Campaign Finance

Dalam pegelaran Pilkada di Kabupaten Kampar tahun 2011 ada tiga pasang kandidat yang tampil sebagai calon bupati dan wakilnya. Jefry Noer dan Ibrahim Ali keluar sebagai pemenang dalam konstelasi pergelaran pesta demokrasi di Kabupaten Kampar tersebut. Pasangan ini mampu mengalahkan petahana dalam pesta demokrasi rakyat tersebut. Tentu saja kemanangan tersebut didapat melalui perencanaan dan pemasaran produk politik yang baik. Kemenangan akan datang dari persiapan yang matang. Hal ini bisa dilihat dari bagaimana strategi yang diterapkan oleh tim pemenangan mereka. Selain pengimplementasian pemasaran politik melalui strategi yang efektif tersebut, ternyata kemenangan pasangan Jefry Noer dan Ibrahim Ali juga dipengaruhi oleh beberapa faktor. Tulisan ini akan menjelaskan faktor apa saja yang mempengaruhi kemenangan pasangan yang juga sukses mengalahkan pasangan petahana tersebut. Peneliti menggunakan metode penelitian kualitatif, dengan pengumpulan data melalui teknik wawancara dan doku...

Esta pesquisa analisou como se caracterizou a dinâmica de interesses de mercado e nãomercado que nortearam o financiamento de campanha do partido Republicanos nas eleições municipais de 2020 no estado de Minas Gerais, a fim de analisar a prática de financiamento de campanha como método de influência e intervenção no ambiente político. Utilizou-se uma abordagem quali-quantitativa, descritiva e exploratória na qual foram analisados os doadores dos 37 prefeitos eleitos nos municípios mineiros, que representam 17,53% dos candidatos eleitos pelo partido Republicanos em todo o país. Os dados foram extraídos do site do TSE no tópico de divulgação de candidaturas e contas eleitorais. Em seguida, foram investigados possíveis vínculos entre doadores e o poder público, averiguando se havia alguma relação de ganho econômico de qualquer natureza. Os dados foram tratados com auxílio dos softwares Microsoft Excel e Power BI. Ao extrair os dados e analisá-los, foi possível concluir que parte considerável dos recursos que financiam as campanhas dos candidatos eleitos têm origem em doações de pessoas físicas e, na maioria dos casos, tais doações possuem relação com obtenção de vantagens econômicas diretas ou, por vezes, benefícios patrimonialistas, como a nomeação para cargos comissionados.

Colombia ha experimentado periodos significativos de corrupción y el departamento del Quindío no es la excepción. En este contexto, diversas profesiones participan y la contabilidad con su capacidad de dar fe pública, tiene un papel crucial en la generación de información y control de recursos. Esta investigación examina la responsabilidad social del contador formado en Armenia en las campañas políticas de la Alcaldía, considerando su formación profesional, perfil laboral y exigencias legales. Además, evalúa las conductas antijurídicas en las campañas políticas. El estudio es cualitativo de tipo descriptivo, con un enfoque de caso y método inductivo, apoyado en entrevistas a gerentes de campaña y contadores públicos, y revisión de planes de estudio. Los resultados muestran que los créditos académicos en ética profesional y sector público son mínimos y no transversales. Solo se requiere ser contador para trabajar en una campaña política, sin evaluaciones actitudinales ni conocimientos sobre partidos políticos. La conducta antijurídica del contador puede constituir un delito electoral con sanciones que incluyen amonestaciones, multas y cancelación de la inscripción. Se concluye que la formación de pregrado del contador es insuficiente para desempeñarse en campañas políticas. Es necesario que los partidos estandaricen y aumenten las exigencias para este cargo y que la formación ética del contable es esencial para reducir la corrupción en el país.

Disclosure statutes have not been the focus of much scholarly attention, particularly in the legal academy. This lack of attention is unfortunate because the design of disclosure laws is crucial in several ways. First, the constitutional test applied to campaign finance laws, including disclosure, requires that statutes be narrowly tailored to serve an important state interest. In addition, targeting is important for the effectiveness of disclosure laws. Voters have limited time and attention, so they should be provided the information most crucial to improving their ability to vote consistently according to their preferences. Finally, current experience with campaign regulation demonstrates that entities adopt strategies to circumvent restrictions, so statutes must be drafted to reduce opportunities for evasion. This study sheds light on some of the evasive tactics by political entities that wish to avoid disclosure relating to the source and extent of their spending on ballot questions. These veiled political actors (VPAs) take advantage of regulatory loopholes to spend substantial amounts of money to influence the outcomes of initiative and referendum elections while avoiding publicity of their efforts. Part I describes the interest served by disclosure beyond enforcing other campaign finance regulations or exposing quid pro quo corruption of candidates. We argue that improving voter competence is the most persuasive rationale in direct democracy and leads to various conclusions about the structure of effective disclosure laws. In Part II, we assess the jurisprudence relating to disclosure statutes in direct democracy to provide a sense of the legal hurdles such statutes must overcome, hurdles that become more daunting the more burdensome disclosure is for political actors. The jurisprudence suggests that targeted disclosure statutes will survive judicial scrutiny. Part III presents our description and analysis of various VPAs organized under federal and state laws that are used currently to evade disclosure restrictions in initiative campaigns. Part IV provides preliminary conclusions.

Tugas ini membahas profesi buzzer politik dan pengaruhnya terhadap jalannya demokrasi di Indonesia. Melalui studi kasus keterlibatan buzzer dalam perkara korupsi yang ditangani Kejaksaan Agung, terlihat bahwa buzzer digunakan untuk menyebarkan isu, membentuk opini, bahkan menyerang pihak tertentu dengan narasi negatif. Dampaknya, proses penegakan hukum menjadi terganggu, reputasi lembaga negara tercoreng, serta masyarakat kesulitan membedakan informasi yang benar dan propaganda. Hal ini menunjukkan bahwa buzzer politik lebih banyak memberi ancaman daripada manfaat, karena melemahkan prinsip dasar demokrasi seperti transparansi, akuntabilitas, dan keadilan.

Tugas ini membahas profesi buzzer politik dan pengaruhnya terhadap jalannya demokrasi di Indonesia. Melalui studi kasus keterlibatan buzzer dalam perkara korupsi yang ditangani Kejaksaan Agung, terlihat bahwa buzzer digunakan untuk menyebarkan isu, membentuk opini, bahkan menyerang pihak tertentu dengan narasi negatif. Dampaknya, proses penegakan hukum menjadi terganggu, reputasi lembaga negara tercoreng, serta masyarakat kesulitan membedakan informasi yang benar dan propaganda. Hal ini menunjukkan bahwa buzzer politik lebih banyak memberi ancaman daripada manfaat, karena melemahkan prinsip dasar demokrasi seperti transparansi, akuntabilitas, dan keadilan.

Tugas ini membahas profesi buzzer politik dan pengaruhnya terhadap jalannya demokrasi di Indonesia. Melalui studi kasus keterlibatan buzzer dalam perkara korupsi yang ditangani Kejaksaan Agung, terlihat bahwa buzzer digunakan untuk menyebarkan isu, membentuk opini, bahkan menyerang pihak tertentu dengan narasi negatif. Dampaknya, proses penegakan hukum menjadi terganggu, reputasi lembaga negara tercoreng, serta masyarakat kesulitan membedakan informasi yang benar dan propaganda. Hal ini menunjukkan bahwa buzzer politik lebih banyak memberi ancaman daripada manfaat, karena melemahkan prinsip dasar demokrasi seperti transparansi, akuntabilitas, dan keadilan.

Tugas ini membahas profesi buzzer politik dan pengaruhnya terhadap jalannya demokrasi di Indonesia. Melalui studi kasus keterlibatan buzzer dalam perkara korupsi yang ditangani Kejaksaan Agung, terlihat bahwa buzzer digunakan untuk menyebarkan isu, membentuk opini, bahkan menyerang pihak tertentu dengan narasi negatif. Dampaknya, proses penegakan hukum menjadi terganggu, reputasi lembaga negara tercoreng, serta masyarakat kesulitan membedakan informasi yang benar dan propaganda. Hal ini menunjukkan bahwa buzzer politik lebih banyak memberi ancaman daripada manfaat, karena melemahkan prinsip dasar demokrasi seperti transparansi, akuntabilitas, dan keadilan.

Tugas ini membahas profesi buzzer politik dan pengaruhnya terhadap jalannya demokrasi di Indonesia. Melalui studi kasus keterlibatan buzzer dalam perkara korupsi yang ditangani Kejaksaan Agung, terlihat bahwa buzzer digunakan untuk menyebarkan isu, membentuk opini, bahkan menyerang pihak tertentu dengan narasi negatif. Dampaknya, proses penegakan hukum menjadi terganggu, reputasi lembaga negara tercoreng, serta masyarakat kesulitan membedakan informasi yang benar dan propaganda. Hal ini menunjukkan bahwa buzzer politik lebih banyak memberi ancaman daripada manfaat, karena melemahkan prinsip dasar demokrasi seperti transparansi, akuntabilitas, dan keadilan.

Saya berusaha memahami cara kerja sistem pemilihan presiden AS dalam permainan 270 | Two Seventy Election. Permainan ini pada dasarnya menunjukkan bahwa seorang calon harus memperoleh setidaknya 270 suara elektoral selain suara populer terbanyak untuk memenangkan kepresidenan. Lawanku hanya mendapatkan 251 suara elektoral dan 57 juta suara populer, tetapi saya mendapatkan 287 suara elektoral dan 77 juta suara populer sepanjang permainan.
Menurut saya, menunjukkan betapa pentingnya strategi dalam permainan ini.  Misalnya, karena mereka memiliki banyak suara elektoral, saya memutuskan untuk fokus pada kampanye di negara bagian besar seperti California, Florida, dan New York.  Selain itu, ada fitur yang menampilkan demografi pemilih seperti pemilih muda, pekerja, dan perempuan.  Ini membantu saya menyadari bahwa cara memperlakukan kelompok tertentu dapat memiliki dampak signifikan pada hasil.
Saya menyadari bahwa rumitnya sistem politik Amerika Serikat melalui permainan ini.  Distribusi suara elektoral menentukan kemenangan selain jumlah suara populer.  Oleh karena itu, pemilihan isu, pendekatan kampanye, dan alokasi anggaran sangat krusial.  Meskipun hanya sebuah permainan, saya percaya permainan ini dapat memberikan pemahaman dasar tentang kompleksitas proses pemilihan presiden AS.

O artigo examina a limitação ao autofinanciamento de campanhas eleitorais, introduzida pela Lei nº 13.878/2019, que restringe a utilização de recursos próprios pelos candidatos a 10% do teto de gastos estabelecido para o cargo em disputa. A análise inicia-se com um retrospecto histórico sobre o financiamento de campanhas no Brasil, abordando a evolução dos gastos eleitorais, a vedação de doações empresariais pelo STF e a criação do Fundo Especial de Financiamento de Campanha (FEFC). Em seguida, investiga-se a regulamentação específica do autofinanciamento, desde as primeiras resoluções do TSE até as recentes alterações legislativas, discutindo-se sua conformidade constitucional, finalidade e eventuais distorções. O estudo aponta que a limitação, embora tecnicamente correta em sua redação, apresenta problemas de proporcionalidade, sobretudo nas eleições municipais de pequeno porte, onde o valor permitido inviabiliza a realização de campanhas mínimas e reforça a dependência dos candidatos em relação às agremiações partidárias ou às doações de terceiros. São examinadas, ainda, as sanções decorrentes do descumprimento do limite, como multas, reprovação de contas, cassação de diploma e eventual configuração de abuso de poder econômico. Conclui-se que a regra, apesar de bem-intencionada, carece de ajustes para compatibilizar-se plenamente com o princípio democrático e com a realidade socioeconômica brasileira, sob pena de dificultar a participação política de candidatos menos favorecidos e ampliar desigualdades já existentes

The role of campaign finance in shaping democratic outcomes is increasingly under global scrutiny. While campaign funding is necessary for political mobilization, the lack of transparency in its management creates avenues for illicit financial flows, unauthorized donations, and money laundering. In Nigeria and many developing democracies, campaign finance abuse weakens institutional trust, fosters corruption, and undermines electoral credibility. This paper argues that forensic accounting provides a vital mechanism for ensuring compliance with campaign finance laws. By integrating forensic techniques-such as digital audits, transaction tracing, and data analytics-regulators and anti-graft institutions can expose illicit campaign funding and deter financial crimes. Using Nigeria's electoral system as a case study, this paper examines existing challenges, evaluates comparative practices from other jurisdictions, and proposes policy recommendations to enhance transparency and accountability in campaign finance.

If we advert to the nature of Republican Government, we shall find that the censorial power is in the people over the Government, and not in the Government over the people. 1 This is an Article occasioned by the Supreme Court's important campaign finance reform decision in McConnell v. Federal Election Commission. 2 But unlike most other articles with which it shares this genesis, it is not mainly about that case. Instead, this Article takes on a broader concern and examines and decries the drift away from traditional and foundational First Amendment and other constitutional doctrine, and the slouching toward more egalitarian and managerial notions of free speech and democratic government, for which the McConnell opinion is an avatar. In contrast to other critiques of campaign finance reform, I hope to do more than just raise free speech objections. That sort of approach has two main faults-it needlessly limits the purchase and force of one's critical arguments and it invites easy counterpunching replies. The complaint that campaign finance reform measures unduly restrict free speech will receive the reply (for example, from Justice Breyer) that money is not speech (or, at least, is not just speech) and that, even if it is, the need to protect governmental and

India's electoral system is expanding rapidly, with more voters, especially women and youth, participating in 2024. This growth influences both democracy and the economy, as voters demand policies on jobs, education, and social welfare. However, the electoral process faces challenges like corruption, vote manipulation, and opaque political funding, such as electoral bonds. Historical scams, like the 2G spectrum and Coalgate, show how electoral malpractices harm economic stability and public trust. Recent allegations of digital interference and fake votes highlight the need for reforms to ensure transparency and fairness. Electoral bonds, intended to make donations transparent, have been criticized for enabling secret funding and favoritism. To strengthen India's democracy and economy, reforms must focus on reducing corruption, improving electoral transparency, and safeguarding digital security. This study reviews past and present electoral issues, highlighting their economic impact and suggesting measures to improve electoral integrity for a sustainable democracy. The research examines urgent and rapidly evolving challenges that are becoming increasingly significant in today's interconnected world, emphasizing their importance in the modern global context.

Slogans in the election campaign in the early parliamentary elections in Slovakia in 2023. The main aim of the paper is to present several specific pre-election slogans as unique forms of political language and to characterise their language use objectively. The authors provide a brief overview of political discourse as a representation of ideologies and power struggles. They also deal with the description and characteristics of the election campaign and the language used in these campaigns.

Makalah ini membahas kasus jual beli jabatan di Kabupaten Probolinggo yang
melibatkan Bupati Puput Tantriana Sari dan suaminya Hasan Aminuddin, yang telah diputus
pengadilan pada tahun 2022. Praktik jual beli jabatan ini menjadi bukti nyata lemahnya
penerapan sistem merit dan kuatnya pengaruh patronase politik dalam birokrasi daerah.
Dengan menggunakan pendekatan ilmu pemerintahan, makalah ini menganalisis bagaimana
praktik tersebut mencerminkan kegagalan tata kelola pemerintahan yang baik (Good
Governance) yang seharusnya berlandaskan profesionalisme, transparansi, dan akuntabilitas.
Kajian ini juga menyoroti dampak yang ditimbulkan, mulai dari menurunnya kualitas aparatur
sipil negara, berkurangnya efektivitas pelayanan publik, hingga hilangnya kepercayaan
masyarakat terhadap pemerintah daerah. Hasil analisis menunjukkan bahwa kasus jual beli
jabatan tidak hanya melanggar hukum, tetapi juga melemahkan legitimasi pemerintahan di
mata publik. Oleh karena itu, penting untuk memperkuat implementasi sistem merit dan
memperketat mekanisme pengawasan dalam proses rekrutmen serta promosi jabatan, sehingga
praktik serupa tidak kembali terulang di masa depan.

No UN member state or international organization has formally recognized Somaliland's self-proclaimed independence. It is the world's largest unrecognized state by de facto controlled land area. It belongs to an advocacy group called the Organization of Unrepresented Nations and Peoples, which includes minorities, native populations, and unrecognized or occupied areas. Democratically elected governments have ruled the region since 1991 and are working to gain worldwide recognition as the Republic of Somaliland's government. A democracy is a system of governance where the people themselves make decisions. hold the authority. Its components include the rule of law, respect for individual rights, accountability and transparency, free and fair elections, and citizen participation. Although the upper house has not been elected since 1997, this article will analyze Somaliland's constitutional referendum and the polls for presidential, representatives, and local councils. The old and new problems and solutions to Somaliland elections are also examined in this study, as they are still present in the Somaliland context. The approach of this study is rooted in the review of narrative literature.

Most courts refused to apply the fair comment privilege to false statements of fact. Thus, the distinction between fact and opinion became crucially important; the defendant's failure to convince the court that the statement constituted opinion would preclude jury consideration of the fair comment defense. Truth was the only defense remaining.

Background: Artificial Intelligence (AI) is increasingly transforming customer relationship management (CRM) in the banking sector by enhancing customer engagement, personalization, and service efficiency. In developing countries like Bangladesh, the role and effectiveness of AI integration in CRM remain underexplored. Methods: A quantitative research design was employed, using a structured questionnaire distributed to 400 banking professionals. The sample size was determined through Cochran's formula and selected via stratified random sampling. The study investigated the extent of AI adoption in CRM, its perceived effectiveness, and the major challenges during integration. Results: Findings revealed that moderate AI applications, including chatbots and predictive analytics, significantly improved customer satisfaction, operational efficiency, and personalized service delivery. However, key barriers-such as limited technical expertise, high implementation costs, and data security concerns-hindered broader adoption of AI technologies in CRM practices. Conclusion: The study concludes that AI holds substantial potential to strengthen CRM in Bangladesh's banking sector. To realize this potential, strategic investments in infrastructure, workforce training, and supportive policy frameworks are essential. Bank executives must emphasize technology readiness and long-term strategic planning to maximize AI's effectiveness in fostering stronger client relationships.

Wacana pengalihan mekanisme pemilihan kepala daerah dari sistem pemilihan langsung oleh rakyat ke sistem pemilihan oleh Dewan Perwakilan Rakyat Daerah (DPRD) kembali mencuat dalam diskursus politik nasional. Usulan ini, yang disampaikan oleh Presiden Prabowo dalam forum resmi, dilandasi oleh alasan efisiensi biaya, stabilitas politik, dan kemudahan transisi kepemimpinan, dengan mengacu pada praktik di negara-negara seperti Malaysia, Singapura, dan India. Namun, rencana ini memunculkan kekhawatiran luas dari berbagai kalangan, terutama terkait potensi kemunduran demokrasi, pengurangan partisipasi rakyat, dan meningkatnya dominasi elit politik. Tulisan ini bertujuan untuk menganalisis

Writing in August 2025, the topic of gerrymandering generates a great deal of political heat and endless discussion on cable news.  this essay identifies misconceptions in American thought and hypocritical arguments that make a practical solution to the problem impossible.  A way to break the impasse: turn things over to ChatGPT.  But how to proceed?

Fenomena politik Indonesia pasca-Pemilu 2024 tengah bergerak ke arah yang tak biasa. Di tengah transisi kekuasaan dari pemerintahan Presiden Jokowi ke Presiden Prabowo, kita tak hanya menyaksikan pergeseran kebijakan, tapi juga transformasi cara politik dikomunikasikan. Jika dulu kabinet dikenal sebagai ruang teknokrat yang bicara melalui kebijakan dan konferensi pers, kini banyak dari mereka hadir seperti influencer, aktif di media sosial, berbagi keseharian, hingga menarasikan keberhasilan lewat reels dan vlog. Menteri bukan lagi sekadar pengelola negara, melainkan juga produser konten. Bagi sebagian orang, ini dianggap kemajuan. Pemerintah menjadi lebih dekat, komunikatif, dan nggak kaku. Tapi di sisi lain, muncul pertanyaan krusial, apakah konten menggantikan substansi? Apakah kita sedang menyaksikan pergeseran dari politik sebagai tata kelola menjadi politik sebagai performa?

Buku ini mengupas tentang politik lokal yang muncul pasca reformasi, terutama dalam kerangka demokratisasi di tingkat desa. Perubahan besar dalam sistem pemerintahan membawa arah baru dalam desentralisasi dan membuka ruang bagi pemilihan langsung yang memberi kesempatan kepada rakyat desa untuk menentukan pemimpinnya secara langsung. Selain itu, pembahasan mengenai perkembangan demokrasi dan kebebasan sipil menjadi landasan penting dalam memahami bagaimana politik desa mengalami transformasi seiring meningkatnya partisipasi masyarakat dalam proses politik.

Buku ini memperdalam bahasan tentang strategi politik sebagai instrumen penting dalam perebutan kekuasaan, khususnya dalam pemilihan kepala desa. Penjelasan mengenai evolusi strategi dalam kehidupan sosial, serta pemahaman mengenai strategi politik sebagai alat yang mendasari tujuan kekuasaan, disajikan secara sistematis. Beragam strategi dalam kompetisi politik dijelaskan secara rinci, termasuk bagaimana strategi-strategi tersebut diterapkan dalam pemilihan kepala desa agar efektif dalam menjangkau pemilihan serta memperkuat dukungan.

Studi kasus pemilihan kepala desa di Kabupaten Mempawah menjadi fokus utama yang memperlihatkan bagaimana kondisi sosial, demografi, dan struktur pemerintahan desa menjadi bagian penting dalam penyusunan strategi politik. Berbagai bentuk strategi dijabarkan secara aplikatif, seperti strategi memperluas pasar, strategi pelayanan langsung, hingga strategi bertahan dalam menghadapi serangan politik. Buku ini tidak hanya menyajikan konsep, tetapi juga memberikan gambaran nyata tentang praktik strategi politik yang dijalankan calon kepala desa dalam memenangkan hati masyarakat, sekaligus menutup dengan simpulan yang merangkum seluruh pembahasan.

Many U.S. nonprofits use offshore blocker corporations to avoid paying the debt-financed unrelated business income tax (UBIT). Some lawmakers and commentators, however, criticize the practice as abusive. This article takes a closer look at the issue. It concludes that the use of offshore blocker corporations does not undermine the main purposes of the debtfinanced UBIT, but that the practice nevertheless raises some serious policy concerns. The article thus recommends that Congress reform this tax: either by eliminating the blocker corporation workaround to the debt-financed UBIT or, alternatively, by repealing the debt-financed UBIT completely but leaving in place or even expanding the debt-financed UBIT's reporting requirements.

Many U.S. nonprofits use offshore blocker corporations to avoid paying the debt-financed unrelated business income tax (UBIT). Some lawmakers and commentators, however, criticize the practice as abusive. This article takes a closer look at the issue. It concludes that the use of offshore blocker corporations does not undermine the main purposes of the debt-financed UBIT, but that the practice nevertheless raises some serious policy concerns. The article thus recommends that Congress reform this tax: either by eliminating the blocker corporation workaround to the debt-financed UBIT or, alternatively, by repealing the debt-financed UBIT completely but leaving in place or even expanding the debt-financed UBIT’s reporting requirements.

Observational research on the phenomenon of a single candidate in the 2018 Mayor and Deputy Mayor of Makassar post-conflict local election contestation is viewed from the perspective of Islamic constitutional law. The next issue is broken down into sub-problems or research questions, namely: How does the Election Law affect single candidate pairs in the 2018 simultaneous regional elections; What is the perspective of the people of Makassar on the phenomenon of the emergence of a single candidate pair in the 2018 Makassar Mayor Election? This type of research is classified as a qualitative descriptive Fieldreseach with the research approaches used, namely: juridical and empirical. The data source of this research is primary data, researcher interviews with informants in this case the community. Secondary data obtained from books, literature, and documents related to this research problem. Furthermore, the data collection methods used are observation, interviews, documentation, and li...

The regulation of campaign finance is a topic of perennial public concern in North America. The United States has lived through four decades of conflict over contribution and expenditure limits, which has only intensified since the U.S. Supreme Court's decision in Citizens United. Canada has grappled with contribution and expenditure restrictions for decades, though its Supreme Court has taken a more deferential approach. Mexico experienced a spectacularly successful transition to multiparty democracy this century yet faces persistent concerns regarding corruption, agency capture, and powerful party elites. This article compares the campaign finance systems of Canada, Mexico, and the United States, drawing on the institutionalist strain of American election law scholarship. It has four objectives: (1) to provide an overview of the campaign finance laws in each country and the institutions responsible for implementing them; (2) to identify the challenges that each country's campaign finance system faces; (3) to consider what Canada, Mexico, and the U.S. might learn from each other; and (4) to reflect on the broader institutional lessons that might be drawn from their experience. The American model presents the most dysfunctional of the three systems. The Federal Election Commission's bipartisan structure leads to underenforcement of campaign finance rules, while U.S. constitutional law-which rejects equality as a basis for regulation-sharply limits the flow of money into election campaigns. The Mexican and Canadian regulatory models present a sharp contrast, with better functioning institutions that have embraced the goal of promoting a level playing field. Despite the differences, the three North American democracies face some common challenges in ensuring evenhanded implementation. The article concludes with reflections on what these three countries might learn from each other, and the broader institutional lessons for other countries trying to improve their campaign finance institutions.

Campaign finance reform has been a central topic of public and political debate for the last five years. The purpose of this paper is to understand three separate perspectives on this issue. First, the judicial perspective is outlined to understand what sorts of arguments and debates the Supreme Court is dealing with in ruling on essential cases such as Citizens United v. F.E.C. Secondly, the issue of campaign finance is analyzed as an issue for democratic theory. Democratic theories not only enrich an understanding of the Supreme Court's rationales, but also offer alternative forms of democracy from the liberal-democratic prescriptions of the Court. Lastly, a survey of the empirical political science research which has been done dealing with these questions in order to understand the implications of the Supreme Court's decisions. Metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk

Unless former colonial powers are held accountable for their past injustices, they are likely to find new ways to perform the same old play Good news is coming from West Africa: last November landlocked Chad announced an immediate end to all security and defense ties with former colonial ruler France. The surprise announcement came just hours after the French foreign minister met Chadian President Mahamat Déby. With this decision, Chad joins a growing list of former French colonies rejecting Paris' influence and kicking out its troops. On December 26 France handed over the first of its military bases to the Chadian army in Faya-Largeau. Paris will also evacuate troops from two more bases: in the capital N'Djamena and in the eastern city of Abeche. In a pointed statement, Chadian Foreign Minister Abderaman Koulamallah declared, "France must henceforth consider that Chad has grown up" and is a "sovereign state." This rebuke reflects a broader wave across Africa, especially in the Sahel, where countries like Niger, Mali, and Burkina Faso have already cast off French influence.

The problem in this article is details of campaign fund budgets that are still covered up and individual contributors do not fill in the contributor statement. This article aims to analyze the implementation of the principles of the rule of law, transparency, and accountability in the management of regional head election campaign funds. The method in writing this article uses a literature review. Data is collected by searching various literature in the form of research articles that are relevant to the problems found. The results of the study are seen from the principle of the rule of law there are candidate pairs using campaign funds outside of special accounts. Furthermore, the principle of transparency is a matter of the details of campaign budgets that are still covered up and money politics in election campaigns. Then there is a problem with the principle of accountability, namely individual contributor do not fill in the contributor statement. So it can be concluded that in the management of campaign funds in the election of regional heads the principles of law, transparency and accountability have not been well implemented.

This article presents the findings of perceptions of electoral integrity survey for subnational elections in India between 2015 and 2017. The perceptions of electoral integrity survey is an attempt to provide a comprehensive, impartial and independent source of information derived from experts about elections conforming to internationally recognized principles and standards. The article then evaluates the factors that account for differences in the perceptions of electoral integrity in India. We show that higher-income states in India tend to have higher levels of electoral integrity. However, we argue that differences in the quality of governance best explain subnational variation in the perceptions of electoral integrity in India.

The focus of  study the political dinasti strategic Ampon Bang of Nagan Raya distric. The aim of reseach to find out the political strategic that strengthens the couse of the political dynasty Ampon Bang aplicatin in Nagan Raya distric.The methodology used is qualitatif methode collecting data throughdocumentation and in dept interview technic. The Result of the research obtained political dynasty leadershipAmpon Bang Usingthe concept of the families with the political strategic carried out; first, leadership organisation structure is filled by family and relatives. Second, close the space for public partisipation.

Penelitian ini membahas fenomena pergeseran strategi kampanye politik dari yang awalnya berfokus pada partai (party-centered) menuju kampanye yang berfokus pada kandidat (candidate-centered), khususnya di ruang digital. Studi kasus difokuskan pada akun Instagram Sukur Priyanto, Wakil Ketua DPRD Bojonegoro dan calon legislatif dari Partai Demokrat dalam Pemilihan Umum Legislatif (Pileg) 2024. Penelitian ini menggunakan pendekatan kualitatif deskriptif dengan metode analisis isi untuk mengungkap bagaimana kandidat membangun citra personal melalui media sosial. Hasil penelitian ini menunjukkan bahwa Sukur Priyanto memanfaatkan media sosial, khususnya Instagram, untuk menampilkan diri sebagai tokoh personal yang dekat dengan masyarakat, dengan menonjolkan narasi personal, visualisasi diri, dan interaksi langsung dengan pemilih, serta meminimalkan simbol partai. Meskipun demikian, simbol partai masih ditampilkan secara selektif untuk menjaga koneksi dengan basis pemilih loyal. Temuan ini menegaskan bahwa candidate-centered campaign telah menjadi strategi dominan dalam kontestasi politik lokal di Indonesia di mana personalisasi politik berjalan berdampingan dengan afiliasi partai dalam membentuk citra elektoral kandidat.

Pemilihan Kepala Daerah (Pilkada) di Indonesia merupakan pilar utama dalam sistem demokrasi yang memungkinkan partisipasi masyarakat dalam memilih pemimpin. Namun, praktik money politics sering mengancam integritas pemilihan, merusak prinsip kesetaraan, dan melahirkan kepemimpinan yang tidak legitim. Penelitian ini mengkaji Pilkada Samosir 2024 sebagai studi kasus untuk mengeksplorasi dampak money politics dalam konteks sosial, budaya, dan ekonomi yang unik. Mahasiswa Ilmu Politik Universitas Sumatera Utara (USU) dipilih sebagai subjek untuk memahami persepsi mereka terhadap praktik ini. Dengan pendekatan survei, penelitian ini bertujuan memberikan wawasan tentang pemahaman dan sikap mahasiswa, serta kontribusi mereka dalam mendorong reformasi politik. Temuan diharapkan dapat memberikan rekomendasi bagi KPU dan lembaga anti-korupsi, serta mendorong generasi muda untuk berkomitmen pada prinsip-prinsip anti-korupsi, sehingga Pilkada Samosir 2024 dapat menjadi ajang yang tidak hanya kompetitif, tetapi juga mencerminkan konsolidasi demokrasi lokal yang sehat.

MY NAME IS NICK DRANIAS. I AM THE PRESIDENT & EXECUTIVE DIRECTOR AT COMPACT FOR AMERICA EDUCATIONAL FOUNDATION. I PREVIOUSLY SERVED AS GENERAL COUNSEL AND CONSTITUTIONAL POLICY DIRECTOR FOR THE GOLDWATER INSTITUTE, WHERE I HELD THE CLARENCE J. AND KATHERINE P. DUNCAN CHAIR FOR CONSTITUTIONAL GOVERNMENT AND DIRECTED THE JOSEPH AND DOROTHY DONNELLY MOLLER CENTER FOR CONSTITUTIONAL GOVERNMENT. I LED THE GOLDWATER INSTITUTE’S SUCCESSFUL CHALLENGE TO ARIZONA’S SYSTEM OF GOVERNMENT CAMPAIGN FINANCING TO THE SUPREME COURT.

This chapter explores the debate over defining democracy and then uses that information to assess the democratic substance of the state, in concrete terms, by exploring the Canadian state's responsiveness to mobilized democratic pressure on state representation, bureaucracy, and agents of the state.

The chapter sets out competing strategies for left politics today, one focusing on marketing the left to the median voter, the other mobilizing a disengaged working class back into politics. Ultimately, the case is made that the left cannot win substantive gains without focusing on the latter.

Os governos municipais dispõem de cargos públicos de livre nomeação, dando liberdade ao executivo nas indicações. Utilizar-se dessa discricionariedade para aumentar as chances de sucesso eleitoral é um dos mecanismos da máquina política para garantir o controle do jogo, diminuindo a competição eleitoral que é um fator fundamental para a manutenção da democracia. As redes clientelistas encontram nos recursos materiais do Estado uma ferramenta crucial para a operação do sistema de troca entre atores de poder desigual. O acesso à máquina possibilita a concessão de privilégios, como a nomeação para cargos públicos, isenções fiscais, obras públicas e etc. O uso da livre nomeação do emprego público é um instrumento político utilizado para ampliar o apoio eleitoral, restringindo a participação de novos atores (partidos e candidatos), consequentemente impondo obstáculos à competição. Este trabalho visa analisar as variações dos usos dos cargos comissionados pelo poder Executivo. A hipótese ...

Media sosial telah mentransformasi lanskap informasi di Indonesia, berfungsi sebagai saluran utama dalam penyebaran informasi sekaligus propaganda politik. Dengan jumlah pengguna mencapai 212,9 juta pada tahun 2023, platform seperti X (dulu Twitter), TikTok, dan WhatsApp telah menjadi elemen krusial dalam membentuk opini publik, terutama selama periode pemilu seperti Pemilihan Umum 2019 dan 2024.

Media sosial telah mentransformasi lanskap informasi di Indonesia, berfungsi sebagai saluran utama dalam penyebaran informasi sekaligus propaganda politik. Dengan jumlah pengguna mencapai 212,9 juta pada tahun 2023, platform seperti X (dulu Twitter), TikTok, dan WhatsApp telah menjadi elemen krusial dalam membentuk opini publik, terutama selama periode pemilu seperti Pemilihan Umum 2019 dan 2024.

Regional Head Elections (Pilkada) in Indonesia are a major pillar in the democratic system that allows public participation in electing leaders. However, the practice of money politics often threatens the integrity of elections, undermines the principle of equality, and produces illegitimate leadership. This study examines the 2024 Samosir Pilkada as a case study to explore the impact of money politics in a unique social, cultural, and economic context. Political Science students from the University of North Sumatra (USU) were selected as subjects to understand their perceptions of this practice. Using a survey approach, this study aims to provide insight into students' understanding and attitudes, as well as their contributions to driving political reform. The findings are expected to provide recommendations for the KPU and anti-corruption institutions, as well as encourage the younger generation to commit to anti-corruption principles, so that the 2024 Samosir Pilkada can be an event that is not only competitive, but also reflects the consolidation of healthy local democracy.