Political Clientelism

Àngel Duarte L'1 de gener de 1904, en tornar d'una estada al sanatori de Durtol, al Migdia francès, on havia anat per recuperar-se de la malaltia contreta durant l'estada a la presó, Enric Prat de la Riba va escriure a les planes de La Veu de Catalunya l'article intitulat «De lluny», tantes vegades citat des d'aleshores. En ell, i entre d'altres coses, celebrava el seu retorn «en aqueixa Barcelona, cap y casal de Catalunya, que ha format y enamorat las nostras ánimas, que és centre de las nostras forsas, fornal de catalanisació, cor de la nostra rassa, que reb a riuadas las térbolas avingudas de las gentadas forasteras pera convertir-las en cos y sang de Catalunya». 1 Tota la retòrica que, abans i després de l'any de la citació, usarà el nacionalisme català per tal de referir-se al paper de l'urbs dins de la nació -cor i ronyons, bomba i filtre que activa la circulació i que barreja la raça de sempre amb la sang nova, convenientment depurada-es troba recollida en aquest petit fragment. Tres anys més tard, Joan Maragall, el poeta que havia de cantar la metròpoli «covarda i cruel i grollera», s'hi referia, en correspondència amb Pere Coromines -el qual, temps després, també escriuria la seva pròpia Apologia de Barcelona-, enmig d'un clamor pancatalanista. Després d'assegurar que la llengua comuna de gascons i provençals, catalans, valencians i mallorquins no era altra cosa que l'expressió d'un mateix tirat d'esperit, «un esperit planer de claredat i enteniment amb una gran follia que ens fa ben germans i hereus d'aquells que feren el dret civil i s'ull prengueren de la llum de Grècia», concretava quina havia de ser la nova Roma: «Barcelona! Barcelona nostra, catalana, occitana, llatina...». 2 Maragall estava aconsellant a qui passaria a ser el cap visible de l'esquerra catalanista entre la Setmana Tràgica i el Pacte de Sant Gervasi -això sí, molt poèticament-que no renunciés a dotar la Barcelona nacional d'un horitzó de plenitud. Un zenit que no podia ser altre que imperial. 3

Bu araştırma, dijitalleşmenin küresel mobiliteyi yeniden şekillendirdiği bir dönemde, dijital göçmenlik olgusunu ve göç süreçlerinde yapay zekâ (YZ) kullanımının etkilerini derinlemesine incelemeyi amaçlamaktadır. Dijital göçmenlik, çalışma ve yaşam mekânlarını dijital teknolojiler aracılığıyla esneten ve bireylere coğrafi bağımsızlık sağlayan yeni bir mobilite biçimi olarak tanımlanmıştır. Çalışmanın teorik çerçevesi, yeni hareketlilikler paradigması, dijital platform kapitalizmi ve veri etiği tartışmaları üzerine kurulmuştur. Çalışma nitel ağırlıklı bir karma yöntemle yürütülmüş; sistematik literatür taraması, politika dokümanlarının içerik analizi, seçilmiş YZ uygulamalarına ilişkin örnek olay incelemeleri ve 2024–2025 yılları arasında dijital göçmenler ve göç idaresi çalışanlarıyla gerçekleştirilen yarı yapılandırılmış görüşmelerden elde edilen veriler bir arada değerlendirilmiştir. Toplam 30 dijital göçmen ve beş kamu görevlisinin görüşleri tematik analiz yöntemiyle kodlanmıştır. Araştırma bulguları, dijital göçmenlerin bu yaşam tarzını tercih etmelerinin ardında özgürlük ve esneklik arayışı, ekonomik fırsatları değerlendirme, kültürel keşif ve küresel ağlara erişim gibi motivasyonların yattığını göstermiştir. Dijital göçmen vizeleri, katılımcıların mobilitesini kolaylaştırmış ve yerel ekonomilere katkı sağlamış, ancak gelir ve sigorta gibi koşullar nedeniyle eşitsizlikleri derinleştirmiştir. Göç yönetiminde YZ uygulamaları dil tespiti, sahte belge analizi ve başvuru triajı gibi alanlarda işlem hızını artırmış, fakat karar alma süreçlerinin şeffaf olmaması, algoritmik önyargılar ve veri gizliliği konularında ciddi endişelere yol açmıştır. Katılımcılar, otomatik sistemlerin hatalı sınıflandırma yapabildiğini ve itiraz mekanizmalarının yetersiz olduğunu belirtmişlerdir. Ayrıca, dijital göçmenliğin bazı destinasyonlarda gentrifikasyona ve yaşam maliyetlerinin artmasına katkıda bulunduğu, sosyal entegrasyonun sınırlı kaldığı tespit edilmiştir. Araştırma, YZ algoritmalarının şeffaf ve hesap verebilir biçimde tasarlanması, veri gizliliğinin korunması, dijital göçmen vizelerinin erişim kriterlerinin daha kapsayıcı hale getirilmesi ve yerel topluluklarla etkileşimi güçlendirecek sosyal programların geliştirilmesi gibi öneriler sunmaktadır. Bu bulgular, dijital göçmenlik fenomeninin yalnızca bireysel bir yaşam tarzı değil, aynı zamanda ekonomik, kültürel ve etik boyutları olan karmaşık bir süreç olduğunu ortaya koymakta ve gelecekte disiplinlerarası araştırmaların önemine dikkat çekmektedir.

Across Romania, natural resources have become the object of greed and massive investments. Regardless of the resource exploited, peasants’ lands are being grabbed and transformed, with effects that are far-reaching and often irrevocable. Lands are being grabbed for many purposes – agricultural, mining, energy, tourism, water resources, speculation – and entail not only control of the resources but also the power to decide on their use. This process is weakening rural economies and preventing the development of a dynamic rural sector.

The Constantinian Order is a subject of canon law, a religious military confraternity, confirmed and approved by successive Popes. It is not the property of any individual but is an autonomous institution governed by its own statutes, which limits the succession to the Grand Mastership, an ecclesiastical office, to the male primogeniture line of the House of Bourbon as heirs of the Farnese. This principle was reaffirmed in the statutes of 1934, revised in 1943, that reiterated the family nature of the succession and governed the succession to the Grand Mastership at the death in 1960 of Prince Ferdinando Pio di Borbone-Due Sicilie, Duca di Calabria without surviving male heirs. Prince Ferdinando Pio left only daughters who could not succeed, so under the immutable rules of male primogeniture he was succeeded by his nephew, the Infante of Spain Don Alfonso de Borbón-Dos Sicilias t Borbón, duke of Calabria. The latter’s grandson, Prince Don Pedro de Borbón- Dos Sicilias y Orléans, duke of Calabria, succeeded his father, Infante Don Carlos de Borbón-Dos Sicilias y Borbón-Parma, on 5 October 2015. An explanation of the history of the grand mastership of the Constantinian Order as a dignity independent from any crown, an ecclesiastical office, that passed by male primogeniture succession to the heirs of the Farnese family. This was confirmed by the Holy Roman Emperor and in numerous papal bulls, briefs and monitors from the mid-16th century through into the 20th.

Just as one cannot grow Washington apples in the Philippines or Guimaras mangoes in the Arctic because of fundamental environmental differences, neither can the Niemeyer formula be transplanted in toto here because of essential variances between the two party-list models. … It is now obvious that the Philippine style party-list system is a unique paradigm which demands an equally unique formula." -Veterans Federation Party v. COMELEC 1

Date de publication : 24 septembre 2025 Résumé : L'article intitulé « Entre évergétisme, populisme et slogan : les paradoxes d'une société gabonaise en quête de nouveaux paradigmes » propose une analyse approfondie des élections législatives et locales de 2025 au Gabon. Bien que ce scrutin ait été marqué par une mobilisation citoyenne sans précédent, avec 18 000 candidats recensés, il met en lumière la persistance de schémas politiques hérités, malgré l'avènement de la Cinquième République en 2024, qui était censée incarner une rupture avec les pratiques du passé. Trois dynamiques dominent : l'évergétisme, modernisation du clientélisme qui renforce la compétition matérielle ; le populisme, recyclage rhétorique des anciens clivages, souvent en décalage avec le rôle réel du parlementaire ; et les slogans, dont l'inventivité masque l'absence de projets structurés. Ensemble, ces pratiques donnent l'illusion d'un renouveau démocratique, mais reconduisent les mêmes logiques, posant la question d'une véritable transformation politique. Mots-clés : évergétisme, populisme, slogan, cinquième République, changement de paradigme.

Do ponto de vista ANTROPOLÓGICO-FILOSÓFICO, o homem enquanto ser social se completa numa sociedade, embora tal afirmação se enquadre no fundamento aristotélico sobre o homem como animal político ou racional, obviamente, a antropologia filosófica estuda o homem como um ser dinâmico, que quando individual se diferencia dos outros homens, que quando colectivo a diferença passa a ser de grupos sociais e entrelaçado aos sentidos da moral, o que corresponde a dimensão cultural que exige normas de comportamentos, que regulam o homem na sociedade. (Eduardo Geque, 2012).

Under what conditions do fragile states achieve political and economic stability? This study addresses the question by conducting the first empirical test of economist Roger B. Myerson’s novel theory of decentralized democratic state-building, which emphasizes the paramount role of local politics in foreign state-building operations and hypothesizes that foreign assistance channeled through decentralized and democratic institutions is positively associated with political and economic stability in the target state. Through a qualitative analysis of the three independent countries that emerged from the United Nations Trust Territory of the Pacific Islands—namely the Federated States of Micronesia, the Republic of the Marshall Islands, and the Republic of Palau—the study finds support for the decentralized democratic state-building hypothesis in the United States’ successful bottom-up approach to developing the political and economic systems of the aforementioned countries. Furthermore, it reveals that as long as the state-building process is conducted in a decentralized and democratic manner, the future institutional arrangements of the target states—whether federal or unitary—do not influence the outcomes of political and economic stability.

Hasta ahora se conocía parcialmente el comportamiento en las elecciones municipales y provinciales para el período aquí tratado , por lo que los autores cubren la laguna de las elecciones a diputados a Cortes, ya que los senadores tampoco eran elegibles. Su análisis del número de elecciones y de las leyes electorales 136

El completar el estudio de las conexiones familiares, clientelares y nepoticas entre los miembros de la Audiencia de Lima en el siglo XVII se habia convertido en necesario para comprender la dinamica que estos empleados de la Corona describieron en la siguiente centuria. La bibliografia apuntaba a una continuacion de estas practicas, pero el estudio de los fondos del Archivo General de Indias ha sido el paso definitivo para comprender y desgranar el porque de los lazos que unian a los togados.

Peru showed its most self-governing face-as much as the colonial system allowed-during the interregnum caused by the dead of Philippe IV and the childhood of prince Charles, later Charles II, the viceroy of Peru at that time, Count Santisteban, proved with his decisions to be a man of no resources. In addition to the survey that the territory was receiving, the fact named caused a powerful rise of the surveryors, the members of Real Audiencia at Lima and those at Tribunal del Comercio, supported all of them by a deeply established clientelism system.

In contemporary society, advertising has become ubiquitous across various domains, including the financial industry, where it assumes a significant role. It fosters consumer awareness regarding the latest products being made available to them. Additionally, it establishes a connection between the advertising organization and the customer. Visual metaphor (VM) influences consumers’ response through their cognitive and emotional processing, though how audiences like banking advertisements ‘with visual metaphor’ has rarely been observed. The current study investigates audience ad-liking for ‘with’ and ‘without visual metaphor’ advertisements. It further examines gender differences in ad-liking for ‘with’ and ‘without visual metaphor’ advertisements in Indian banking print advertisements. In this study, a total of six Indian banking print advertisements—three ‘with visual metaphor’ (WVM) and three ‘without visual metaphor’ (WOVM) were shown to one hundred and two (102) participants (51 males and 51 females) and their responses toward those were taken. The result demonstrated that audiences are more likely to respond favorably to banking advertisements that use visual metaphors. In addition, the study reveals that gender has a moderate effect on advertisements containing ‘visual metaphors’ and those ‘without visual metaphors.’ The study has vast implications for the future research of Indian print advertisements.

This study analyzes the decline of ethical standards in public institutions, focusing on loyaltybased appointments, the normalization of corruption discourse, and the pervasive role of wasta (personal connections). The purpose is to explore how these practices undermine meritocracy, transparency, and institutional performance. Using a qualitative methodology, the research draws on case studies, policy reviews, and stakeholder perspectives to assess the structural and cultural roots of these issues. Key findings reveal that prioritizing loyalty over competence erodes efficiency, entrenches patronage networks, and weakens public trust. The discourse that "everyone is corrupt" normalizes misconduct, while wasta perpetuates inequality and exclusion. The study concludes that reversing this decline requires legal reforms, merit-based recruitment, and public awareness campaigns. Its added value lies in offering a reform framework to rebuild integrity, fairness, and accountability in governance.

The study examines how clientelism undermines Palestinian governance by replacing merit-based systems with patronage, nepotism, and cronyism. Using qualitative analysis of institutional structures, historical developments, and case studies, it traces how political loyalty has shaped resource allocation, public-sector recruitment, and service delivery. Findings reveal that clientelism has eroded institutional capacity, deepened social inequality, and fostered corruption, particularly through factional appointments and politicized budgets. These practices have reduced public trust, distorted development priorities, and entrenched dependency on external aid. The study concludes that combating clientelism requires institutional reforms promoting transparency, accountability, and meritocracy. It contributes to governance literature by contextualizing clientelism in a protracted conflict setting, offering insights for policymakers and donors aiming to strengthen state capacity and democratic accountability in fragile contexts.

Título: Fidecracia: confianza y patología del poder en las organizaciones Resumen: Este artículo introduce y analiza el concepto de Fidecracia, entendido como una patología organizacional donde la confianza personal reemplaza los procesos formales, la meritocracia y los controles institucionales, generando arbitrariedad, ineficiencia y vulnerabilidad a la corrupción. Mediante un marco teórico que dialoga con las ideas de Max Weber, Robert Putnam y el aprendizaje organizacional, se examina cómo la Fidecracia distorsiona las estructuras racional-legales en favor de lealtades personales y dinámicas afectivas. El estudio incluye el análisis de un caso sindical argentino e incorpora herramientas visuales y métricas para la detección y evaluación del fenómeno. Finalmente, se propone un índice de riesgo fidecrático y se señalan nuevas líneas de investigación cuantitativa, aportando una mirada crítica sobre el abuso de la confianza como sistema de poder en las organizaciones contemporáneas.

hierbas que él arrojó. (…)». La vida es sueño, de Pedro Calderón de la Barca Cuando el francés Jean-François Millet pintó el cuadro de Las espigadoras a mediados del siglo XIX, la obra trascendió por varias razones del ámbito puramente artístico. Hasta entonces, la pintura académica dominante se centraba en temas mitológicos, históricos o religiosos, o bien retrataba a las clases altas. Millet, en cambio, decidió representar a tres espigadoras anónimas, con una dignidad y solemnidad normalmente reservada para personajes heroicos o históricos. En el fondo del cuadro se aprecian las cuadrillas de segadores y segadoras, amontonando la cosecha en carros. También se puede ver a un personaje a caballo, posiblemente el propietario o manijero. Y, en primer plano, tres mujeres del escalafón social más bajo -más, incluso, que los jornaleros-, encorvadas y

Voter turnout has declined across established democracies, which has been accompanied by an increase in turnout disparities along class lines. In contrast to most advanced democracies, class voting has largely been neglected in Canada. Using the entire series of the Canadian Election Study (1965-2021), this article examines the turnout gap in Canada over time by class, education, and income, and whether the offerings of political parties impact these relationships. Results find major class-based participatory inequalities, which have worsened over time. The magnitude of the turnout gap between lower and higher socioeconomic status (SES) individuals has mainly been driven by the demobilization of lower-SES individuals and a significant factor is the reduced saliency of economic issues in the party system. The findings contribute to our understanding of how economic inequalities translate into political inequalities and show that rising turnout inequality between politically relevant cleavages, represents a deterioration of democratic representation.

Why is electoral clientelism used to such a limited extent in some poor communities? This article examines which factors on the supply and demand sides affect the use of electoral clientelism in several Roma communities in Romania due to their economic vulnerability. The inductive thematic analysis uses semi-structured interviews conducted with activists from nongovernmental organizations specializing in defending Roma rights. We find that the limited use of electoral clientelism is the result of fewer people living in the community and brokers' limited credibility. These results add nuance more broadly to the relationship between clientelism and poverty.

Bu çalışma, IX. İlişkisel Sosyal Bilimler Kongresi kapsamında sunulmuş olan bildirinin özet metnidir. Pierre Bourdieu’nun habitus, alan ve sermaye kavramları çerçevesinde vegan yaşam tarzlarının dönüşümünü inceleyen bu nitel araştırma, Türkiye bağlamında toplumsal cinsiyet, sınıf ve ekoloji eksenlerini ele almaktadır.

Paylaşılan dosya, kongre kitapçığının kapak ve ilgili sayfaları ile birlikte yalnızca bildirinin yer aldığı bölümü içermektedir.

Bu bildiri, daha kapsamlı bir çalışmanın parçası olarak geliştirilmekte olup ileride makale formatında yayımlanması planlanmaktadır.

The study evaluates the views of the public regarding the potential negative effects of escalating political tensions on the peaceful conduct of the Weija-Gbawe Constituency elections in 2024. A mixed-methods approach was used to investigate the topic in depth. This study's main emphasis was the Weija-Gbawe Constituency. The sample population consisted of 120 persons from a variety of backgrounds, including residents, CSOs, local party executives, police, magistrates/ judges, and the Electoral Commission. It was restricted to the Weija-Gbawe Constituency and comprised qualified adult voters. Purposive sampling was used in the study, and KoboToolbox was used to conduct electronic interviews that yielded data. The analysis comprised of the utilization of frequencies and percentages, which were further reinforced by the inclusion of visual aids such as charts, graphs, and tables. The research discovered that the advantage of incumbency and the impression of injustice further intensified grievances. Political tensions arose due to competition, accusations of electoral manipulation, and disagreements on the results of elections. The research findings indicate that the establishment of a comprehensive legal structure for maintaining order and resolving disputes, coupled with the implementation of improved electoral education, is vital for the promotion of a peaceful election system. The recommendation highlights the significance of addressing misinformation, promoting equitable media representation, and implementing regulations to mitigate premature assertions of election outcomes on social media platforms. In order to attain these objectives, it is imperative for the Electoral Commission to provide priority to media literacy education.

This book examines the paradoxical outcomes of participatory democracy in Venezuela under the presidency of Hugo Chávez. Drawing on political, social, and spatial analysis, It explores  how mechanisms intended to empower citizens—enshrined in the 1999 Bolivarian Constitution—became instruments that intensified political polarization. The study reveals that participatory and representative models were reframed as mutually exclusive, generating a fragmented public sphere and parallel institutional systems aligned with opposing political camps. Urban landscapes were reshaped into ideologically segregated spaces, while media polarization created competing “truth regimes” that reinforced division. Attempts at bridge-building, such as the moderate student movement Students for Freedom, were marginalized by both extremes, underscoring the difficulty of sustaining inclusive civic dialogue. The analysis underscores the interplay between participatory reforms, partisan media ecosystems, and the erosion of shared democratic space, offering critical insights into the vulnerabilities of democratic innovation in polarized contexts.

Abstract
This book examines the paradoxical outcomes of participatory democracy in Venezuela under the presidency of Hugo Chávez. Drawing on political, social, and spatial analysis, It  explores how mechanisms intended to empower citizens—enshrined in the 1999 Bolivarian Constitution—became instruments that intensified political polarization. The study reveals that participatory and representative models were reframed as mutually exclusive, generating a fragmented public sphere and parallel institutional systems aligned with opposing political camps. Urban landscapes were reshaped into ideologically segregated spaces, while media polarization created antagonistic visions of society  that reinforced division. Attempts at bridge-building, such as the moderate student movement Students for Freedom, were marginalized by both extremes, underscoring the difficulty of sustaining inclusive civic dialogue. The analysis underscores the interplay between participatory reforms, partisan media ecosystems, and the erosion of shared democratic space, offering critical insights into the vulnerabilities of democratic innovation in polarized contexts.

Standard political agency models generally predict an inverse relationship between the degree of partisan allegiance among citizens and political accountability. Does variation in voter attachments to political parties influence the behavior of public officials in new democracies? I take advantage of data from a unique audit of local governments in Ghana—the Functional Organizational Assessment Tool (FOAT)—to examine the impact of partisanship on public officials’ compliance with formal rules and procedures. Because unattached or weakly attached voters are more responsive to the performance of incumbent officials, they are more likely to deter rent seeking, corruption, and other administrative malpractices. Analysis of the baseline FOAT results provides strong support for this idea: compliance with formal rules and procedures is significantly higher in districts where voters evince weak attachments to political parties. This result is robust to controls for alternate explanations an...

El caso podría es uno más de los tantos en el Gran Buenos Aires en torno a la ocupación de terrenos para vivir dignamente. Pero se diferencia en dos aspectos: la ocupación, salvo algunos episodios, es lenta y viene ocurriendo desde hace más de 20 años; la negociación en torno a esta ocupación se realiza entre los funcionarios y los representantes institucionales de la comunidad.
En este trabajo se analiza solamente la primera reunión entre esos actores, pues se considera que ella ofrece una gran ocasión para indagar en el origen mismo de una relación que se inicia entre comunidad y estado.
Esta indagación se realiza a través del imaginario y los vínculos que genera la comunicación entre ambas partes. El corpus involucrado es el conjunto de los discursos registrados en la mencionada reunión.

Ao meu pai, com muita saudade À minha mãe, pela sua determinação para que eu pudesse prosseguir estudos 2 AGRADECIMENTOS Agradecemos penhoradamente: À nossa professora do Ensino Primário, Senhora D. Alice Calado Diniz, pela carta decisiva que escreveu a nossos pais, para que nos mandassem estudar. A todos os que se têm disponibilizado para testemunhar, confiando-nos as suas memórias.

Como as campanhas eleitorais têm se apropriado da transformação digital para conectar eleitores em pequenos municípios?Este trabalho se fundamenta em um debate teórico sobre como as tecnologias digitais estabelecem novas bases para os vínculos de representação política, tendo as campanhas eleitorais como o mais saliente exemplo dessa reconfiguração de vínculos de representação, sendo os municípios um locus privilegiado para verificar essa transformação. Apartir da revisão da literatura, o trabalho avança para uma classificação de três níveis de transformação digital em campanhas eleitorais, pois este processo impacta também sobre aspectos estruturais da representação política democrática. Para este trabalho foi realizada uma coleta de dados semi-automatizada em perfis do Instagram de candidatos a prefeito e vice-prefeito em três pequenos municípios de cada uma das cinco regiões do Brasil, durante o período da campanha eleitoral de 2024. Os dados foram categorizados e quantificados a partir de análise de conteúdo, focando na criação de um índice de transformação digital nos municípios analisados e regiões brasileiras. O principal resultado aponta os níveis 1 e 2 de transformação digital nos pequenos municípios. Sobressaem, nos casos analisados, um modelo de campanhas tradicionais sendo levado para as plataformas digitais.

Nana Addo Dankwa Akufo­Addo, the 72­year­old flagbearer of the opposition party, the New Patriotic Party (NPP) was declared the winner of Ghana’s 2016 presidential elections by the Electoral Commission (EC) more than 48 hours after the elections took place. He defeated the incumbent, John Dramani Mahama of the National Democratic Party (NDC) by taking 53.85 per cent of the vote while Mahama had a 44.40 per cent share of the valid votes. These figures exclude the results of four constituencies, Afram Plains North, Upper West Akyem, Tuna­Sawla­ Kalba and Tamale Central, which were still being collated. The results of these four constituencies, totaling about 120,000 votes were considered insignificant in changing the overall outcome of the elections. The total turnout was 68.62 per cent even though the EC expected 80 per cent. The total number of rejected ballots was 1.4 per cent, which while lower than the 2.23 per cent recorded in 2012, is still of concern and emphasises the point o...

This interdisciplinary paper tries to identify specific small state characteristics with respect to the emergence, function and application of legal norms. Three respective assumptions are derived from theoretical considerations. An exploratory single-case study shows that all assumptions apply to Liechtenstein. The principality can be described as a hybrid legal system that is significantly shaped by foreign legal norms. Liechtenstein's dualistic constitution particularly combines a powerful monarch with extensive direct democratic elements. The microstate's legal system depends on supports from sources beyond its territory and citizenry, such as law schools, legal experts and academic sources. Several brief comparisons and examples regarding Andorra, Monaco and San Marino supplement the sociolegal study. Finally, the authors suggest to apply the assumptions to a wide range of jurisdictions in order to learn more about their explanatory power. Dieses interdisziplinäre Papier versucht, spezifische Merkmale des Kleinstaates in Bezug auf die Entstehung, Funktion und Anwendung von Rechtsnormen zu identifizieren. Aus theo-retischen Überlegungen werden jeweils drei Annahmen abgeleitet. Eine explorative Einzelfallstudie zeigt, dass alle Annahmen für Liechtenstein gelten. Mehrere kurze Vergleiche und Beispiele zu Andorra, Monaco und San Marino ergänzen die Studie. Schliesslich schlagen die Autoren und die Autorin vor, die Hypothesen auf eine Vielzahl weiterer Rechtsordnungen anzuwenden, um sie zu überprüfen. Das Fürstentum Liechtenstein kann als eine hybride Rechtsordnung bezeichnet werden, die wesentlich durch ausländische Rechtsnormen geprägt ist. Dargestellt werden im Beitrag der Einfluss des österreichischen und des schweizerischen Rechts sowie die Verpflichtungen aus der Mitgliedschaft im Europäischen Wirtschaftsraum EWR. Dieses Zusammentreffen unterschiedlicher Rechtsmassen rückt Liechtenstein in die Nähe einer "mixed jurisdiction". In der internationalen Literatur wird dieser Terminus jedoch häufig für Staaten verwendet, deren Recht von civil law und common law beeinflusst wird. Dies ist bei Liechtenstein nicht der Fall. Die Autoren und die Autorin bevorzugen deshalb für Liechtenstein die Bezeichnung als "hybrid legal system". Die dualistische liechtensteinische Verfassung verbindet das monarchische Element mit umfangreichen direktdemokratischen Elementen. Liechtenstein weist damit wie die anderen europäischen Mikrostaaten Andorra, Monaco und San Marino eine spezielle Staatsform auf. Das Rechtssystem des Mikrostaates profitiert von Leistungen ausserhalb seines Territoriums, wie z.B. rechtswissenschaftlichen Fakultäten in der Schweiz und in Österreich und von ausländischen Richtern. Näher dargestellt werden in diesem Beitrag die Juristenausbildung in Liechtenstein, Andorra

The South African Institute of International Affairs (SAIIA) has a long and proud record as South Africa's premier research institute on international issues. It is an independent, non-government think-tank whose key strategic objectives are to make effective input into public policy, and to encourage wider and more informed debate on international affairs with particular emphasis on African issues and concerns. It is both a centre for research excellence and a home for stimulating public engagement. SAIIA's occasional papers present topical, incisive analyses, offering a variety of perspectives on key policy issues in Africa and beyond. Core public policy research themes covered by SAIIA include good governance and democracy; economic policy-making; international security and peace; and new global challenges such as food security, global governance reform and the environment. Please consult our website www.saiia.org.za for further information about SAIIA's work.

This article investigates the political cost of poverty in democracies marked by deep social divisions. We develop a probabilistic voting model that incorporates clientelism as a strategic tool employed by elite political parties to secure electoral support from non-elite voters. Unlike models based on ideological proximity, our framework conceptualizes party competition as structured by the socioeconomic composition of their constituencies. We demonstrate that in contexts of high inequality and widespread poverty, elite parties face structural incentives to deploy clientelistic strategies rather than universalistic policy agendas. Our model predicts that clientelistic expenditures by elite parties increase proportionally with both inequality (GINI index) and poverty levels, rendering clientelism a rational and cost-effective mechanism of political control. Empirical evidence from a cross-national panel (2013-2019) confirms the theoretical predictions: an increase of the 1 percent in the GINI index increase a 1.3 percent in the clientelism, even after accounting for endogeneity and dynamic effects. These findings suggest that in divided democracies, poverty is not merely a condition to be alleviated, but a political resource that elites strategically exploit. Consequently, clientelism persists not as a cultural residue or institutional failure, but as a rational response to inequality-driven constraints within democratic competition.

How do microstates potentially challenge our understanding of international and comparative politics? Microstates comprise as many as one-fifth of all sovereign states yet are rarely incorporated into cross-national research. Cursory analysis suggests that microstates challenge the conventional wisdom in several ways. This paper highlights some of these challenges and presents preliminary quantitative evidence suggestive of a microstate divergence. Ultimately the evidence here makes the case for increased consideration of the theoretical and empirical leverage attained by analysis of microstates.

Conforme o plano apresentado na primeira parte deste artigo, publicado na edição n.º 54 da JN História, segue agora o périplo pelas assembleias constituintes do século XX, ou seja, as de 1911 e de 1975-1976. Começando, naturalmente, por evocar aqui os pais fundadores do constitucionalismo republicano (1911), chegamos depois ao destino traçado, a Assembleia Constituinte de 1975-1976, que este ano completa os 50 anos da sua eleição e o iní-cio da legislatura constituinte, que resultou na aprovação do texto constitucional em vigor -a Constituição da República Portuguesa de 1976. "A Constituinte deve representar o voto esclarecido, indepen-dente e honrado dos cidadãos; os eleitos serão os depositários dos haveres, da honra, da felicidade de todos os portugueses" [República, n.º 91, 16 de abril de 1911]

Dr J Shola Omotola is Senior Lecturer in the Department of Political Science and Public Administration, Redeemer’s University, Nigeria; a visiting member of the editorial board of The Guardian newspaper, Lagos, and author of the award-winning essay, ‘Elections and Democratic Transition in Nigeria under the Forth Republic’, which appeared in African Affairs 109(437). He was runner-up for the 2012 African Scholar Award given by the African Affairs and African Studies Association, UK e-mail: sholaomotola@yahoo.com

Democracy, hailed globally as the ideal system of governance, remains elusive and often misunderstood in the African context. Imported from the West, this brand of governance promises liberty, equality, and popular participation. However, for the average African, democracy is a distant and often irrelevant concept manipulated by elites, stripped of local cultural meaning, and disconnected from the socioeconomic realities of the common person. This paper argues that the Western brand of democracy has been reduced to an illusion in Africa, offering minimal benefits to ordinary citizens while entrenching elite dominance. Through critical analysis and examples from various African countries, the article explores how elite manipulation, lack of civic education, structural poverty, and weak institutions have made democracy a tool for exclusion rather than empowerment.

Reseña del libro GONZÁLEZ NIETO, Diego. Alfonso de Fonseca y Ulloa: la Casa de un arzobispo de Sevilla en el siglo XV. Madrid: Dykinson, 2023. 337 pp. ISBN: 978-84-1170-696-4. Reseña de acceso abierto distribuida bajo una Licencia Creative Commons Atribución 4.0 Internacional (CC-BY 4.0). / Open access review under a Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International License (CC-BY 4.0).

İnsanın dünya üzerinde temel değiştirici, dönüştürücü fail konuma gelmesinde kendi ilerlemesi ve gelişmesi önemli rol oynamıştır. Zaman içerisinde insanlık, sosyal ve politik örgütlenmesini elde ettiği teknolojiler ile ileriye taşıma hevesini içinde saklı tutarken, bu teknolojilerin yıkıcı gücünden de kaçamamıştır. Uzun bir süreye yayılan Avrupa modernitesi, temelini Aydınlanma fikirlerinde bulurken, sanayi devrimi ile gelen kapitalleşmenin getirdiği zenginliğin kaynağını diğer ülkelerin ve milletlerin sırtından elde ettiği yoğun sömürgecilik politikaları ile elde etmiştir. Ancak, politika ve ekonomik örgütlenmedeki gelişmeler ve diğer ülkelerin Avrupa egemenliği altına alınarak sömürülme çabaları Dünya Savaşları’nı ortaya çıkarmakla kalmamış Avrupa modernitesinin içine bir de Holokost eklemiştir. Batı aydınlanması aynı zamanda aydınlanmanın karanlık yüzünü de içinde barındırmaktadır. Bilim ve teknikteki gelişmeler insanı bir adım öteye götürürken, aynı zamanda yok oluş senaryolarını da içermektedir. Bu da insanın hem yer, gök ve atmosferin geleceği hem de kendi geleceği açısından temel belirleyici olduğu döneme işaret etmektedir: Antroposen çağına, yani insan çağına.
Antroposen çağ, insanın Dünya üzerinde en başat jeolojik kuvvet olduğu bir dönemi işaret etmektedir. Burada insan yapımı nesnelerin ağırlığının dünyadaki tüm canlı türlerinin ağırlığını 2020 yılı itibariyle geçtiği ve gidişatın devam ettiği takdirde yirmi sene sonra da bu nesnelerin ağırlığının 1.1 teratondan 3 teratona çıkacağı düşünülmektedir. Senede 30 milyar ton ağırlığındaki nesne dünyaya katılacaktır (Briggs, 2020). Antroposen dönem, insanın doğa üzerindeki hâkimiyetinin sonuçlarının geri döndürülemez bir sürece girdiğini de göstermektedir. Çevresel tehditlerin gün geçtikçe artmaya devam ettiği bir süreç yaşanmaktadır. Birleşmiş Milletler Genel Sekreteri Antonio Guterres küresel ısınma çağının sona erdiğini ve “küresel kaynama çağının” başladığını ve dünya ülkelerinin olası iklim değişikliği sonuçlarından kaçınmak için acil önlem almalarını gerektiğini ifade etmektedir (bbc.com, 2023). Guterres Nepal’in Himalaya bölgesini ziyaretinde de iklim krizi için “Bu deliliği durdurmalıyız” çağrısı yaparak tekrardan iklim değişikliğinin kötü sonuçları hakkında uyarı yapmıştır (Akcan, 2023). Guterres’in ‘küresel kaynama çağı’ ya da ‘bu delilik’ ifadeleri sorunun ne kadar önemli olduğuna ışık tutmaktadır. Buradaki temel unsur insanın antroposen ile eninde sonunda yüzleşmek zorunda oluşudur. Tabii ki yüzleşmek aynı zamanda bir farkındalık gerektirmektedir. Guterres’in ülkelere yönelik acil eylem çağrıları aynı zamanda bu farkındalığın tüm insanlık nezdinde oluşmasına yönelik bir yardım çığlığıdır. Bu çalışmada konuya bir farkındalık getirmeyi amaçlarken bunun sanat aracılığıyla gerçekleşeceğine yönelik bir öngörü içerisindedir.
Ekolojik değişimler ve insanlığın içerisinde bulunduğu durum, birçok alanda kendine yer bulabilmektedir. Temeldeki amaç, bir taraftan dünyanın içerisinde bulunduğu durumu göstermeye çalışmak iken diğer taraftan gelecekte insanlığı bekleyebilecek muhtemel senaryolara ışık tutmaktır. Sanat, insanlığın doğa karşısındaki üstünlüğünü, acımasızlığını ve doğanın bir parçası olarak bizatihi insana verdiği zarar üzerine bir eleştiri getirmektedir. Antroposen eleştirisi insanın jeolojik bir kuvvet haline geldiği jeobilimsel eleştiri düzleminden sosyal, politik ve kültürel bir düzleme taşınmaktadır.  Bu bağlamda, başta doğa bilimlerinde gündeme gelen ve sonra popüler bilim medyasında da öne çıkan antroposeni sanat, beşeri bilimler ve sosyal bilimlerde Bruno Latour, Eduardo Viveiros de Castro, Donna Haraway ve Anna Tsing ele almış, The Anthropocene, The Anthropocene Review ve Elementa gibi yeni bilimsel dergiler konuya yer vermiştir. Günümüzde de trend kültürel üretimler, sergiler ve katalog yayınlarla antroposene yönelik üretimler sürmektedir (Demos, 2017, s. 9).
Çalışmada, antroposen hakkında bilgi verildikten sonra antroposen dönemin eleştirisi olarak sanatın buna verdiği tepkiler üzerinde durulacaktır. Burada sanat, dijital sanat ve antroposen kavramları üzerinde durulmakta ve dijitalleşme döneminde bir eleştirel konum alan sanatın insan çağına yönelik eleştirisi irdelenmektedir. Çalışma konuya antroposen sanat örnekleri üzerinden değil, daha çok yapısal değişiklikler üzerinden yaklaşmaktadır.  Küresel ısınma çağından küresel kaynama çağına geçilen bir dönemde antroposenin ekolojiyi getirdiği yer bir kurtuluş söyleminin gerekliliğini de ortaya koymaktadır. Sanat da tam da bu noktada o kurtuluşu sağlayabilecek bir alan olarak görülmektedir.

Clientelism is an exchange relationship that includes sources of patrons and services of clients. In the political dimension, this relationship's basic characteristic involves political support from citizens and the redistribution of resources, mostly public resources, by party elites. Hypothetically, control of public resources is subject to state regulation within an institutional framework. In some countries, like Türkiye, the state and government, state elites, and party elites are intertwined. This structure has its own roots in the peculiarities of Turkish political history. These peculiarities make clientelistic relations embedded in daily life. These conditions and peculiarities make brokers, who bridge state elites and resources with citizens, significant actors in Turkish political history. In this study, I analyze the effect of brokers in politics at a local scale by examining their agency during the 2014 and 2019 local elections in Artvin, a province of Türkiye. The question posed is whether the efficiency of brokers influences local election outcomes.

RESUMO O estudo que se ostenta, e que se agrega na linha de investigação desenvolvida pelo autor deste trabalho "Um olhar sobre a emancipação do Poder Local no distrito de Portalegre (12/12/1976)", assumiu como objetivo a valorização/divulgação do património local no concelho de Portalegre, após a mudança de regime político. Neste caminho, a metodologia utilizada assentou, sobretudo, na fina análise das fontes disponíveis: correspondência entre o Secretariado Técnico dos Assuntos para o Processo Eleitoral (STAPE) e o Governador Civil do Distrito de Portalegre, os dois periódicos regionalistas com maior tiragem na região, O Districto de Portalegre e o Semanário Socialista Independente a Rabeca (vulgo, A Rabeca) e as Atas do município de Portalegre. Em paralelo, efetuou-se um estudo minucioso do enquadramento legislativo que sustentou a preparação do sufrágio eleitoral (ofícios, leis, decretos-leis e portarias), cuja emancipação do Poder Local foi uma realidade consubstanciada na Constituição da República Portuguesa de 1976.

What impact does clientelism have on democratic performance and the realisation of social policy goals? The crux of the evaluative dilemma is thathowever much clientelism diverges from the Weberian ideal of impartial, rule-based bureaucracy, or is associated with pathologies such as corruptionclientelistic practices can sometimes deliver material improvement to those in need, as well as providing a mechanism of elite-society accountability. The essays in Clientelism, Social Policy, and the Quality of Democracy provide a broad and varied set of responses to the question. This diversity is both a strength and a weakness. The book is divided into two parts. The first six substantive chapters provide studies of clientelism in Latin American states, covering Argentina, Brazil, Chile, Colombia, and Peru. The second part broadens out from this regional focus to survey clientelism elsewhere, including India, Japan, Thailand, the Philippines, Eastern Europe, and sub-Saharan Africa. In addition to geographical variety, the chapters display a range of methodologies, data sources, and policy areas, with some presenting original research and others providing literature reviews.

Humanity's continued economic development is at the root of crises in climate, resource availability, biodiversity, equality, justice and geopolitics. Countering this deepening polycrisis and securing a ‘steady state planet’ requires an unprecedented world-wide mobilisation for system change. The good news is that awareness is growing and initiatives for global action, like Joyeeta Gupta’s call for contributions, are getting common. We imagine a rule set for a planetary steady state. Finally we discuss the task democracy model for coordination of sustainability transitions, as a means to creation and ratification of a global constitution.

2024 yılı mart ayının son pazar günü Türkiye’de her beş yılda bir olduğu gibi yerel seçimler yapılmıştır. Bir önceki yerel seçimlerin yapıldığı 2019 yılı, İstanbul ve Ankara gibi büyükşehirlerdeki parti değişiminin yarattığı etki ile karakterize olmuştur. Türkiye’de iktidar cephesinin başarısının bir sınaması addedilen bu iki büyükşehrin yerel tercihlerinin 2019 yerel seçimlerinde getirdiği sesin yankıları, 2024 yerel seçimlerinin hazırlık sürecine de yansımıştır. Genel itibariyle belli büyükşehirler üzerine odaklanılan bu sürecin sandıkta beklenmedik bir biçimde sona ermesiyle 2024 yerel seçimleri, yerel demokrasi sınavının çarpıcı bir örneği olarak Türk siyasi tarihinde kendine yer edinmeyi başarmıştır. Umulmadık yerlerde ve sayıda pek çok belediyenin el değiştirmesiyle sonuçlanan 2024 yerel seçimleri, bu değişimin nedenleri, sonuçları gibi sorgulanması gereken pek çok konuyu da gündeme getirmiştir. Bu doğrultuda çalışmanın amacı, Türkiye’de 2019 ve 2024 yerel seçimlerinde seçilen 81 ilin belediye başkanlarının belirli özellikleri üzerinden karşılaştırılması yoluyla son yerel seçimlerle yaşanan dönüşümün izlenmesi ve yorumlanmasıdır. Bu çerçevede temel karşılaştırma parametreleri üzerinden ulaşılan sonuçlar bildiride özetlenmiştir.

Los inicios de la Restauración han sido generalmente representados como un período caracterizado por la estabilidad política y por su capacidad de control social, especialmente del mundo rural. Sin embargo, esta imagen queda desdibujada cuando se desempolvan prácticas sociales que sacaban
de la esfera institucional la confrontación política y la convertían en una experiencia cotidiana. El objetivo reside en analizar durante los años
previos a la reimplantación del derecho de asociación y el sufragio universal masculino, la relación problemática que se estableció entre gobernantes y gobernados en el espacio rural, las tensiones que surgieron entre quienes se disputaban el poder municipal, la presión que la gente corriente del campo pudo ejercer sobre las élites locales y algunos de los comportamientos de los grupos dominantes en la gestión de los conflictos sociales.

Bu makale, Sarah Howard tarafından kaleme alınan “Coffee and the State in Rural Ethiopia” başlıklı makalenin UMAY Sanat ve Sosyal Bilimler Dergisi'nde Haziran 2025 tarihli 3. cilt, 1. sayısında Türkçeye çevrilmiş hâlidir. Orijinal metin ilk olarak 2018 yılında Anthropology Matters dergisinin 18. cilt, 1. sayısında yayımlanmıştır. Ayrıca bu orjinal makale, Toplumsal Gıda ve Beslenme Antropolojisi Derneği (Society for the Anthropology of Food and Nutrition, SAFN) tarafından 2017 Christine Wilson Ödülü'ne layık görülmüştür. / This article is the Turkish translation of Sarah Howard's article titled 'Coffee and the State in Rural Ethiopia,' published in UMAY Journal of Arts and Social Sciences, Vol. 3, No. 1, in June 2025. The original text was first published in 2018 in Anthropology Matters, Vol. 18, No. 1. Additionally, this original article was awarded the 2017 Christine Wilson Award by the Society for the Anthropology of Food and Nutrition (SAFN).

O universo variado das práticas políticas tem sido analisado a partir de um espaço conceitual formado pelas relações entre quatro categorias do vocabulário político. Esse espaço estreito tende a ignorar o caráter mediado da política, como a priori cinde o mundo da política entre formas genuínas - representação e participação - e suas correspondentes formas corrompidas - clientelismo e cooptação, respectivamente. Ao procurar encaixar a variação de práticas nesses conceitos, somos levados a uma compreensão empobrecida de como a política acontece. Combinando etnografia, meta-teoria política e crítica e formação de conceitos, o artigo examina a formação desse espaço conceitual estreito da política no debate, especificamente na constituição das literaturas de movimentos sociais e participação, e dos estudos legislativos e eleitorais. Propõe ainda uma representação bidimensional desse espaço dual e reflete sobre os custos cognitivos de manter seus pressupostos na análise da política.