the legislative intent, usually pitch the legislature against the executive in even older and emerging democracies like Nigeria. The instrument of legislative oversight has been employed since the return to democratic rule in 1999 in Nigeria. Unfortunately, the Nigerian National Assembly has not been seen to have performed this role creditably because of the Nigerian political environment.. The key objective of this study therefore, is to assess the role of the political environment on the performance of legislative oversight role by the Nigerian National Assembly. Qualitative data for the study was obtained through secondary sources, which was analyzed using content analysis. Since the issue of oversight involves the actions, struggles, bargaining and negotiations between two arms, the Game theory was used as the theoretical framework for the study. The findings indicate that the party system, the nature of politics, legislative capacity, political capacity and the character of the state have all conspired to adversely affect the ability of the National Assembly to perform its role in this direction. In the light of the above, it is recommended that there is need for serious changes in the party system, the nature of politics and character of the state, while both the legislative and political capacity of the Nigerian National Assembly need to be highly enhanced for it to be able to perform its oversight functions well.

Hace más de dos décadas ha iniciado la polémica en torno a la identificación de la mejor forma de gobierno en América Latina y sus consecuencias para la estabilidad democrática. Esto ha ocasionado que diversos y varios académicos hayan identificado los argumentos que se recogen en la primera parte de este artículo, para considerar más o menos óptimo el régimen presidencial. En la segunda parte, se sintetizan los fundamentos e interpretaciones que se han sostenido alrededor de los fenómenos que acontecen en el presidencialismo, como las caídas presidenciales y el multipartidismo extremo. Para finalizar el artículo, se condensan las principales posturas que han dado respuesta al perpetuo debate de "parlamentarismo versus presidencialismo".

Recent studies of Cambodia centre on the Khmer Rouge period, but both books under review cover the more recent period of Cambodia's democratic experiment during and after the United Nations Transitional Authority in Cambodia (UNTAC) sponsored elections of 1993. Both are written by two eminently qualified individuals: a seasoned peacekeeper and international bureaucrat originally from Indonesia -Benny Widyono -and a Cambodian-Canadian scholar of postconflict peacebuilding and democratization -Sorpong Peou. To be sure, Widyono's and Peou's books fall under different genres: the former is a vivid autobiographical narrative while the latter is a study teeming with erudition. But they each represent valuable contributions to the body of knowledge on post-conflict Cambodia, as well as the practice and theory of peacebuilding and democratization. Combining them both in a single book review is a challenge to say the least. Suffice it to say that Widyono's writing could use the precision and clarity of a more scholarly and rigorous methodological style, while Peou's work could, at times, be livenedup a bit with a more personal narrative style. Widyono's book is engrossing -though riddled with annoying erratas -while Peou's first three chapters (contained in Part 1: The Analytical Framework) are outstanding in terms of reviewing the scholarly literature and establishing a conceptual framework.

This isn’t just another biography of a billionaire; it delves into
the complex symbolism of Elon Musk and what he embodies in
today's world. It paints a picture of a society precariously
balanced on the edge, where the influence of unchecked power,
the rapid advancement of groundbreaking technologies, and the
erosion of ethical standards converge in a compelling and
sometimes alarming narrative. Through Musk’s journey, the
book invites readers to reflect on the implications of such a
dynamic—both promising and perilous—for our collective
future.

Discover the explosive story behind the most significant political shift in modern America – the death of the corporate Democratic Party and the stunning rise of a new Social Democratic left.

Who is Zoran Mamdani? The hidden architect you’ve never heard of. From immigrant roots to digital firebrand, Mamdani co-founded Justice Democrats with a simple, radical vow: ”No Corporate Money. Ever.” His strategy? A relentless grassroots insurgency targeting the Democratic establishment itself.

The European Council Helsinki Summit marked the initiation of the rapprochement procedure between Turkey and Greece, a dyad that for many decades was a source of instability in the Eastern part of Europe. After 1999, Greece abandoned the "Cold War rhetoric" in its relations with Turkey and shifted its foreign policy towards a more moderate stance by raising its veto regarding Turkey's accession in the European Union (EU). Greece's new foreign policy has many common elements with the Democratic Peace Theory of international relations. Hence, this thesis asks the following question: do the Greco-Turkish peaceful relations from 1999 until today fits the Democratic Peace Theory? By examining the three pillars of the theory, namely economic interdependence, consolidation of democracy and common participation in intergovernmental organization, the thesis concludes that the Democratic Peace Theory cannot explain the Greco-Turkish rapprochement procedure initiated by Greece after 1999.

The Niger Delta issue besides attracting impressive attention continues to linger due to failure to find plausible explanation for issues of the region. The discourse woven around this issue leaves two clear lines of argument. One sees the region responsible for her development woes, the other hold the alleged flawed Nigerian federal system, responsible for the challenges of the region. This paper relied on triangulation of data to argue that the issue of the Niger Delta lingers because of injustice in the Nigerian governance. The paper concludes that inclusive governance capable of giving the troubled oil-bearing region needed sense of belonging, would be able to bring peace to the region. The paper found inverted justice system in resource politics in Nigeria responsible for the continued agitation of the Niger Delta region. It concludes that true federalism be adopted in Nigeria to birth healthy competition for development.

Six general elections have been held in Zanzibar after the reintroduction of multi-party politics in 1992. A longitudinal analysis of the Zanzibar political context indicates that from the first general election, which was held in 1995, to the sixth election in 2020, the electoral results have been intensely contested, and at times followed by electoral violence and a lasting political stalemate known locally as 'Mpasuko wa Kisiasa'. While these electoral contestations and violence are evident, they are also mere symptoms of the struggle. The real reasons and the underlying causes of the conflict lie deeper in the malfunctioning democratic system manifested through the absence of a level playing field, allegations of election rigging, harassment of opposition supporters and refusal to honor the voters' will. Drawing on Mao Tse-tung's theory of contradiction, this paper interrogates the underlying issues under dispute within the broader discourse of democratic consolidation. The paper presents the nature of the conflict as a recourse to democratic consolidation, in an attempt to push for both institutional reforms and building a democratic culture. It argues that the conflict is an inevitable cause, perpetuated in defence of democracy defined in both political and material sense, and that the durable resolution of the conflict does not depend on the will of individual actors but initiatives targeting societal healing and undertaking democratic reforms.

Nigeria is home to many religions, so politics and power play a big role in how different religious groups relate to each other. This paper examines how power and politics influence inter-religious relationships in Nigeria. This paper uses existing studies and data to show how political leaders use religious differences to push their agendas. When groups are competing for power and money, these actions can sometimes lead to fights. The paper finds that power and politics have caused tension between religious groups and made conflicts worse. It concludes that to improve inter-religious relations, there must be a better understanding of how power and politics shape these issues, with solutions focusing on the root causes of religious conflict Nigeria is a pluralistic country, so this article recommends that religious groups. This paper recommends inter-religious dialogue between religious groups, creating fair and inclusive governance, and ensuring that politics does not Favor just one religion since Nigeria is a pluralistic society. It also suggests addressing poverty and inequality and supporting organizations that promote peace and understanding among different religions

This dissertation analyzes the current decline of constitutionalism and democratic principles in a deliberately selected comparative sample of nations. This study employs a mixed-methods strategy that integrates cross-national quantitative indicators with comprehensive process tracing to investigate the reasons and mechanisms behind the susceptibility of constitutions and constitutional practices, previously conducive to liberal democratic governance, to systematic erosion. I construct a theoretical framework that conceptualizes constitutionalism as a collection of statutory regulations, institutional safeguards, and informal conventions. The analysis delineates prevalent erosion mechanisms-instrumental constitutional alteration, judiciary capture, electoral management politicization, suppression of civil society and media, and abuse of emergency powers-and contrasts their sequencing across various examples. The study develops a typology of erosion pathways and provides specific policy recommendations for local and international stakeholders seeking to enhance constitutional resilience.

El objetivo general del trabajo de investigacion es analizar el papel de la economia informal en dos ciudades de America Latina siendo estas: Oaxaca de Juarez Mexico y Barranquillas Colombia. La metodologia aplicada fue de trabajo de campo en la ciudad de Oaxaca de Juarez aplicando un cuestionario a una poblacion de 150 personas que laboran en este sector, al visitar la ciudad de Barranquillas en una estancia de investigacion en el ano 2017, en la Universidad de Negocios, en esa ciudad se nos indico que no era viable hacer el trabajo de campo por la inseguridad que se vive al interior de la poblacion que labora en la informalidad, por lo que con fuentes de informacion secundaria se averiguaron los datos de la poblacion que labora en el sector informal y de los niveles de pobreza de ambas ciudades, unidades de analisis. A traves del programa SPSS 20 se dio respuesta a la hipotesis de investigacion en donde al menos una de las variables: pobreza y capacidad productiva se relaciona con...

Lesotho general elections have been characterised by illegitimate conflicts since preindependence elections in 1965. These conflicts have had a detrimental effect on the country's already weak economy and have sometimes claimed human lives. While it does not, in and of itself, constitute a sufficient political condition for democracy, elections are a critical ingredient in this political system. It is therefore important that elections held are free and fair, and the results are accepted by all the stakeholders. Due to the ambiguity of the concept of 'free and fair elections', several regional, continental and international bodies came up with the guidelines of what is to qualify as free and fair elections. Despite being mostly declared as free and fair by the observers, Lesotho's elections have never been accepted by all participants. This research sought to understand the nature of election-related conflict and what needs to be done to arrest the eruption of such conflict in Lesotho. It sought the opinions of selectively respondents who have been involved in the conflicts in different ways. The interviews and documented literature revealed that what constitutes a background to election-related conflict involves issues that are many and varied. Among others such issues include the following: weak political institutions, use of vulgar language by political leadership, and the weak economy that intensifies neo-patrimonial tendencies. The research concluded that all the factors associated with the eruption of illegitimate conflicts during and after general elections in Lesotho are a result of the politicians' desire to retain or capture national resources to satisfy their selfish interests and those of their cronies. The conflicts could be minimised if the country's economy could be transformed to provide the politicians with alternatives of economic survival outside the structures of government. Furthermore, to minimise the conflict, the country should consider establishing electoral courts. These have the potential of speeding up the resolution of electoral grievances, in the process preventing them from graduating into serious conflicts.

The May 2012 general elections in Lesotho were held in the best political climate since democracy returned to the country in 1993. Even the minor disputes that surfaced were resolved speedily before they could graduate into serious election-related conflict. The elections were historic in that the results were not disputed. In addition, for the first time in the country's history the elections failed to produce a clear winner, hence the formation of a coalition government. The elections also resulted in a change of leadership, bringing to an end Pakalitha Mosisili's 14-year rule. The article contends that the peaceful conduct of the elections was the result of the amendments made to the country's electoral laws and the preparedness of the Independent Electoral Commission. It goes further to show how the Democratic Congress, the party with a relative majority of parliamentary seats, came to be omitted from the coalition government and was relegated to the opposition. All these, the article argues, are positive developments in the country's move towards democratic consolidation.

Lesotho general elections have been characterised by illegitimate conflicts since preindependence elections in 1965. These conflicts have had a detrimental effect on the country's already weak economy and have sometimes claimed human lives. While it does not, in and of itself, constitute a sufficient political condition for democracy, elections are a critical ingredient in this political system. It is therefore important that elections held are free and fair, and the results are accepted by all the stakeholders. Due to the ambiguity of the concept of 'free and fair elections', several regional, continental and international bodies came up with the guidelines of what is to qualify as free and fair elections. Despite being mostly declared as free and fair by the observers, Lesotho's elections have never been accepted by all participants. This research sought to understand the nature of election-related conflict and what needs to be done to arrest the eruption of such conflict in Lesotho. It sought the opinions of selectively respondents who have been involved in the conflicts in different ways. The interviews and documented literature revealed that what constitutes a background to election-related conflict involves issues that are many and varied. Among others such issues include the following: weak political institutions, use of vulgar language by political leadership, and the weak economy that intensifies neo-patrimonial tendencies. The research concluded that all the factors associated with the eruption of illegitimate conflicts during and after general elections in Lesotho are a result of the politicians' desire to retain or capture national resources to satisfy their selfish interests and those of their cronies. The conflicts could be minimised if the country's economy could be transformed to provide the politicians with alternatives of economic survival outside the structures of government. Furthermore, to minimise the conflict, the country should consider establishing electoral courts. These have the potential of speeding up the resolution of electoral grievances, in the process preventing them from graduating into serious conflicts.

The May 2012 general elections in Lesotho were held in the best political climate since democracy returned to the country in 1993. Even the minor disputes that surfaced were resolved speedily before they could graduate into serious election-related conflict. The elections were historic in that the results were not disputed. In addition, for the first time in the country's history the elections failed to produce a clear winner, hence the formation of a coalition government. The elections also resulted in a change of leadership, bringing to an end Pakalitha Mosisili's 14-year rule. The article contends that the peaceful conduct of the elections was the result of the amendments made to the country's electoral laws and the preparedness of the Independent Electoral Commission. It goes further to show how the Democratic Congress, the party with a relative majority of parliamentary seats, came to be omitted from the coalition government and was relegated to the opposition. All these, the article argues, are positive developments in the country's move towards democratic consolidation.

This article proposes a civil-military control model for the United States and Israel, exemplified by the partial empirical application among Israeli citizen-soldiers, who fulfill dual roles as civilians and military personnel over extended periods, particularly during wartime, highlighting the unique attributes of civil-military relations in that nation. The senior civil officials at the Ministry of Defense, the Knesset, and the Prime Minister possess extensive experience in civilian oversight of the military, which they have gained, though not entirely, through prior life experience in civil-military cooperation during critical periods for the nation's safety and the freedom of its citizens (Levy 2012).Consequently, they acquired much of what other nations must learn not only through formal education and training, but through life experiences and the application of their intuition and strategic reasoning. The requisite knowledge has yet to be articulated, and this article does not aim to provide a comprehensive essay or book on the knowledge, education, formation, and training required by the civilian sector. The model presented below is relevant in numerous countries; nonetheless, this article cannot present the situation in more countries, and it cannot supplant future writings on the yet-inexistent knowledge, education, formation especially of the civilian sector.

This paper assessed the quality of Ghana's democracy along eight dimensions of democratic quality. The empirical basis of the study is information from 80 interviews and secondary sources. The evidence showed that there are intra-dimension and inter-dimension differences, in Ghana's democratic quality performance and the dimensions do not co-vary. It also found that there is a gap between the demand for democracy and the supply of it. It further established that the causes of the democratic quality deficits are both internal and external. These findings speak of democratic backsliding and democratic careening in the literature-where the political involvement of citizens is limited to voting which is declining in quality, while they are ignored between elections, and they have little possibility of controlling corruption, or abuse of citizens' rights or misgovernment; and where democracy is such that it lurches, swerves, sways, and threatens to tip over. Suggestions for resolving the democratic deficits are proffered, failing to implement which, Ghana's fledgling democracy, which has shown signs of deterioration, will worsen.

First and foremost, I thank Allah for the blessings He has bestowed on me. He gave me the opportunity to get an education and to further my education even when my paths became rough and tunnels too dark. He always provided me with the hope to keep me going and the light to guide my ways. Alhamdulillah! My advisor and committee chair, Dr. David Yellin, has been extraordinarily flexible and genuinely generous with his time. He read and reread my work, guided and counseled me. Without him, this work would not have been possible. I cannot thank him enough. My committee members have been very supportive and kind throughout the program. Dr. Nadine Olson's sincere advice and help, her availability to listen and guide, to mentor and support were beyond what I would expect from a committee member. She remains an inspiration. Dr. Robert Nolan's mentoring and insightful remarks have been very helpful in strengthening the methodology of my study. Dr. Sue Parsons' recommendations have helped me keep my writing scholarly. Dr. Hongyu Wang's support and insights have helped me shape my ideas and thoughts into a coherent piece. My committee members, thank you very much for all you have contributed to this study and to my success toward graduation. My friends have been of help and inspiration as well. Mokhtar Al-Zuraiki has been trying sincerely to make me study when I felt too stressed to do so and to cheer me up when I felt down. Thank you my friend. My wonderful roommates Abdullah & Nasrat iv Touqan were kind enough not only to put up with a dysfunctional roommate, but also to help with chores. In Yemen, Mahyoub Haza, Mohammed Al-Qadhi, Dr. Yehia Al-Sohbani, and Ali Al-Maqtary have all been very supportive. Thank you my friends. My family in Yemen deserves my most sincere gratitude. My mother's prayers and her sleepless nights thinking of me have been very strengthening. My brothers and sisters (Ali, Fatimah, Shams, Mohammed, Qaed, Hameed, Abdulbaqi, and Abdulkafi) have all contributed to my success. Ali, thank you for all your love and devotion to the well-being of the family. Mohammed, thank you for planting the first seeds of ambition in me. Dr. Qaed, thank you for caring for everyone in the family, Hameed, thank you for educating, training, and protecting me as I was learning the world, Abdulbaqi, thank you for all your sacrifices for my education, Abdulkafi, thank you for your encouragement even while hiding your own struggles so that I don't feel stressed. My loving sisters, Fatimah and Shams, thank you very much for your feelings and prayers. And last but not least, my better half, my sweet love, my wife, Kateba and my two wonderful sons, Abdulrahman and Eyas have been the joy of my life and the true inspiration for me to continue till the end. My wife's sacrifices have been limitless. She gave me all her time and love. I remain indebted. v DEDICATION To the soul of the kindest and most loving teacher I have ever known, my late father, ABDULRAHMAN SUFIAN, who passed away in 2005. You instilled in me love for people and patience without limits. Your patience was always coupled with hope; your kindness with strength, your selfless love with reasonable pride. I know you left this world with an empty eye that needed to be filled with my image before you closed it for good. I know that I promised to come home in time for you to see me, but never did. I know that my studies prevented me from fulfilling your last desire. But I also know that you wished to see my success more than anything else in the world. And I know you will forgive me. I cannot but very humbly dedicate my work to your pure loving soul. I miss you so much and pray to Allah to accept me in heaven so I get to see you again and fulfill my promise to you. Amen! vi

This study analyzes voters' apathy in the Edo State House of Assembly election held on March 18 th , 2023. The paper compares the unexpectedly high turnout for the presidential election with the significantly low turnout rate of just 16.63% for the House Assembly election. The research methodology employed in this study involved a thorough review of various secondary sources such as journals articles and newspapers. The study results identified electoral violence, fraud, and intimidation which were witnessed in the presidential election as the factors that generated voter apathy in the State House of Assembly election in Edo State, Nigeria. The study concludes that it is imperative to increase voter participation in subsequent elections in Edo State, Nigeria. The study recommends that electoral institutions should take proactive measures to ensure a peaceful and transparent voting process, while voters should be encouraged to exercise their democratic rights by participating in the electoral process.

T he Political parties are one of the most important aspects of electioneering. They serve as a platform where qualified citizenship representation can be processed and the aspiration of governmental positions can be achieved. Political parties under a liberal democratic system are expected to deepen democracy by ensuring credible, free, and fair primaries in selecting their various candidates for elective positions that would advance public welfare in line with party manifestos. However, politics within different political parties are intriguing. Politics within and among the various political parties in Nigeria can determine the mood of the electioneering period which can affect the election's winner, leading to either good or bad governance. Adopting a qualitative research approach and the group theory as a theoretical framework the study finds that unavailability and lack of adherence to procedure, nepotism, godfatherism, ethnicity, disrespect for the rule of law, oppression, manipulation, abuse of the electoral system can throw some doubt as to whether political parties can promote credible, free and fair electoral process in Nigeria. The study
concludes that the mechanism for a candidate‘s emergence in Nigeria is to a great extent exclusive of the input of the masses. The study recommends that the Nigerian political system needs to be demonetized, political education needs to be improved through functional basic education, and the economy needs to be strengthened so that individuals are less inclined to enter politics out of laziness or the belief that it is a quick way to get rich.

Malawians will go to the polls on 20 May 2014 to select their next leaders. In an Afrobarometer1 poll conducted 6 to 8 weeks before the election, Malawians express strong confidence in their ability to vote as they choose, but also concerns about the freeness and fairness of the overall process, especially the vote count. Given uncertainty about registration and turnout levels among Malawian youth, as well as the significant number of respondents who did not reveal a vote choice, the election remains too close to call.

The study evaluates the views of the public regarding the potential negative effects of escalating political tensions on the peaceful conduct of the Weija-Gbawe Constituency elections in 2024. A mixed-methods approach was used to investigate the topic in depth. This study's main emphasis was the Weija-Gbawe Constituency. The sample population consisted of 120 persons from a variety of backgrounds, including residents, CSOs, local party executives, police, magistrates/ judges, and the Electoral Commission. It was restricted to the Weija-Gbawe Constituency and comprised qualified adult voters. Purposive sampling was used in the study, and KoboToolbox was used to conduct electronic interviews that yielded data. The analysis comprised of the utilization of frequencies and percentages, which were further reinforced by the inclusion of visual aids such as charts, graphs, and tables. The research discovered that the advantage of incumbency and the impression of injustice further intensified grievances. Political tensions arose due to competition, accusations of electoral manipulation, and disagreements on the results of elections. The research findings indicate that the establishment of a comprehensive legal structure for maintaining order and resolving disputes, coupled with the implementation of improved electoral education, is vital for the promotion of a peaceful election system. The recommendation highlights the significance of addressing misinformation, promoting equitable media representation, and implementing regulations to mitigate premature assertions of election outcomes on social media platforms. In order to attain these objectives, it is imperative for the Electoral Commission to provide priority to media literacy education.

Volumes have been written on the behavioral nature of the human species, and this essay will not likely add anything significant to the intellectual vitality of credible peer reviewed literature. Perhaps a few observations will serve, as a minimum, to stimulate reasoned, thought, measured judgment, and more prudent decisions among an informed and educated populus of citizens. It seems necessary that these basic axioms of intellectual attainment should become overpoweringly popular thought beyond the apparent dysfunctional machinations of a current political system and its practitioners that have clearly run astray from this country's foundational principles of governance.

This study explores the concept of good governance from an Islamic perspective and its relevance to addressing Pakistan's governance challenges. Drawing on the ethical and institutional teachings of the Qur'an, Hadith, and the Prophetic model, it identifies justice ('Adalah), trust (Amanah), consultation (Shura), and accountability as the key pillars of Islamic governance. Governance in Pakistan and the divergence between Islamic ideals and the realities of contemporary politics were examined using textual analysis of Islamic sources and historical case studies. The findings reveal that although the Pakistani Constitution incorporates certain guiding principles of Islam, effective governance has failed to materialize due to political corruption, instability, weak rule of law, and the absence of moral leadership. The study calls for restoring public trust, enhancing institutional efficiency, and strengthening national integrity through the adoption of Prophetic leadership virtues-transparency, humility, ethical justice, and consultative decision-making. Ultimately, the research proposes a comprehensive framework for rethinking governance in Pakistan, not through a theocratic model, but through a governance system that harmonizes timeless Islamic values with democracy, accountability, and people-centered governance. This study contributes both to Islamic political thought and to practical policymaking for sustainable reform in Muslim-majority societies.

不少國家基於防衛性民主的理念，建立強制解散政黨制度。惟此制度涉及政黨競爭與司法審查的公平性、國家的價值取向與政黨自主性，而具有高度爭議性及複雜性，遂成為政黨政治之重大課題。
本文探討四項研究問題：第一，國家強制解散政黨制度設立之歷史背景與立法目的？第二，為防濫用所建準則對歐亞國家制度發展之影響？第三，歐亞國家相關法規與司法判決，是否呈現某種發展趨勢與共通特徵？第四，綜合前述分析，進一步探討此類規範對我國現行制度可能提供之借鏡與改革建議，期能作為學術討論與實務調整之參考。
本文以文獻分析法，分析92個歐亞國家強制解散政黨之相關規範及判決，據以探究國家強制解散政黨之合理界限。研究發現，歐亞國家法規上多以「暴力使用」與「違憲行為」作為構成要件，判決上則以「是否合乎急迫的社會需求」為審查基準，如政黨使用暴力或其行為構成對特定群體的威脅而危害人權。建議我國未來制度設計參照此等構成要件與審查標準，以兼顧民主防衛與政黨自由。

and brings over 25 years of handson experience in governance reform, civic engagement, and humanitarian policy across the Horn of Africa and the United States. His work is grounded in the belief that inclusive institutions, civic trust, and ethical leadership are central to building peaceful and resilient societies.

Nana Addo Dankwa Akufo­Addo, the 72­year­old flagbearer of the opposition party, the New Patriotic Party (NPP) was declared the winner of Ghana’s 2016 presidential elections by the Electoral Commission (EC) more than 48 hours after the elections took place. He defeated the incumbent, John Dramani Mahama of the National Democratic Party (NDC) by taking 53.85 per cent of the vote while Mahama had a 44.40 per cent share of the valid votes. These figures exclude the results of four constituencies, Afram Plains North, Upper West Akyem, Tuna­Sawla­ Kalba and Tamale Central, which were still being collated. The results of these four constituencies, totaling about 120,000 votes were considered insignificant in changing the overall outcome of the elections. The total turnout was 68.62 per cent even though the EC expected 80 per cent. The total number of rejected ballots was 1.4 per cent, which while lower than the 2.23 per cent recorded in 2012, is still of concern and emphasises the point o...

The South African Institute of International Affairs (SAIIA) has a long and proud record as South Africa's premier research institute on international issues. It is an independent, non-government think-tank whose key strategic objectives are to make effective input into public policy, and to encourage wider and more informed debate on international affairs with particular emphasis on African issues and concerns. It is both a centre for research excellence and a home for stimulating public engagement. SAIIA's occasional papers present topical, incisive analyses, offering a variety of perspectives on key policy issues in Africa and beyond. Core public policy research themes covered by SAIIA include good governance and democracy; economic policy-making; international security and peace; and new global challenges such as food security, global governance reform and the environment. Please consult our website www.saiia.org.za for further information about SAIIA's work.

This paper presents a vital view of a contemporary perspective on dealing with historical challenges to national integration in Kenya. It bases its discussions behind three ideas emanating from the backdrop of both a historical ethno-political society and globalization pull-factors with emphasis on social media. There are three key objectives herein each of which is resultant on a domestic society to harness national cohesion and reconciliation in Kenya. These are; examine the relevance of inter-ethnic marriages; assess the contributions of the youth and social media in promoting unity; and examine the contribution of a university environment in promoting political socialization in transforming future political culture in Kenya. This study works on the finding that the contemporary political intolerance in Kenya is based on an underlying ideology of ethnic nationalism unconsciously or consciously promoted by ‘the politician’ therefore the persistence of both social-economic conflict...

The South African Institute of International Affairs (SAIIA) has a long and proud record as South Africa's premier research institute on international issues. It is an independent, non-government think-tank whose key strategic objectives are to make effective input into public policy, and to encourage wider and more informed debate on international affairs with particular emphasis on African issues and concerns. It is both a centre for research excellence and a home for stimulating public engagement. SAIIA's occasional papers present topical, incisive analyses, offering a variety of perspectives on key policy issues in Africa and beyond. Core public policy research themes covered by SAIIA include good governance and democracy; economic policy-making; international security and peace; and new global challenges such as food security, global governance reform and the environment. Please consult our website www.saiia.org.za for further information about SAIIA's work.

Do political-Islamic elites need to be democrats for participation in democracy, how do their values compare to secular elites’, and how do their values change through participation and affect democratization itself? A comparative-systematic content analysis of three Islamic-conservative and two pro-secular Turkish newspapers over nine years shows that, overall, political-Islamic elites adopt democratic political values. Furthermore, they began to view that liberal-democratic rights and freedoms serve their interests. However, value democratization, and, thus, moderation and democratization, is not a linear and inexorable process automatically resulting from participation or socioeconomic development. It occurs through ruptures such as conflicts with secular actors, and interdependently through the interactions of secular and religious actors. Hence, religious actors’ adoption of more democracy may paradoxically make some secular actors less democratic. The consolidation of pluralis...

Balkans (RRPP), which is run by the University of Fribourg upon a mandate of the Swiss Agency for Development and Cooperation, SDC, Federal Department of Foreign Affairs. The views expressed in this report are those of the authors and do not necessarily represent opinions of the SDC and the University of Fribourg.

As Bangladesh became increasingly authoritarian under Sheikh Hasina’s leadership (2009–2024), respondents to public opinion surveys became more likely to falsify attitudes about domestic politics, including their satisfaction with government and prime ministerial performance. In this article we apply preference falsification theory to a newly created dataset using publicly available survey data from one of the most widely circulated newspapers in Bangladesh, Prothom Alo (2009–2013), and from the International Republican Institute (2013–2023) to gain insights into domestic public opinion trends that reach beyond the results of the original surveys. By acknowledging that respondents were likely to have falsified responses to some extent in opinion surveys undertaken between 2009 and 2023, our study highlights patterns indicating lower levels of satisfaction with the performance of Bangladesh’s government, stronger public support for the opposition (and for an independent pre-election caretaker government) than are indicated by published public opinion survey results alone. These findings are particularly relevant in the aftermath of Bangladesh’s controversial 2024 election and the subsequent overthrow of Hasina’s Awami League administration.

Papers collected in this book were presented at an international scientific conference "Transition in CEE Countries: Experiences and Future Perspectives" which was held on November 3rd and 4th 2006 in Dubrovnik. The Conference was organized by the Political Science Research Centre Forum, in cooperation with the University of Dubrovnik. It gathered eminent scientists from Croatia and Europe that are positioned in different scientific orientations and points of view. Papers presented in this book discuss different transition phenomena, from general theoretical issues to very specific transformation processes in particular countries. Papers in this collection could be roughly divided into two main parts. The first one includes papers that analyze and discuss general theoretical and conceptual insights and consequences regarding transition processes. This is mainly the case with papers of the following authors: Philippe C. Schmitter, Anđelko Milardović, Pero Maldini and Mislav Kukoč. Their papers provide theoretical overviews of theories of consolidated democracy, Europeanization, socio-cultural values, multiculturalism and the issue of sovereignty. The second group consists of papers with more specific analysis; they are either focused on particular aspects of the transition process in CEE countries or they are aiming to offer a broader understanding of transition patterns in specific countries. This group of papers includes the works of Mate Szabo, Jacek Klich, Vladimira Dvorakova, Davorka Vidović, Davor Pauković, Tomaž Deželan and Damjan Lajh. Their papers examine subjects such as: dealing with the past and lustration, protests in countries pre- and post-1991, ideologies and their role in the transition process, citizenship and the nature of the franchise, as well as social policy change in terms of welfare in transition. Different theoretical approaches and thematic diversity of presented papers form a multidisciplinary character of this book. The studies mainly used the comparative approach, which is in theoretical and practical sense actually inherent to the subject of democratic transition. In the scope of social sciences this book has managed to offer a relatively wide image of specific features and different experiences of democratic transition, as well as of ways of thinking and interpreting contemporary social reality in the countries of Central and Eastern Europe.

The paper deals with Croatian democratization as the most important process of its political modernization and identifies the main facilitating and inhibiting factors and their influence on its outcomes. The analysis is carried out at the sociostructural, institutional-political and sociocultural levels, while the outcomes of democratization are evaluated in relation to the features of a consolidated (substantive) democracy and the basic features of political modernization. It is shown that the specific sociostructural and sociocultural features – modeled by contingent factors – had a decisive influence on the context, processes and actors of democratization and its outcomes. It turns out that elite-driven democratization in such a specific context produced further limited modernization. Despite the normative-institutional consolidation and stability of democracy, incomplete sociostructural modernization and sociocultural adaptation, as well as democratic deficits, indicate that the political modernization of Croatian society and the state is still an open process.

Croatia’s accession to the European Union (EU) meant, in political terms, the recognition of its political and normative-institutional achievements in the establishment of a nation state and the democracy. At the same time, for the vast majority of Croatian citizens EU membership also had a symbolic meaning: a departure from the troubled past and a return to the Western, European cultural circle, which they have always felt they belong to. This feeling is the source for the strong pro-European orientation, which, as state independence was being achieved, and democracy established—as an expression of the strong political will of Croatian citizens for freedom and autonomy—helped achieve those historical and political goals. The EU was perceived as a framework that would enable those goals to be realized, so there was a general political consensus about joining it among all relevant political actors, and the vast majority of Croatian citizens granted their consent. The path to full EU membership was long and arduous, primarily because of the specific conditions that marked the process of establishing a Croatian state and a democratic order. On the one hand, these are endogenous structural and socio-cultural factors: the structure and activity of political actors and the functioning of institutions, which were significantly marked by their authoritarian political and historical legacy. On the other hand, was a war of aggression and a struggle for freedom and independence with long-lasting and difficult social and political consequences. These specific conditions—which none of the other acceding countries had—slowed down the process of democratization and, consequently, hampered the EU accession process. All these reasons are why Croatia had the most comprehensive and longest accession negotiations, including the most extensive body of pre- accession conditions. Although the extent and duration of negotiations, as well as the lack of expected support from the EU (especially during the war) have led to an increase in Euroskepticism and criticism of the EU—and consequently to the low turnout in the referendum for accession—the pro-European orientation remained dominant in Croatia. In general, public support for EU accession in Croatia was based on a set of mutually connected factors: identity- based (cultural affiliation), institutional- political (democracy), and utilitarian (socioeconomic benefits). In the period after joining the EU, due to insufficient preparation, Croatia has relatively slowly used the opportunities (especially economic) provided by EU. Nevertheless, EU membership has accelerated the increase in institutional capacity and better use of European Structural and Investment Funds (ESIF). At the same time, the free movement of people, goods, capital, and services, and the opportunities brought by the open EU market, had a double impact: strengthening the economy due to greater orientation toward the EU market, but also slower economic growth, due to structural problems (the lingering power of the state, and regulations to the economy and the market) and increased emigration of the highly educated younger population (chronic labor-force deficit). Nonetheless, through Croatia’s participation in the EU institutions, the real benefits of full membership are becoming increasingly visible, and the sense of integration in the EU’s social, political, cultural, and economic space is growing stronger. At the same time, EU membership affects further improvement of the normative- institutional framework of Croatia.

Dr J Shola Omotola is Senior Lecturer in the Department of Political Science and Public Administration, Redeemer’s University, Nigeria; a visiting member of the editorial board of The Guardian newspaper, Lagos, and author of the award-winning essay, ‘Elections and Democratic Transition in Nigeria under the Forth Republic’, which appeared in African Affairs 109(437). He was runner-up for the 2012 African Scholar Award given by the African Affairs and African Studies Association, UK e-mail: sholaomotola@yahoo.com

It does this through a content analysis of the reports of domestic and international election monitoring groups and popular responses from civil society, opposition elements, mass media and notable individuals. The paper finds that public perceptions of the elections were highly negative. Opinions were canvassed widely, lending credibility to their validity and reliability, perceptions corroborated by the outcome of electoral petition tribunals which have nullified some elections. One inevitable conclusion was that the elections were the most flawed in the country's history. Some of the most notable irregularities were late commencement of voting, inadequate voting materials, lack of secrecy in the voting process, omission of names and/or pictures of some candidates from the ballot papers, prevalence of underage voting, ballot stuffing, rampant cases of ballot-box snatching at gun point, and falsification of results. Some actions of the new government, such as the call for a government of national unity and the institution of an electoral reform panel, suggest government's acceptance of the negative perceptions.

Election violence is common in many developing countries and has potentially detrimental implications for democratic consolidation. Drawing on political psychology, we argue that citizens' fear of campaign violence undermines support for democracy while increasing support for autocracy. Using individual-level survey data from 21 electoral democracies in Sub-Saharan Africa, we find robust support for our argument. Citizens fearing campaign violence are less likely to support democracy and multi-party competition, more likely to favor a return to autocracy, and less likely to turn out to vote. Our findings have important implications for democratic survival and provide further impetus for reducing electoral violence.

sociales y económicas del país y al mismo tiempo una profunda transformación de la sociedad española. Los primeros diez años de gobierno socialista constituyen la «edad dorada» del PSOE, cuando los distintos gabinetes presididos por Felipe González mantienen la iniciativa política frente a una oposición débil y sin rumbo, y se llevan a cabo la mayoría de las políticas reformistas, en muchios casos forzadas por la presión de los sindicatos.

This article addresses the question of how European integration shaped minority electoral strategies, which constitute the primary form of political mobilization among minorities in Central and Eastern Europe. Comparing six cases in five new member states of the EU -Hungarians in Romania and Slovakia; Russian-speakers in Estonia and Latvia; Poles and Russian-speakers in Lithuaniawe find that minority voters across the region pool electoral resources behind specific political parties considered most likely to pursue minority interests; regardless of how they began organizing politically in the early 1990s. We identify three aspects of Europeanization with important indirect impact on these developments.