Carolingian art and architecture

Dans ces pages dédiés à la ville de L'Aquila et, plus généralement, à la région des Abruzzes si durement touchée par le tremblement de terre de 2009, j'aimerais revenir, à travers l'exemple de S. Bartolomeo di Carpineto, sur quelques problèmes posés par les monastères privés et leur place dans l'économie du sacré en Italie centro-méridionale. Nous sommes particulièrement bien informés sur ce monastère privé de taille modeste grâce à la chronique écrite à la fin du XII e siècle et au début du XIII e siècle par le moine Alessandro. 1 L'excellente édition de B. Pio a clairement et définitivement fait le point sur un certain nombre de points essentiels en resituant l'auteur dans le contexte de la production documentaire du temps. Alessandro appartient au groupe des cartularistes ayant aussi exercé des fonctions administratives de commandement à l'intérieur de leur établissement et qui, devenus des spécialistes des questions liées au temporel et à sa gestion, étaient particulièrement bien placés pour écrire l'histoire du monastère où ils vivaient et priaient. La chronique d'Alessandro ressortit au genre bien repéré et bien connu des Chronica qui constituèrent l'une des spécificités de la production intellectuelle de l'Italie centro-méridionale au XII e siècle. 2

This article examines the reminiscences of the 1 st century legend on Simon Magus in Georgii monachi Chronicon and Pověsti vremennykh lět. The origin of this tale is in the apocryphal Acts of Peter and Simon and in the ancient philosophical roman, known under the title of "Pseudo-Clementines".

Le lapidaire de l'ancienne abbaye de Saint-Roman, Sylvain DEMARTHE, Géraldine MALLET Les inscriptions lapidaires de l'ancienne abbaye Saint-Roman-de-l'Aiguille, Sylvie CHAUVAIN-MARC Les céramiques du site de l'abbaye de Saint-Roman. Un corpus hétérogène, Coline ROUVIER Aperçu des pratiques funéraires médiévales du cimetière de l'abbaye de Saint-Roman : résultats de l'étude archéoanthropologique -Campagne 2020, Chloé GIRARDI 3. Saint-Roman et la genèse des sites monastiques dans la Basse-vallée du Rhône (IXe-XIe siècles) Le « monachisme rhodanien » : un concept utile à l'historiographie du XXIe siècle ? Laurent RIPART Les catacombes romaines, dépositaires de la mémoire des martyrs et pourvoyeuses de leurs reliques (IIIe-IXe siècles), Jean GUYON A la recherche d'un patronage : saint Romain à Saint-Roman Fernand PELOUX Culte et circulation des reliques en Provence-Languedoc au Moyen Âge, une approche globale, Edina BOZOKY Saint-Roman, Psalmodi et Saint-Victor de Marseille : la question de l'abbé Garnier, Eliana MAGNANI 4. Sites monastiques du diocèse d' Arles et d'ailleurs (Xe-XIIe siécles) Un sanctuaire souterrain de confins diocésains. Saint-Émilion en Bordelais aux XIe et XIIe siècles, Frédéric BOUTOULLE Le monastère de Carluc (Céreste, Alpes-de-Haute-Provence) au second âge roman : structures rupestres et dévotions monastiques, Yann CODOU Montmajour et le troglodytisme monastique, Andreas HARTMANN-VIRNICH Quelle place pour les morts ? Monastères, espaces funéraires et domination territoriale de l'Occident médiéval à l'archevêché d'Arles entre le XIe et le XIIe siècle. Michel LAUWERS Les collèges des studia de Cahors et Toulouse sous Urbain V (1362-1370) -Etat des lieux,

In September and October 2019, the second season of
archaeological excavations at the site of Gornji Karin –
Sv. Vid was conducted. The site is located at the centre of
the town and can be attributed to the church dating from
the 5th or 6th century AD. Two excavation quadrants, set
in continuance to the two opened in previous excavations,
revealed several stone walls and mortar floors, as well
as the remains of roof tiles, glass fragments and church
decorations. The walls were in large part damaged by the
root systems of the nearby trees as well as by the modern
interventions and excavations of infrastructure canals. It
is still hard to assess the overall structure and size of the
church.

Unhelpfully, the single most unambiguous sign of renewed economic activity after 750 is the huge wealth and artisanal sophistication found in S. Vincenzo al Volturno in the early ninth century; but S. Vincenzo was one of the remotest rural monasteries in Italy. (Wickham 2005: 651) S an Vincenzo has seemed unhelpful because virtually no other early medieval site in the Mediter- ranean has been excavated so extensively. Added to this, its size and wealth appear paradoxical, given its apparently remote location today but, as Ross Balzaretti observed (1999: 397): 'San Vincenzo will always be atypical, simply because nothing was built over the amazing remains'. In fact, as we have seen in this volume, the individual elements -buildings and activities -are hardly exceptional, being known from many different remaining churches and monasteries, as well as from written descriptions from the period. It is the fact that so many elements are assembled in one place within a changing monastic topography that makes San Vincenzo appear exceptional. This is the occasion to interpret these elements to shed new light on the political and economic circumstances of the region at this time. Located on a fertile plain, at the foot of several routes to the Mainarde mountains, San Vincenzo was well situated to exploit two different eco-systems (Fig. .1). This almost certainly explains the location of a significant settlement hereabouts in Samnite, Republican and Imperial Roman times. More to the point, as the mediterranean economy fractured in late antiquity, with the coasts losing contact with their mountainous hinterlands (Hodges 1993b), San Vincenzo retained its statusalbeit on a much reduced scale -as a central place. This later Roman settlement, Kim Bowes (2006: 298-303) recently has argued, served as the seat of a bishopric (cf. Barnish 1995; Balzaretti 1999: 398). Of course, this was no inland urban nucleus but quintessentially a rural community that almost certainly disappeared in the seventh century, as the political and demographic configurations of the Italian peninsula took an entirely new shape. Even so, it is important to stress that when the Lombard/Beneventan monks appropriated the ruins here, they were taking possession of a central place that had seen a millennium of more or less continuous history. Of no less significance to the Beneventan founding fathers must have been San Vincenzo's liminal position close to the northern frontier of the new dukedom (created in the later sixth century), and perhaps too its proximity to the Via Numicia that led from Rome to northern Apulia, passing about 4 km to the east. In the new spatial circumstances of eighth-century Italy, therefore, it was remote from a Beneventan aristocracy concentrated in the much reduced urban centres of the region (cf. Wickham 2005: 217-18), but not as remote, for example, as Monte Cassino, with which San Vincenzo is compared most often. Monte Cassino, after all, was located 10 km up a steep mountain above ancient Casinum, on the Via Casilina. Here had been a Samnite fortress and perhaps a Republican or early Imperial sanctuary, but the limitations of the hilltop inhibited the development of a settlement of San Vincenzo's proportions, or, indeed, the eventual establishment of a bishopric. Instead, Saint Benedict built his eremitic oratory there, which, so the later chronicle leads us to believe, eventually fell victim to a Lombard raid (traditionally in 581 or 584). Tellingly, it was monks from San Vincenzo in the early eighth century who helped refound Monte Cassino. From that moment onwards, both places have shared a common, intertwined history, invariably linked to the fortunes of their donors, and always, we may imagine, with an eye on the rhythm of circumstances in Rome to the north. Certainly Paul the Deacon, writing in the 790s, thought of 'the two monasteries as a pair' (Wickham 1995: 142), although by then Monte Cassino appears to have been winning far greater donations from the Beneventans (Wickham 1995: 142). Indeed, only the monastery of Santa Sofia at Benevento exceeded Monte Cassino in terms of Beneventan donations at this time. With Monte

Buildings may be comparable to other artefacts in that they assemble elements into a physical object with a certain form; but they are incomparable in that they also create and order the empty volumes of space that is the purpose of building, not the physical object itself. The physical object is the means to the end. In this sense, buildings are not what they seem. They appear to be physical artefacts, like any other, and to follow the same type of logic. But this is illusory. Insofar as they are purposeful, buildings are not just objects, but transformations of space through objects. (Hillier and Hanson 1984: 1) For religious man, space is not homogeneous; he experiences interruptions, breaks in it; some parts of space are qualitatively different from others. ''Draw not nigh hither,'' says the Lord to Moses; ''put off thy shoes from thy feet, for the place whereon thou standest is holy ground'' (Exodus, 3,5). There is, then, a sacred space, and hence a strong, significant space; there are other spaces that are not sacred and so are without structure or consistency, amorphous. Nor is this all. For religious man, this spatial nonhomogeneity finds expression in the experience of an opposition between space that is sacred -the only real and real-ly existing space -and all other space, the formless expanse surrounding it. (Eliade 1959: 20) T he excavations of San Vincenzo Maggiore and its associated workshops shed important new light on the evolution of the ninth-century monastic plan. Together with the data from the new excavations undertaken since 1999, it is possible to revise entirely our understanding of San Vincenzo al Volturno as a monastic city. The essence of modern archaeology is not what has been termed the 'Pompeii premise' -the prospect of finding a place fossilized at one moment in time (Binford 1981; Murray 1999) -but the reverse, namely the opportunity to record how a place has evolved through time. Time-depth, in the form of a stratigraphic sequence spanning more than a millennium, can be traced at one spot. The archaeological sequence at San Vincenzo embodies not only the form of the settlement, but also information about production, distribution and consumption, and about the ideological attitudes of the people who lived there. Together, this information, normally so elusive for the ninth century, permits some measure to be gained of the many levels of history embodied in the monastery. At one level, it enables us to assess the details of the twelfth-century Chronicon Vulturnense, a source compiled long after the principal events described in its pages; at another level, the excavated data allow us to evaluate the impact of European influences belonging to mainstream political, economic and cultural history. The phasing, of course, throws light on all aspects of the place: its artistic history, its architectural history, its religious history, its technological history and so on. But we must be clear about the nature of the phasing. None of the early medieval or medieval phases were dated by either coins or radiocarbon dating; medieval coins were intriguingly rare (cf. Rovelli 2001), while funds were insufficient to purchase radiocarbon dates. Instead, a robust relative sequence has been devised, framed largely by the chronology of San Vincenzo as described in the Chronicon Vulturnense, that has been dated more closely by the stratigraphic relationships and the associated material culture. A fixed chronological point was provided by the paintings in the Crypt Church, which has remained a benchmark when assessing the chronology of the stratigraphy in the Crypt Church and South Church areas (Hodges 1993e: 31-2). Many of the excavated remains, as it happens, belong to the age of these paintings, including, we believe, the Annular Crypt of San Vincenzo Maggiore. But however much one is tempted to think of San Vincenzo as a Pompeii of the Carolingian Renaissance -a place trapped, archaeologically-speaking, in a moment in time -it is an illusion. The monastery was clearly fashioned over several generations during stratigraphic

dans l'église de Saint-Sébastien, par les soins de la commission d'archéologie sacrée, qui relève du Vatican. Mais si l'on a peu fouillé à Rome entre 1915 et 1923, on y a beauroup découvert, et des trouvailles qui marqueront. Toujours le sol de l'Urbs a livré de lui-même des parcelles de ses trésors. Qu'il s'agisse de rectifier ou de percer une rue, de bâtir ou de restaurer une maison, de réparer une conduite d'eau ou un égout, la besogne commencée pour des fins pratiques aboutit à des .acquisitions d'art ou d'histoire. L'ingénieur, le maçon, le terrassier sont bientôt contraints d'appeler les archéologues à la rescousse. Des humbles tranchées creusées sous la pression des nécessités quotidiennes, sortent, comme par miracle, inscriptions, statues et bas-reliefs, sarcophages sculptés et autels votifs, débris de peintures et fragments de mosaïques, des oeuvres quelquefois inestimables, des documents toujours précieux. Or, pendant la guerre, Rome, où battait lecoeur de la nation italienne, n'a cessé d'espérer. Dès le lendemain de l'armistice, elle a été saisie d'une fièvre de construction qui manifeste à l'esprit le moins réfléchi la crise féconde de sa rapide croissance. Alors, les ouvriers qui modernisaient son aspect, multipliaient ses communications, transformaient ses faubourgs, reculaient ses limites et l'égalaient à sa grandeur présente, se heurtèrent de tous côtés aux assises de sa grandeur passée. Des édifices entiers ont été déblayés sans y penser et les progrès de l'archéologie romaine ont cheminé à la vive allure où s'avance le développement de la capitale moderne. Heureux les archéoloques romains qui ont pu obligé : d'abord les premiers « éditeurs » du monument: M. Edoardo Gatti et feu Fornari, dont les quelques pages insérées dans les Notizie degli Scavi de 1918, ont dessiné, d'une main infaillible, le cadre de toutes les recherches ultérieures : -MM. Lanciani, Paribeni, Hubaux, Leopold qui, à des titres et en des sens divers, ont contribué à les orienter vers la vérité; -M. Bendinelli, qui a fait paraître dans le Bullettino Comunale un travail remarquable sur le style des stucs dont la basilique est tapissée ; -M. Lugli, dont le compte rendu de la Rivista di Architet-._tura contient une suggestion féconde et dont les observations orales m'ont été infiniment précieuses ; -Madame Strong qui, dans le mémoire rédigé en collaboration avec Miss Jolliffe pour le Journal of Hellenic Studies a, pour la première fois, décrit intégralement toute la décoration intérieure; enfin, et surtout, M. Franz Cumont dont le travail; imprimé dans la Revue Archéologique dès 1918, fut initiateur et demeure fondamental. C'est la lecture de M. Cumont qui a donné le branle à ma curiosité, et orienté mes recherches. M.Cumont avait été frappé tout de suite par l'analogie qu'offraient l'enterrement et l'éclairage de cet édifice avec la disposition rituelle des « antres de Pythagore », telle que Porphyre nous l'a décrite, et d'emblée il en avait inscrit la fondation au compte d'une des sectes pythagoricien nes que Rome républicaine a léquées à l'Empire. Des doutes pouvaient néanmoins subsister à cet égard, tant que le bas-relief principal n'était pas élucidé. A l'interpréta tion du stuc majeur était suspendue celle du 14 AVANT-PROPOS monument lui-méme. J'ai eu alors la chance de recueillir, dans un passage méconnu de Pline l'Ancien, le texte qui explique le grand motif de l'abside par le symbolisme des pythagoriciens, et j'ai tout de suite fait valoir cet argument décisif dans un article de la Revue Archéologique de 1923. Dès lors il m'apparut que l'étude de la basilique pouvait et devait étre reprise en son entier à la lueur de ce rapprochement inattendu ; et, quidé par elle, je me suis imposé la tâche de réexaminer un à un tous les détails du plan, tous ceux de la décoration. Or, si je n'en ai point rencontré un seul qui ne soutint quelque rapport, soit avec la liturgie, soit avec l'exégèse mythologique, soit avec l'enseignement allégorique des sectes pythagoriciennes, j'en ai remarqué, en revanche, dont le pythagorisme fût seul capable de rendre compte. J'ai donc cru pouvoir définitivement conclure, des recherches dont j'ai groupé ici les résultats, que nous sommes en présence d'un sanctuaire pythagoricien, et toute mon ambition serait remplie si j'avais ainsi parachevé la démonstration d'une thèse qui confère à la basilique de la Porte Majeure une valeur unique et tire de ses profondeurs un témoignage émouvant de la plus haute réforme spirituelle qu'ait tentée le Paganisme romain. Juillet 1926. CHAPITRE PREMIER LE PLAN ET LA DATE DU MONUMENT Le voyageur qui arrive directement de France à Rome admire déjà la ville antique avant d'être descendu dans la capitale italienne. Dans les dernières minutes de son trajet, il a suivi du regard le déroulement majestueux de la fortification que l'Empire, à la fin du m° siècle, dressa comme un défi aux Barbares et dont les hautes masses de brique, si belles en leur ruineux éclat, ont résisté aux progrès modernes comme à la ruée dévastatrice des invasions et à l'anarchie du moyen âge. Au moment où le chemin de fer, pour entrer en gare, rebrousse, comme la muraille, de l'Est vers le Nord, surgit la porte la plus imposante, celle que les Romains désignent communément sous le nom de Porta Maggiore. En réalité, la Porte Majeure est à la fois plus ancienne et plus récente que les murs qui l'enserrent, et trois règnes collaborèrent à l'aspect composite qu'elle revêt aujourd'hui. Ses arches 2 18 LA: BASILIOUE. PYTHAGORTOTMENME furent érigées, entre le 25 janvier 52 et le 24 janvier 53", par Claude, pour soutenir les deux canalisations superposées de ses nouveaux aqueducs, l'Aqua Claudia et PAnio Novus, au-dessus des deux routes qui convergeaient en ce lieu : la Voie Labicane, au Sud, et, au Nord, la Voie Prénestine. Au passage de chacune d'elles et sous l'attique, haute de 9 mètres, dont les flancs enfermaient les conduites d'adduction, l'empereur arrondit deux grandes arcades, de 14 mètres de haut et de 6",35 de largeur, dont le temps n'a pas altéré le galbe; puis, entre ces deux larges baies cavalières et de part et d'autre de chacune d'elles, il ménagea trois poternes que surmontent des frontons triangulaires reposant sur des demi-colonnes corinthiennes. En 271, Aurélien incorpora le grandiose édifice à son enceinte, sans toucher à l'élégance de sa solide architecture". En 4or,ou 402%, Honoriusle restaura, le flanqua de tours rondes, qui ont été démolies en 1838, rétrécit et crénela ses passages et y ajouta une longue inscription'. Mais, ni l'ampleur que Claude lui avait donnée, ni la sollicitude avec laquelle les successeurs de Claude ont pourvu à l'entretien de la Porte Majeure ne 1. Ge sont les termes extrênies de la douzième puissance tribunice de Claude, laquelle date l'inscription supérieure de la Porte Majeure (CG. I. L., VI, 1256). Sur cette inscription et les inscriptions sousjacentes de Vespasien (ibid., 125%) et de Titus (ibid., 1258), cf. E. ALBERTINI, Mélonges d'Archéologie et d'Histoire, 1906, p. 305 et suiv. Peut-être la dédicace eut-elle lieu au jour anniversaire de la naissance de Claude, le 127 avril 52 ? 2. Cf. Léon Homo, Essai sur le règne de l'empereur Aurélien,

In 2019, the underwater part of the Žabokrek cove near the Budim hillfort in the Novigrad Sea was inspected. The remains of the eastern rampart have been identified, extending below sea level, and the embankments of amorphous stone continue in combination with wooden beams at a depth between 2 and 2.5 meters below the current sea level. Next to the stone structure, on the sandy bottom towards the deeper sea, you can see wooden beams that form regular squares. It is probably the remains of a prehistoric coast that was built using a combination of a wooden structure and a stone embankment. A sample was taken for radiocarbon analysis, and the result showed the age of the wood to be 371 to 199 (95.4%) cal. BC. The underwater coastal structures located in the Žabokrek cove, within the Iron Age hillfort of Budim, are extremely well preserved and can provide very useful information in future research, as they are rare preserved remains of Liburnian port installations.

In June 2019, the sixth phase of systematic excavations was conducted on the prehistoric settlement remains lying at a depth of approximately 2 m in the Pašman Channel, between the islet of Ričul and the Turanj coast of Tukljača. Two trenches were explored in the central part of the underwater site. In addition to wooden pylons, bones of domestic animals, and olive and likely cherry pits, the cultural layer contained numerous fragments of vessels from the Middle Bronze Age. This pottery was mostly poorly fired. Some specimens were decorated with a motif in the form of plastic circles or a series of incised triangular fields densely filled with dots. In this research campaign, an archaeological survey of the entire remains of the settlement from the Middle Bronze Age was conducted, as well as of the broader seabed around it. Very significant archaeological remains were observed in the seabed west of Ričul. Between Ričul and the neighbouring islet of Galešnjak, there is an ancient causeway built of amorphous stone. It is about 80 m long and 10 m wide, lying on the seabed at a depth of almost 7 m, indicating that it is much older than the remains of the nearby Middle Bronze Age settlement. It was formed when the sea level was about 6 m lower. One piece of pottery found on this causeway suggests that it dates back to the Early Neolithic, between 6100 and 5400/5300 BC, judging by the densely impressed ornamentation.

In October 2019, archaeological reconnaissance was conducted, and technical documentation was prepared for the Liburnian site known as Lergova gradina in Gornja Slivnica. The reconnaissance aimed to locate a necropolis, leading to the survey of a broader area of the ancient communication route extending southeast from the Lergova gradina hillfort. This ancient route spans several hundred meters, partially carved into the karst terrain. No remains of Liburnian graves were observed, neither on the southwest side nor elsewhere. Besides some Iron Age pottery, a larger hewn stone block was noticed lying in the karst, tens of meters beyond the hillfort’s rampart. Apart from mapping the broader area of the hillfort, detailed documentation of the rampart remains on the external side was carried out. The georeferenced data obtained served as a basis for plotting the existing visible structures, providing better insight into the remnants of the prehistoric rampart.

From late autumn 2018 to early spring 2019, eight sites in the northern part of Zadar County were reconnoitred. These sites span various historical periods in the municipalities of Jasenice, Posedarje, and Starigrad, as well as the cities of Gračac and Obrovac. In the Starigrad area, the archaeological examination focused on the Gradina hillfort above Sv. Trojica. Between this Liburnian hillfort settlement and the Early Byzantine castrum, architectural remains of a settlement dating probably from the early medieval period were identified. Next is the Gradina hillfort in Modrič, a prehistoric settlement site with remnants of an Early Byzantine fortress. Dračevac in the municipality of Jasenice, a Liburnian hillfort, was also surveyed, revealing the ruins of a medieval and/or early modern fortress. Opposite Posedarje is Budim, protected by a high and massive southern rampart, lower and narrower defensive embankments on the sides, and deep ravines. This extensive Liburnian hillfort stretches about 600 m northward to the western coast of the Novigrad Sea, where it is partially submerged and where archaeological traces of a harbour from the Late Iron Age were observed. About 15 km east of Obrovac lies Žegarsko Polje, through which the Zrmanja River flows along its northern side. Along its left bank, there is a lowland hillfort belonging to the prehistoric period. Archaeological surveys were conducted at two sites in Bruvno, approximately 12 km north of Gračac. One site refers to an Iapydic hillfort settlement located on a small elevation along the northern edge of Bruvno, while the other refers to a smaller hillfort featuring only slight defensive embankments. Finally, reconnaissance was carried out on the summit of the Gradina in the centre of Gračac. However, no remains of ramparts or movable archaeological material were observed during the examination of this location.

From the archives of Theory and Criticism of Literature and Arts:
Vol. 4, No. 1 (February 2019)
ISBN 978-0-244-74298-0
ISSN (digital): 2297-1874
ISSN (print): 2504-2238
📝 Contents include:
Carla Rossi
Remarks concerning the “Egyptian” paper fragment of Yvain preserved in Vienna
pp. 8–25
Beatrice Riccardo
Francesco Ubertini detto il Bachiacca: il pittore dimenticato della corte medicea
pp. 26–34
Carla Rossi
L’intertesto del San Francesco in contemplazione del Caravaggio: cinque esemplari per un’autoidentificazione (prima parte)
pp. 35–55
Irene Caravita
Arte svizzera: uno sguardo da Milano
pp. 56–59
Sergio Rossi (Reviews)
Ennio Calabria e la folgorante ambiguità dell’intravisto
pp. 60–66
Klee e Picasso in due mostre milanesi
pp. 67–74
Carlo Carrà
pp. 75–78
Banksy
pp. 79–82
Alberto Olivetti o del dipingere in bilico
pp. 83–85
María Dolores Capilla, Carla Rossi
Creadoras olvidadas: las Sinsombrero y Suiza
pp. 86–91
Viviana La Monaca
Mattia Vacca: racconto di un photoreporter
pp. 92–95

Centres in the Former Province of Germania Inferior in Late Antiquity and the Early Middle Ages – Questions of Continuity and Early Christianity

This article deals with the larger settlements in the former Roman Province of late antique Germania Inferior, outlining their survival and significance in Late Antiquity and the Early Middle Ages up to the Carolingian period. The different starting points gave rise to different structures at the beginning of the development of individual settlements, which also characterise these sites later, e.g. their location on major roads or the river Rhine. This concise overview of the current state of research also considers chronological matters and questions concerning early Christianity and its continuity. This can only rarely be documented. Christianity, its structures and officials do not appear to show continuity in the north-eastern corner of the
former Roman Empire, despite the presence of Christianity being demonstrated by bishops, congregations or at least individuals at all the sites presented here as early as the fi rst half of the 4th century. In the 5th century, a serious hiatus appears in this religious-political development. Finally, in the 6th century, the consolidated Christian communities supported by the
Frankish state became signifi cant and this led to the bishops’ later rule of medieval cities.

Based on a semi-statistical method, it is shown that the medieval abbey church of Sainte-Foy in Conques had a distinctive Neo-Byzantine character. Twenty of its characteristic elements had prominent models on a prototypical pilgrimage route from Conques to the Holy Land, but hardly anywhere else. In contrast, the famous tympanum of the Last Judgment can be considered a Neo-Carolingian project. From the histories of the spirituality and iconography of the Last Judgment, it is derived that the tympanum can best be understood as a reflection of the Carolingian spirituality of the afterlife. The main sources of this spirituality, Matthew 24-25, Reichenau’s Visio Wettini, and Augustine’s Enchiridion 29:109-111, provide a surprisingly detailed blueprint of the unusual iconography of the tympanum.

Vor 35 Jahren schien die Frage, ob bei den Taufen im frühen Mittelalter bronzene Wasserkannen zum Übergießen der Täuflinge eingesetzt wurden oder nicht, endgültig beantwortet worden zu sein. Im Jahre 1972 hatte H. U. Nuber seine umfangreiche Studie über »Kanne und Griffschale« veröffentlicht und darin abschlie ßend festgestellt, dass Bronzekannen während der Römischen Kaiserzeit ausschließlich zum Händewaschen gedient hätten und in Spätantike und frühem Mittelalter auch im christlichen Gottesdienst nur in ihrer ursprünglichen Funktion als Handwaschgeräte benutzt worden seien 1 . Für ihre Verwendung bei der Taufe gäbe es keine Anzeichen. Die meisten Archäologen folgten seiner Argumentation 2 und gehen seither davon aus, dass es keine Taufkannen gegeben habe. Das gilt jedoch nachweislich nicht für Italien und Spanien zu karolingisch-ottonischer Zeit und damit wohl auch nicht für andere christliche Länder jener Epoche. Widerlegt wird Nubers These sowohl durch eine Miniatur des hl. Clemens im Leoneser Antiphonar der zweiten Hälfte des 10. Jahrhunderts, der mit seiner großen Wasserkanne einen knienden Täufling begießt 3 , als auch durch eine Darstellung aus der ersten Hälfte des 9. Jahrhunderts. Das Relief der »Taufe des hl. Ambrosius« auf jenem berühmten Goldaltar von Sant' Ambrogio in Mailand, den Meister Wolvinius im Auftrag des Erzbischofs Angilbert II. (824-859) wohl vor dem Jahre 835 geschaffen hat 4 , zeigt nämlich einen Diakon, der mit seiner Kanne dem im Taufbecken stehenden hl. Ambrosius zusätzlich Wasser über den Kopf schüttet (Abb. 1). Da auf dem Schulterumbruch des Gefäßes eine Reihe halbkugeliger Nieten verläuft, benutzt er offensichtlich keinen Tonkrug, sondern eine Metallkanne. Diese wird im Unterschied zu den vasa sacra, d. h. Kelch und Patene, jedoch nicht aus Gold oder Silber 5 , sondern aus Buntmetall bestanden haben.

Il progetto di restauro e di adeguamento funzionale del Corridoio vasariano ha previsto lo scavo di numerose ‘camerette’ sotto pavimento, per l’alloggio di macchine fan coil, lungo l’intero camminamento da lungarno degli Archibusieri a quello di S. Felicita compreso. Il programma dei lavori, che per il tratto di S. Felicita riguardava lo scavo dei soli saggi
prestabiliti, ha invece comportato, dopo una verifica statica delle volte del portico della chiesa e dell’arcone di via de’ Rossi, il completo svuotamento del riempimento delle volte al fine di procedere a un accurato consolidamento. Ciò ha permesso la completa visione degli elementi architettonici costituiti da volte, frenelli, archetti e inzeppature che consentono di ascrivere la loro realizzazione a un unico intervento edile, e al contempo la valutazione della stratigrafia dei riempimenti i quali attestano una successione di interventi di restauro e rifacimenti effettuati a più riprese nel corso dei secoli.

OPEN ACCESS: https://www.insegnadelgiglio.it/prodotto/tutela-restauro-2022/

La chapelle Saint-Denis, située dans le cimetière paroissial de Marmoutier, a fait l'objet de recherches archéologiques réalisées par l'Inrap au moment des travaux de restauration de l'édifice en 2019 et 2020. Ces recherches ont permis de retracer l'évolution architecturale de la chapelle, de sa période de construction au XII e siècle à nos jours, et de déterminer la fonction initiale de l'édifice, celle de chapelle-ossuaire. Les investigations ont également permis de mettre au jour un sarcophage en grès roman réemployé à la fin du Moyen Âge et une double sépulture d'enfants d'époque Moderne.

Over a decade and a half of excavations, 217 clay tobacco pipes have been unearthed from the Upper Watertown of Buda (Hungary). Of these, the majority of the 126 Turkish-era (before 1686) examples are mass-produced. Those have been analysed in detail, including the identification of late types. A more accurate picture of the existence and distribution of rarer types was also obtained. The original place of manufacture of some of the pieces was Buda, while the subordinate role played by others here suggests the existence of other, possibly foreign, manufacturing centres.

The ordo missae of Cod. Fab. VII, produced in the 12th century at the Abbey of Pfäfers, represents a unique witness of the so-called “Rhenish” type. Through codicological and comparative analysis, the manuscript reveals significant affinities with the centers of St. Gall and Reichenau, while maintaining distinctive features tied to its local context. Textual interpolations and ritual specificities highlight an adaptation of liturgical practice to the parish setting for which it was intended, providing insights into the evolution of the ordines missae in Europe and offering an opportunity to reflect on the current state of historiography on the subject.

The ordo missae of Cod. Fab. VII, produced in the 12th century at the Abbey of Pfäfers, represents a unique witness of the so-called “Rhenish” type. Through codicological and comparative analysis, the manuscript reveals significant affinities with the centers of St. Gall and Reichenau, while maintaining distinctive features tied to its local context. Textual interpolations and ritual specificities highlight an adaptation of liturgical practice to the parish setting for which it was intended, providing insights into the evolution of the ordines missae in Europe and offering an opportunity to reflect on the current state of historiography on the subject.
Sommario
L’ordo missae del Cod. Fab. VII, prodotto nel XII secolo presso l’abbazia di Pfäfers, rappresenta una testimonianza singolare di ordo del tipo cosiddetto renano. Attraverso un’analisi codicologica e comparativa, il manoscritto rivela significative affinità con i centri di San Gallo e Reichenau, pur mantenendo tratti distintivi legati al contesto locale. Le interpolazioni testuali e le specificità rituali evidenziano un adattamento della prassi liturgica al contesto parrocchiale di destinazione, offrendo uno spaccato sull’evoluzione degli ordines missae in Europa e offrendo l’occasione di riflettere sull’attuale stato della storiografia in merito.

Mit der vorliegenden Untersuchung wird an den 2024 in gleicher Zeitschrift erschienenen ersten Teil angeschlossen, in dem das Phänomen des Westbaus in der karolingischen Architektur mit einer großen Anzahl an belegten oder vermuteten Beispielen aus der Zeit unter der Regentschaft von Pippin III. und Karl dem Großen behandelt wurde.1 Dabei wurde nachgewiesen, dass der Westbau seit den 760er Jahren zum festen Bestandteil karolingischer Architektur wurde, und er eine karolingische Erfindung war, da keine Kirche mit Westbau vor der Machtergreifung der Karolinger nachweisbar ist. Unter den Karolingern, besonders unter Karl, findet der Westbau dann an zahlreichen repräsentativen Bauprojekten Anwendung. Die regelmäßigen Zusammenhänge mit königlichen Grablegen und Reliquienaktionen sind ebenfalls belegt und vielfach aufgeführt worden. Im zweiten Teil wird nun nahtlos angeschlossen an die Zeit nach Karls Tod, also nach 814, wobei besonders die Regentschaft von Karls Sohn und Nachfolger, Ludwig dem Frommen, bedeutsam ist, da dieser, stärker noch als sein Vater, die sakrale Architektur aus tiefer Religiosität heraus weiterentwickelte. Karl hingegen hatte mit den Bistums-und Klosterkirchen eher politische Ziele der Machtdemonstration verfolgt. An die Aussagen und Erkenntnisse im ersten Teil wird nicht nur nahtlos angeschlossen, sondern es wird regelmäßig darauf Bezug genommen.

The document discusses the history of the Avars and their influence on the region of Bosnia and Herzegovina, particularly during the 6th to 9th centuries. It highlights the political and cultural changes brought about by the arrival of the Avars and their interaction with the Slavs.

Avar Migration: The Avars, a nomadic people from present-day Dagestan and Azerbaijan, moved westward around 558 AD and became allies of the Byzantine Empire.
Influence of the Goths: After the fall of the Visigothic Kingdom, Arian Goths moved to Bosnia, where they gained political influence while the Byzantine Empire struggled to control the region.
Avar Khaganate: Around 582 AD, the Avars solidified their rule in Pannonia and became the strongest power in Europe under Khagan Bajan, leading to military conflicts with the Byzantine Empire.
Avar-Slavic Alliance: Slavic tribes joined the Avars and supported them in raiding the Balkans and Italy, resulting in the destruction of many Christian sites.
Siege of Constantinople: In 626 AD, the Avars and Slavs laid siege to Constantinople but were unsuccessful.
Decline of the Avar Khaganate: Internal conflict and military defeats against Charlemagne led to the collapse of the Khaganate around 803 AD, marking the end of the Avars as a political power.
Impact on the Region: After the fall of the Avar Khaganate, the Banovina of Bosnia became independent, while the Slavs migrated into the region and mingled with the local population.
Cultural Legacy: The Avars left behind archaeological traces in the form of graves and cultural artifacts found in the Pannonian Plain.

U clanku se, temeljem detaljne analize i izravnog uvida u sacuvane ulomke koji su joj izvorno pripadali, iznose nove spoznaje o trabeaciji predromanicke oltarne ograde ciji su sastavni dijelovi pronađeni na ili nedaleko od lokaliteta Crkvina u Sopotu kod Benkovca. Djelomicno se ispravljaju dosadasnji prijedlozi izgleda same trabeacije i pojedinih njezinih dijelova, a nude se i nove mogucnosti citanja, tj. resitucije njezina cuvenog i vrlo znacajnog posvetnog natpisa u kome se spominje Branimir kao knez Hrvata. Imajuci sve navedeno na umu, autor drži da je od izvornoga posvetnog natpisa s oltarne ograde iz Sopota zasad otkrivena otprilike samo jedna cetvrtina te se priklanja vec iznesenom misljenju da je ona sasvim sigurno bila velikih dimenzija, kao i zakljucku da tako velika oltarna ograda nije mogla stajati u nevelikoj crkvi ciji su temelji otkriveni na lokalitetu Crkvina podno Grubica glavice. Zbog toga pretpostavlja da su raspravljani dijelovi sopotske trabeacije na taj položaj ...

Među brojnim vec publiciranim i u likovno- morfoloskom smislu vrlo raznolikim ulomcima predromanickih reljefa koji su pronađeni prilikom arheoloskih istraživnja ostataka crkve Sv. Marte na lokalitetu Stombrate u Bijacima kod Trogira autori po prvi put raspoznaju i izdvajaju djela klesarske produkcije koja je u hrvatskoj likovnoj kritici nazvana Majstorom koljanskog pluteja. Rijec je o reljefima koji su bili sastavni dijelovi oltarne ograde, poput arhitravâ, zabatâ i pilastarâ, ali i o fragmentima kapitelâ i arkadâ koji su pripadali poznatome cetverostranom ciboriju. Na taj je nacin ciborij iz Bijaca pribrojen grupi morfoloski srodnih ciborijâ ciji su ostaci pronađeni na trima dalmatinskim lokalitetima (Crkvina u Biskupiji, Galovac i Rižinice), a koje je Majstor koljanskog pluteja isklesao tijekom prve polovine 9. stoljeca. Kada se u obzir uzme cinjenica da su to jedini zasad poznati ciboriji s teritorija nekadasnje hrvatske kneževine iz tako ranoga razdoblja, znacaj navedenog majsto...

The author attributes the chancel screen gable from the Trogir Town Museum, discovered in the pavement of the vestibule of the destroyed pre-Romanesque hexaconchal church of St Mary at Trogir to the Trogir stonecarvers’ workshop. The arguments for such an attribution are found in the visual and stylistic analysis of the gable and in the analogies with other similar fragments of pre-Romanesque reliefs which have already been attributed to the same workshop. This demonstrates a similar concept in the layout on the gables from Trogir and Bijaci, while more obvious stylistic parallels for the Trogir gable are found on the chancel screen arches and architraves from Pađene, Brnaze, Malo polje of Trogir and Otres, but also those from Krkovic and Ostrovica. In addition, two fragmented reliefs which have been inserted as spolia in east wall of the parish church of St George at Pađene near Knin are also attributed to the same workshop. These fragments have been measured and photographed in mo...

HAL is a multi-disciplinary open access archive for the deposit and dissemination of scientific research documents, whether they are published or not. The documents may come from teaching and research institutions in France or abroad, or from public or private research centers. L'archive ouverte pluridisciplinaire HAL, est destinée au dépôt et à la diffusion de documents scientifiques de niveau recherche, publiés ou non, émanant des établissements d'enseignement et de recherche français ou étrangers, des laboratoires publics ou privés.

Exhibition flyer for The Cornice. Artefakte unterschiedlichster Art einrahmen oder krönen. Und dennoch werden sie leicht übersehen. Sie erfahren weitaus weniger Aufmerksamkeit in der Architektur, Kritik und Theorie als beispielsweise Säulen und deren klassischen Ordnungen. Aus diesem Grund wird dieses unterschätzte architektonische Element in einer Ausstellung in der Graphischen Sammlung ETH Zürich einer Neubewertung unterzogen. Das Gesims erhält dort seinen längst überfälligen grossen Auftritt. Die gemeinsam von der Graphischen Sammlung ETH Zürich, Dr. Linda Schädler, und der Professur für Geschichte und Theorie der Architektur ETH Zürich, Prof. Dr. Maarten Delbeke, organisierte Ausstellung wird sich mit den zahlreichen Erscheinungsformen des Gesimses in Kunst und Architektur beschäftigen.

The following ethnographic and linguistic article takes into account the traditional ethnographic objects of a peasant farm in Csík related to yoking animals, load transportation and ploughing with the help of explanations, popular reports and photo appendices. These objects are no longer in practical use, but most of them can still be found in their original places as museum objects. Their inventory-like enumeration is important from an ethnographic point of view, because the objects and the folk stories, personal testimonies, beliefs, etc. connected to them bear witness to the historical transformation of a way of life, or its complete disappearance. At the same time, taking stock of the vernacular names of objects and the more complex language expressions formed with them is also important from a linguistic (dialectological) point of view, since this linguistic material of a local nature enriches the universal Hungarian vocabulary.
The article is part of my upcoming larger work entitled Dictionary of the Szekler Regional Language and Popular Sayings of Csíkszentkirály.

Blind Peer Review. -Tutti i contributi inviati a «Studi Gregoriani sono sottoposti a revisione, secondo la formula del doppio anonimato, da parte di due esperti italiani o stranieri, di cui almeno uno esterno alla Direzione e al Comitato scientifico Ideazione grafica e impaginazione / Graphics Scriptorium (VI) -

The study presents a survey of all known Fönlak-type decorative metal belt fittings and the die stamps used for making them, including a detailed overview of the research history of this find group and the related chronological hypotheses and providing a completed and corrected catalogue of the related sites. By analysing new specimens as well as reassessing earlier finds, a new motif typology could be established, and an attempt could be made to specify the chronological position of these artefacts.
Named after the goldsmith’s toolkit recovered from a horse burial at Fönlak (Felnac, RO) in 1900, this fitting type has frequently appeared in scholarly literature for the past century; it has often been referred to lately as Aranka–Fönlak type. According to the current academic consensus, fittings of this type were produced in the Carpathian Basin.Fönlak-type pressblech metal fittings and strap ends are characterised by a central motif: three embossed, domed knobs arranged in a triangle which covers the whole area of the mount, with pressed triangles and dot lines between them.
The sets comprise fittings of four types decorated this way: shield and double shield-shaped mounts, small strap ends, and a large strap end.
Although several archaeologists studied these fittings before, no comprehensive and detailed analysis of the particulars of their design has ever been carried out. The research behind this paper has revealed smaller and bigger dissimilarities between the known specimens, separating diverse motifs and patterns, which could be classified into distinct categories. The simplest or „basic” variation is adorned only with the three domed knobs, which do not touch. Additional decoration comes in various forms and arrangements; practically every piece is unique. The possibility that two sets were pressed with the same die stamp set only arose in the case of the belt sets from two graves in Zamárdi. In contrast, currently, we know of no Fönlak-type fitting that was made with any of the three die stamp sets found in the goldsmith’s grave at Fönlak. It has also been clarified that mounts and fittings of rare shapes (e.g., lunula-shaped mounts and strap fasteners) were only started to be included in Fönlak-type belt sets near the end of the use of the type.
It must also be noted that the number of fittings retrieved from undisturbed graves to hold a mount-decorated belt indicates that the deceased was not provided with a complete belt set for the afterlife in every case. For example, incomplete belt sets in the graves of older men might indicate wear caused by prolonged use. Besides decorative mounts, the belt buckle and the large strap end are often missing; only two burials in the collection, Grave 85 of Aradac-Mečka (Serbia) and Grave 15 of Keszthely-Fenékpuszta, Horreum, contained complete belt sets.
Mostly incomplete belt sets are currently known from altogether 27 graves in 21 sites (stray finds included). The findspots are scattered south of Lake Balaton in Transdanubia and in the southern part of the Great Hungarian Plain, with a predominance in the former; besides, the pieces found there are usually of higher quality than those in the Trans-Tisza Region. A few sheet metal specimens, evidence of the spread of the pressblech technique, are also known from Transdanubia.
The assessing of the grave find assemblages is greatly hindered by the find circumstances of most, as many were obtained under non-controlled circumstances or come from disturbed graves. Based on the available but incomplete evaluation of the related anthropological record, adolescent and adult men wore such belts; however, one was found in the grave of a woman at Budakalász.
As for the material of Fönlak-type fittings, previous conclusions could be modified in light of new finds and observations. Altogether, nine complete and incomplete sets in bronze are known, six from Transdanubia and three from the Trans-Tisza Region.
Based on some stylistic and technical details, the close similarity of the die stamps with leaf pattern in the assemblages from Akalan (TR) and Fenlac (RO), and the coin providing a terminus ante quem for the Akalán assemblage, Fönlak-type fittings could be dated to the first third of the 7th century AD. Upon surveying every related grave find assemblage, we looked for other elements dating them and discovered that more than half did not contain any other find with a chronological value, while accompanying finds dated the rest between the late 620s and the turn of the AD. 670s and 680s.
As relatively few die stamps are known, the question about them is not where the fittings made with them are but why the die stamps of the vast number of 6th–7th-century AD fittings we know of have not been found yet.

Molte questioni sono ancora aperte riguardo alle fasi preromaniche della basilica di San Giovanni a Porta Latina. Questa piccola basilica, è menzionata con certezza per la prima volta nel Liber Pontificalis nella vita di Adriano I, e non come la tradizione degli studi ritiene nel 683, datazione non confermabile dalle fonti. San Giovanni a Porta Latina è l’unica chiesa a Roma con un’abside esternamente poligonale di tipo “costantinopolitano” a tre lati. L’aspetto attuale dell’edificio dipende dai restauri compiuti fra il 1913 e il 1915 al fine di eliminare tutte le decorazioni barocche e ripristinarne l’assetto romanico.
Della fase originale, in opera listata irregolare, sopravvive soprattutto la muratura dell’abside fino alle ghiere degli archi delle finestre e un breve tratto del muro perimetrale sinistro vicino alla facciata. Krautheimer (CBCR I, stampato nel 1954) propose una datazione “intorno al 500 o poco prima”. In questo caso la dimensione delle finestre absidali (3.82m x 1.45m) confermerebbero una datazione precoce. La seconda fase proposta da Krautheimer coinciderebbe con i lavori voluti da Celestino III (1191, anno di riconsacrazione) individuabili nella navata centrale, nel portico, nel campanile e nella parte superiore dell’abside. Claussen (2010) dopo la prima fase paleocristiana individuò una seconda fase riferibile al 1050 ca., localizzata nelle navate laterali e oltre le ghiere delle finestre dell’abside poligonale distinta però da una terza fase individuabile nel portico e nel campanile. Restano invece di più incerta individuazione le fasi attribuibili dal Liber Pontificalis ad Adriano I. In questa sede si vuole presentare per la prima volta un’accurata lettura stratigrafica di tutte le murature visibili al fine di poter localizzare con precisione queste quattro fasi della chiesa, per poter individuare con più precisione le indicazioni cronologiche rilevabili nelle varie fasi.

The 2012 campaign of the archaeological research project permitted the exhaustive excavations of the immediate surroundings of the southern nave of the abbey church of St Peter in Osor. The richness and the complexity of the discovered structures confirmed the great archaeological potential of this sector. Namely, a funeral zone that is situated south to the church is occupied by two buildings perpendicular to the church which we interpret as a mausoleum (the one on the west) and a chapel with one privileged burial (the one on the east). The great number of built tombs or simples graves confirmed that this sector had funeral function even before the XI th century and the construction of the early Romanesque church, until the early modern period. Furthermore, the primary analysis of the eastern part of the Venetian city wall and the long monastic building situated in the eastern part of the monastery was carried out.

The paper analyses the "relationes ad limina" written by the bishop of Mainz Albert Stohr in the period between 1938 and 1958: through these documents, one obtains an overview of the religious life of the Diocese from the time of National Socialism until the "economic miracle" of the 1950s.

Izvješćuje se o rezultatima arheoloških istraživanja srednjovjekovnih nalazišta koja je Arheološki muzej u Za dru proveo od 1997. do 2003. godine na području sela Korlata kod Benkovca. Istraživano je ranohrvatsko groblje koje se nalazi sjeveroistočno od crkve Uznesenja Blažene Djevice Marije, kao i recentno groblje uz stariji prilazni put toj crkvi smještenoj na glavici brdašca. Izvodila su se revizijska istraživanja ostataka crkve sv. Nediljice, te istraživanja groblja oko nje. Pokusna istraživanja provedena su na Bašića zemlji, gdje se nalazi srednjovjekovno groblje, te oko crkve sv. Jeronima (sv. Jere), porušene u Domovinskom ratu. U ruševinama oko crkve sv. Jeronima pronađen je veći broj ulomaka srednjovjekovnoga crkvenog namještaja, što indicira postojanje ranijega, srednjovjekovnog sakralnog objekta (na istome mjestu ili u neposrednoj blizini). Sadašnja crkva sv. Jeronima nastala je, kako je ovim istraži vanjima ustanovljeno, na mjestu jednoga rimskoga gospodarskog sklopa, čiji se ostaci još pružaju južno i jugoi stočno od crkve.

L'île Saint-Honorat de Lérins, où se sont installés des religieux au début du v e siècle, est un témoin exceptionnel des expériences ascétiques insulaires qui se sont développées en Occident durant l'Antiquité tardive. L'intérêt du site tient en outre à sa longue durée d'occupation monastique. C'est en 2005 qu'ont été entreprises à Lérins des recherches archéologiques d'envergure, dont cet ouvrage livre les résultats : fouilles et étude du bâti ont permis de retrouver des vestiges remontant de façon assurée aux premiers ascètes arrivés sur l'île. Le livre de Yann Codou apporte ainsi un éclairage inédit sur la genèse du monachisme en Occident, alors que des pratiques érémitiques cohabitaient avec des formes de vie collective. Les données restituent également les dynamiques du haut Moyen Âge et des siècles suivants, en particulier le processus de communautarisation du monachisme. Les multiples monuments qui composent le paysage insulaire offrent enfin un terrain de choix pour comprendre des mécanismes de construction identitaire, fondés sur la création et la réinterprétation des espaces sacrés. Les enjeux de la recherche dépassent largement l'histoire de la seule communauté lérinienne pour s'inscrire dans une réflexion sur l'organisation des espaces monastiques et leurs mutations tout au long du Moyen Âge.

HAL is a multi-disciplinary open access archive for the deposit and dissemination of scientific research documents, whether they are published or not. The documents may come from teaching and research institutions in France or abroad, or from public or private research centers. L'archive ouverte pluridisciplinaire HAL, est destinée au dépôt et à la diffusion de documents scientifiques de niveau recherche, publiés ou non, émanant des établissements d'enseignement et de recherche français ou étrangers, des laboratoires publics ou privés.