Ancient Syracuse

-CHAVE / KEYWORDS AGRADECIMENTOS ABREVIATURAS INTRODUÇÃO I O IMPÉRIO CARTAGINÊS ATÉ À PRIMEIRA GUERRA PÚNICA 1. Introdução ao estudo do Império -Ceterum censeo Carthaginen esse delendam 2. Uma breve análise da expansão cartaginesa: o Império visto por Diodoro e Justino 3. Os dados arqueológicos 4. De cidade comercial a cidade imperial: perspectivas historiográficas 5. A organização política 6. A guerra vista a partir de Cartago: posições sobre o exército cartaginês II OS PROCESSOS CARTAGINESES DE COLONIZAÇÃO INSULAR E O INTERESSE DOS POVOS MEDITERRÂNEOS NA SICÍLIA 1. A Sicília 2. Os Primeiros Povos: Sícanos e Sículos 3. Um novo invasor: a chegada dos Gregos 4. O decurso dos conflitos I O IMPÉRIO CARTAGINÊS ATÉ À PRIMEIRA GUERRA PÚNICA 1. Introdução ao estudo do Império -Ceterum censeo Carthaginem esse delendam O estudo do período púnico apresenta diversos problemas no que diz respeito às formas de aproximação. Se, por um lado, as escavações em Tunis, patrocinadas pela UNESCO 2 , têm permitido preencher lacunas ou rectificar os dados legados pelos autores greco-romanos, por outro, os vestígios arqueológicos encontrados até à data não são em número suficiente para possibilitar um estudo abrangente, sobretudo quando se considera a destruição da cidade após a vitória romana de 146 a. C. 3 e, com ela, do núcleo do mundo púnico. Aos limites e dificuldades apresentados à Arqueologia, acresce o facto de as fontes históricas para esta questão, não obstante a existência de alguns pontos em comum, apresentarem divergências significativas, que obrigam a uma análise minuciosa e respectiva confrontação, da qual a Historiografia está longe de tirar conclusões definitivas. Sublinhe-se ainda o facto de parte destas fontes, algumas das quais de importância considerável (como é o caso, por exemplo, do Epítome de Pompeu Trogo), só chegarem ao momento presente por segundas vias, sendo que o único acesso possível se faz através de referências escassas em obras de outros autores 4 . Os mesmos problemas de interpretação histórico-arqueológica presentes quando se procura um conhecimento aprofundado da cidade aplicam-se no estudo da construção do Império Cartaginês. Perguntas que incluem como se constrói ou qual a sua natureza apresentam ainda a dificuldade acrescida de compreender as alterações de poder entre as colónias cartaginesas e as de outras cidades fenícias (sobretudo Tiro), distinguindo-as nos diferentes períodos históricos. 2 Desde 1979 que o sítio arqueológico de Cartago é considerado Património Mundial. A partir de 2006, inicia-se um processo de inventariação dos bens de Património Mundial; em 2010, as autoridades tunisinas recebem o pedido de um relatório sobre o estado de conservação, que chega no ano seguinte. No relatório da UNESCO, salientam-se para o período púnico, entre outros espaços, o Tophet (templo de Baal Amon, onde têm sido encontradas estelas votivas e urnas cinerárias) e os portos (porto de comércio rectangular e porto militar circular). Veja-se o relatório do Comité do Património Mundial, "Convention concernant la proteccion du patrimoine mondial, culturel et naturel",

Athenian democracy occupied a central position in the study of ancient Greek political history, dominating historian's imaginations of ancient Greece. However, in the past thirty years, many researchers have shifted their focus to those Greek city-states outside Athens, such as Sparta, Thebes, and Sicily, with the critics on methodology, reinterpretations of historical sources, and the discovery of new archaeological materials. This thesis aims to focus on the tyranny of Syracuse in the fourth century BCE, specifically under the tyrant Dionysius I and Dionysius II, and the mixed government model that Dion attempted to establish. On one hand, this study seeks to gain a deeper understanding of ancient Greek tyranny through the case of Syracuse; on the other hand, it examines the relationship between Syracuse's politics and the philosopher Plato, aiming to explore how the philosopher-king and the rule of law, as presented in Plato's political ideals, would manifest in practical way. The articles follow the political career of Dion. In the first part, it explores the close relationship between Dion's family and the regime of Dionysius, as well as how Dion, while serving as a minister, criticized tyranny and introduced Plato as a tutor for the young tyrant. The second part examines how Dion, after initiating a revolution and reaching political power, tried to establish a mixed constitution combining one single ruler with an aristocratic council in opposition to the assembly and the democratic faction led by Heracleides. In its conclusion, the paper draws on Plato's arguments about ideal politic presented in The Republic, Statesman, and Laws-the philosopher-king

During the course of two centuries, numerous changes occurred affecting the Greeks living in the western Mediterranean, notably in the evolution of new political structures. The emergence of a distinctive Syracusan leadership, even if rather short-lived, is the most dramatic example. Moreover, civic communities under the control of Syracuse became ever more diverse and heterogeneous as these cities were populated with mercenaries employed by the rulers. These employees then became the citizens of their poleis, abandoning their former status in other often far-flung states or regions to create a unique social and ethnic mix in Sicily and southern Italy that was accepted as Greek. However, the growing power of Rome and the continued ambitions of the Carthaginians spurred on even more drastic changes in Sicily and Magna Graecia. Eventually, including Syracuse, all became subjects of the res publica. The focus here begins with the populist and dynamic rule of Dionysius I (405-367) and how it was later perceived, then the collapse of the ruling dynasty in a further round of family infighting, as had happened before with the ending of Deinomenid control in the 460s. The decline of Syracuse's power in the 340s was reversed by Timoleon. However, the form of government which he substituted for tyranny, was neither a strong independent democracy nor a cohesive enough oligarchy, and made it liable for subversion. Agathocles seized power as the next tyrant, and, with Gelon more probably in mind than Alexander the Great, moved towards becoming a king with full monarchical paraphernalia. More stasis followed his death until Hieron, first tyrant, and then benign ruler, another basileus, came to an arrangement with Rome at the start of the First Punic War and prospered. After his death in 215 his heir Hieronymus unwisely moved Syracuse into an alliance with age-old enemy Carthage. Following his murder in 214, the Romans responded quickly by besieging Syracuse and, then for the first time in its history, sacking the city. This paper is a version, with variations, of the publication in The World of the Western Greeks (2025).

La presente comunicación tiene como objetivo indagar en esas complejas y poco conocidas relaciones diplomáticas entre el primer faraón del Egipto ptolemaico y su hijo, Cerauno, con Agatocles y, especialmente, con Pirro, dos destacados basileis que engrandecieron Siracusa y Epiro. Si bien la figura del epirota ha despertado interés recientemente, dicho interés se ha centrado sobre todo en su conflicto contra Roma, y no tanto en sus relaciones con otros soberanos helenísticos. Ptolomeo I y Cerauno han sido objeto de numerosos estudios, pero sus vínculos con los reinos helenísticos occidentales, como Siracusa y Epiro, han recibido escasa atención.
Por tanto, esta ponencia busca arrojar luz sobre las alianzas con estos denominados "reinos periféricos" entre los años 310 y 278 a.C. Se trata de alianzas que revelan la gran capacidad de influencia y el poder del Egipto ptolemaico a comienzos del siglo III a.C., y que aportaron beneficios notables tanto a Agatocles como a Pirro. Agatocles se casó con una princesa egipcia y forjó una alianza con Ptolomeo I para debilitar a Casandro. Por su parte, Pirro logró recuperar su reino y, más adelante, ocupar Macedonia gracias a su vínculo con Ptolomeo I. Durante sus campañas en Italia, dejó como protector de Epiro a Cerauno, quien le proporcionó un considerable apoyo militar para luchar frente a Roma. Para esta ponencia se han consultado numerosas fuentes primarias, destacando la numismática y las obras de Plutarco, Justino, Pausanias y Diodoro, entre otros.

The purpose of this paper is to explore the complex and little-known diplomatic relations between the first pharaoh of Ptolemaic Egypt and his son, Ceraunus, with Agathocles and, especially, with Pyrrhus, two prominent basileis who brought greatness to Syracuse and Epirus. Although the figure of the Epirote has recently aroused interest, this interest has focused mainly on his conflict with Rome, and not so much on his relations with other Hellenistic rulers. Ptolemy I and Ceraunus have been the subject of numerous studies, but their links with the western Hellenistic kingdoms, such as Syracuse and Epirus, have received little attention.
This paper therefore seeks to shed light on the alliances with these so-called “peripheral kingdoms” between 310 and 278 BC. These alliances reveal the great influence and power of Ptolemaic Egypt at the beginning of the 3rd century BC, and brought considerable benefits to both Agathocles and Pyrrhus. Agathocles married an Egyptian princess and forged an alliance with Ptolemy I to weaken Cassander. For his part, Pyrrhus managed to recover his kingdom and, later, occupy Macedonia thanks to his link with Ptolemy I. During his campaigns in Italy, he left Ceraunus as protector of Epirus, who provided him with considerable military support to fight against Rome. Numerous primary sources have been consulted for this paper, notably numismatics and the works of Plutarch, Justin, Pausanias, and Diodorus, among others.

Τα πληροφοριακά κείμενα αποτελούν έναν από τους βασικούς κειμενικούς τύπους που αξιοποιούνται στο πλαίσιο της εκπαίδευσης για τη μετάδοση της γνώσης. Η ικανότητα των μαθητών να κατανοούν και να παράγουν αυτόν τον τύπο κειμένου βρίσκεται σε άμεση συνάρτηση με τη σχολική επιτυχία. Έτσι, η ανάπτυξη δεξιοτήτων παραγωγής τέτοιων κειμένων έχει συγκεντρώσει το ενδιαφέρον των ερευνητών τις τελευταίες δεκαετίες ιδιαίτερα, αλλά για τα ελληνικά είναι ακόμα αρκετά περιορισμένη. Στο άρθρο γίνεται μια επισκόπηση της βιβλιογραφίας σχετικά με την ανάπτυξη της παραγωγής γραπτών πληροφοριακών κειμένων, αφού πρώτα παρουσιαστούν τα βασικά χαρακτηριστικά αυτού του τύπου κειμένων.

We owe Ariel Helfer a good deal of gratitude for his latest effort, a translation of Plato's Letters that brings to the American audience, for the first time, perhaps, the only things Plato wrote in his own name, as opposed to philosophical theater in dialogue form, therefore almost the only things of an autobiographical character we have concerning the most famous philosopher of all times. But as soon as we say this much, we're in for a shock: How come our academics have not yet studied to death this unique resource? Why don't we concern ourselves with it wherever we assign Plato's Republic or the Symposium or the Apology of Socrates to students, indeed to all interested readers?

This contribution focuses on the two phases of the Syracusan colonization. The first between the 8 th and the 6 th century BC. And the second in the fourth century B.C. during the reign of Dionysius the Elder. In particular, the accent is placed on the settlement characteristics of the Syracusan colonies, assuming a different settlement model depending on the morphological peculiarities of the places and the historical moments in which they are founded.

Il processo poleogenetico iniziò con la formazione degli spazi pubblici a carattere sacro per poi estendersi gradualmente a tutte le funzioni che il corpo sociale civico aveva da esprimere. Ma quanto di queste esperienze ancora fluide e acerbe furono trasmesse alle colonie d'oltremare? Da questa domanda parte la nostra breve analisi sul caso di Siracusa e delle sue sub-colonie di età arcaica. Uno dei temi infatti, maggiormente trattati nella storia dell'urbanistica antica è lo sviluppo della maggiore colonia corinzia in Sicilia. Lungi dal volerci inoltrare qui in una disamina degli elementi anche recenti che hanno permesso nuove interessanti ipotesi di lavoro che solo la continuazione degli scavi potrebbe convalidare, ci limiteremo fra le sub-colonie siracusane al caso particolare di Akrai.

Hemiobols of the so-called heavy thraco-macedonian standard bear an Apollo's head to r. or left on the obverse and a linear square divided into four smaller squares, divided into four triangles on the reverse. A number of theses was found in Olynthus. The striking stylistic similarity of their obverse type with the obverse type of chalcidic tetrobols makes their attribution to the chalcidic mint possible. They were probably struck before the hemiobols bearing a tripod on the reverse.

Fondata nel 663 a.C., su un luogo strategicamente favorevole, Akrai è la prima sub-colonia siracusana. Afrodite ne era, probabilmente, la divinità prediletta: al suo culto venne consacrato un tempio. Ai culti connessi alle divinità protettrici del territorio si svilupparono, dal IV sec. a.C. i culti eroici. Essi erano parte delle società del passato, trovando radici nel passato eroico come quello che racconta le azioni degli ecisti, che venivano considerati personalità fondamentali per la creazione dell’identità della comunità, profondamente legata alla terra. Nell’antica Akrai esempio evidente di tali pratiche è il bassorilievo presente nella Via Sacra dell’Intagliatella. La divinizzazione dei cittadini onorevoli, così come i sacrifici e i rituali a loro dedicati serviva a preservarne le gesta e a dare valore alla società di appartenenza. Tali culti sono tutti espressione di una memoria e un’identità collettive, condivise dai membri della comunità. Nella società moderna, il dominio del tempo è ancora un tema essenziale e si rispecchia nelle feste patronali, calendarizzate seguendo il ciclo agrario. Esse derivano dalla memoria ancestrale della civiltà contadina e marcano profondamente l’identità dei devoti, attraverso la trasmissione di ritualità molto antiche, spesso adattate alla liturgia cattolica, che sono espressione dei bisogni dello stesso mondo contadino.

This study examines choral lyric songs in the ‘dochmiac style’, with a particular focus on pindaric work. This style is characterised by a prevalence of dochmii, a measure typically associated with tragedy. It is hypothesised that odes in this style, with their abundance of dochmiac metres, were influenced by the style of Aeschylean theatre. A context
conducive to contact and exchange between artists, and to their emulation and mutual imitation, could have been the court of the tyrant Hieron of Syracuse in the 470s BCE.

In questo studio si esaminano i canti della lirica corale in «stile docmiaco» (con particolare attenzione all’opera pindarica). Questo stile è caratterizzato da una prevalenza di docmi, una misura tipicamente associata alla tragedia. L’ipotesi è che le odi in question stile, con la loro abbondanza di metri docmiaci, fossero influenzate dallo stile del teatro
eschileo. Un contesto in grado di favorire il contatto e lo scambio tra artisti, e la loro emulazione e reciproca imitazione, avrebbe potuto essere la corte del tiranno Ierone di Siracusa negli anni Settanta del V secolo a.C.

This study aims to analyze at length what has been defined as one of the
tactical formations of naval warfare in the Classical period: the κύκλος. Taking the distance from the reading mainstream among scholars, the following contribution intends to review the battle of Artemision, Patras and Corcyra, seeking to understand the reasons behind the employment of this tactic.

In a literally letter styling using the famous philosophical thought experiment of the Ship of Theseus, this letter argues how social democracy is like the Ship of Theseus. In addition, this letter argue for the role of social democracy against tyranny and in uniting leftism.

An unpublished Document on the Marriage of Theodore I Lascaris to Philippa of Armenia-Cilicia: The dossier of evidence concerning the marriage of Theodore I Lascaris, Emperor of Nicaea (r. 1205–1221), to the Armenian princess Filippa is now supplemented by a hitherto unpublished document preserved in the codex Ambrosianus F 93 sup (Diktyon 42762), ff.
5r, l. 26–6v, l. 17. This document, a letter from Nicholas Mesarites, Metropolitan of Ephesus and Exarch of all Asia, to Demetrius Tornices Comnenus, witnesses the discovery of the fraud regarding the identity of the Armenian bride, who was the niece, rather than the daughter, of Leo I, King of Armenia-Cilicia (r. 1199–1219). This contribution provides an edition of the letter along with a commentary that aims to contextualize the marriage within the historical and diplomatic dynamics of the period (c. 1213–1215).

In his account of the 'Peloponnesian War', Thucydides also describes many capitulation treaties, most of which are referred to as homologies (ὁμολογίαι). Since Thucydides makes use of a legal-technical terminology and the treaties often seem to be designed according to a similar pattern, it is argued in the literature that Thucydides consulted original documents and, based on their wording, integrated them into his work, perhaps even quoted them. The corpus of these ὁμολογίαι will * Der vorliegende Artikel stellt die Schriftfassung des Vortrages dar, den ich am 9. August 2022 am 43. Rechtshistorikertag in Zürich gehalten habe. Mein Dank für Anregungen gilt den Teilnehmern an der Diskussion, vor allem Frau Ulrike Babusiaux (Zürich), Frau Cosima Möller (Berlin) und Herrn Guido Pfeifer (Frankfurt). Wertvolle und detailreiche Hinweise verdanke ich den beiden Gutachten des peer-review-Verfahrens. Wie Albers, Kowalski 2023, 548 A. 12 anlässlich ihrer, die These des Vortrages klug paraphrasierenden Rezension der Tagung bemerken, knüpft die vorliegende Studie an frühere Untersuchungen an. Während sich Scheibelreiter 2011 jedoch allgemeinen Fragen zur völkerrechtlichen Begrifflichkeit bei Thukydides und dem ius in bello zuwendet und Scheibelreiter 2021, 91-97 zwar auch die ὁμολογία, dies aber bloß im Kontext des delisch-attischen Seebunds in den Blick nimmt, widmet sich die vorliegende Arbeit erstmals eingehend den Belegen zur ὁμολογία / zum ὁμολογεῖν bei Thukydides und lotet ihre völkerrechtliche Dimension aus. Unverzichtbares Hilfsmittel war hierbei auch der Index Thucydideus, den von Essen 1887 ediert hat, und Bengtson 1975. Die dort gesammelten Staatsverträge werden in der Folge mit StV II abgekürzt.

Vittorio G. rizzone luce anche i dati relativi all'attività edilizia dei presuli 4 riportati in questa sorta di Liber Pontificalis 5 della chiesa siracusana per restituire informazioni sulla sua topografia ecclesiastica 6 . Per quanto concerne la Cattedrale di Siracusa, la conversione del tempio pagano dedicato ad Athena in occasione della battaglia di Himera, in chiesa cristiana 7 , sembra che essa debba essere anticipata al secondo quarto del VI secolo 8 : è da prendere in seria considerazione, infatti, la notizia relativa al presunto decimo vescovo, Eugius o Euxius 4 Sull'attività edilizia dei vescovi nella tarda antichità in generale vd.

This paper discusses the speech of Athenagoras in Thucydides 6.36–40. Thucydides sketches Athenagoras’ profile based on his knowledge of Athenian demagogues, his (probably scanty) knowledge of the Syracusan opposition to Hermocrates, and his knowledge of Syracusan democracy. I argue, first, that, despite freely composing Athenagoras’ speech,
Thucydides does follow the principle of τὰ δέοντα and ξύμπασα γνώμη τῶν  ληθῶς λεχθέντων that he introduces in his methodological chapter at 1.22.1. Second, that the picture of Syracusan democracy that Athenagoras provides in his excursus on democracy is not simply a mirror of Athenian democracy. The speech contains clues about a specific Syracusan
view of democracy, power and leadership, which might also explain why Aristotle defines Syracuse in the period from 466/5 to 413 BC as a πολιτεία (i.e., a mixed constitution, halfway between oligarchy and democracy) and not as a δημοκρατία.

At the Olympic Games in 388 BC Lysias is said to have delivered a speech in which he warned of the danger to the freedom of Greece posed by the growing power of Syracuse and Persia. This event is accepted as historical, based on the single mention of it by Diodorus (Diod. 14.109.4), and since a small part of the supposed speech was preserved by Dionysius of Halicarnassus. The date has been questioned and 384 has been suggested, although most commentators seem happy with 388, remarkably, on the strength of Diodorus’ evidence alone. The later date as will be argued here is quite impossible. What has never been discussed is the context in which this speech occurs, midway through Dionysius’ extraordinarily long war with the much less powerful city of Rhegium, a campaign, states Diodorus (Diod. 14.100.1), aimed at control of the Italian Greeks. Lysias’ speech, or the fragment, itself is often misquoted since its warning about a future threat to the Greeks is more vague than it appears. More important is the entire question of the historicity of the speech which, if the context  of war against the Rhegians is considered, shows it to be simply an element in the sustained invective of the Syracusan tyrant by Diodorus’ source Timaeus, who, according to Polybius (12.7.1), was no stranger to inventing evidence. The absence of any real appreciation of current affairs in this ‘speech’ of Lysias casts further doubt on its historicity. Syracuse was never a threat to the mainland Greeks.

Articolo su "letteraturaa360°" di Storia e Letteratura Greca, inerente al Processo agli Strateghi vincitori della Battaglia delle Arginuse, rei dell'annegamento dei naufraghi. Riflessioni attraverso gli occhi critici delle fonti: Senofonte (Elleniche) - Diodoro Siculo (Bibliotheca Historica) - Raffaele Cantarella (Storia della Letteratura Greca) - Cinzia Susanna Bearzot (Manuale di Storia Greca e Giustizia nell'Antica Grecia) - Fedriani - Kagan.

From the city of Syracuse, a colony of the Dorian Corinth, inscriptions from the archaic period have  been  preserved,  demonstrating  that  the  city  used  a  different  alphabet  from  that  of  its metropolis. In this paper, we outline the characteristics of these scripts and describe the evolution of the Syracusan alphabet from the earliest inscriptions. We also analyze the possible reasons behind this change.

De la ciutat de Siracusa, colònia de la dòria Corint, se’ns han conservat inscripcions d’època arcaica que demostren que la ciutat utilitzà un alfabet diferent del de la seva metròpoli. En aquest estudi exposem les característiques gràfiques d’aquestes inscripcions i descrivim l’evolució de l’alfabet a Siracusa a partir de les inscripcions més antigues, així com analitzem els possibles motius pels quals tingué lloc aquest canvi.

This paper presents the preliminary results of the research on the so-called “ingrottamento”, an archaeological context of extraordinary importance for the understanding of Archaic Greek Syracuse and of the early settlement on the mainland.
Despite the importance of the discovery, the context of the "ingrottamento" - excavated in 1968  - remains unpublished, since neither its location, nor the function nor the content of the archaeological deposit are known. Yet, this assemblage not only provides an extraordinary insight into the material culture of Archaic Syracuse (8th-early 6th century BC), but also provides a new picture of the “outer city” (Thuc. 6, 3, 2), that is, the part extended on the mainland in front of Ortigia (the “inner city”), corresponding to the future quarter of Achradina.
Therefore, this contribution aims to fill this gap, through the rediscovery of the grotto, the examination of the archive documentation and the extensive, typological and functional analysis of the entire archaeological assemblage.

Abstract: The title poem of Timoleon returns to a theme Herman Melville developed across his long career—the regular emergence of tyranny. Drawing on Walter Benjamin’s juxtaposition of the tyrant and the martyr in The Origin of German Tragic Drama, this article shows that Melville’s incisive analysis of a key challenge democracy always faces—the possibility that tyranny will pre- vail—and links the poem to another late work, Billy Budd. Melville’s wariness about the ability to assert knowledge of the common good links these works.

L’indagine analizza alcuni tratti inerenti al linguaggio della comunicazione turistica come i costrutti impersonali, i gerundi e le forme iussive, la deissi spazio-temporale, i superlativi, i tecnicismi architettonici e archeologici, l’attenzione nei confronti della toponomastica locale, spesso etimologizzata.  Evidenzia però, in diacronia, anche l'interesse storiografico di Mauceri, come delle Guide del suo tempo, e il discorso riportato che ne consegue, legato agli autori di riferimento in una fitta trama intertestuale.

This article re-examines Syracusan petalism in view of the current historiographical debate on Diodorus Siculus. Diodorus portrays petalism as a local variant of Athenian ostracism introduced in 454 BC in response to multiple attempts at establishing a tyranny in Syracuse, only to be abolished soon after it caused a crisis in the civic life of the polis. Despite its inconsistencies, Diodorus’ narrative is accepted by most scholars, who take petalism as evidence for determining the constitutional order of post Deinomenid Syracuse. This piece offers a new interpretation of petalism which appreciates Diodorus’ authorial voice and his use of the sources. I aim to provide a non-Athenocentric view of petalism and stress its relevance to the colonial environment of fifth-century Sicily. First, I analyse the procedural section of Diodorus’ narrative. I show that the historian lacked any direct information on petalism and deducedits procedural features by analogy with Athenian ostracism and ekphyllophoria. I then focus on the historical section of Diodorus’ account of petalism. I demonstrate that, on a narrative detailing a stasis between ancient and naturalised citizens, Diodorus superimposed one centred around the struggle between demagogues and «the most respectable citizens» (οἱ χαριέστατοι τῶν πολιτῶν), according to a pattern he typically used to adapt scenarios of political conflict to his moral agenda. I thus argue that petalism was not an anti-tyrannical institution but a tool to tackle the social problems caused by the re-definition of the citizen body and land distribution carried out as a result of the κοινὸν δόγμα in 461 BC.

Nel corso delle indagini condotte presso il Museo Archeologico Regionale Paolo Orsi di Siracusa in seno al progetto ERC Crossreads grazie al partenariato con il Parco Archeologico e Paesaggistico di Siracusa,
Eloro, Villa del Tellaro e Akrai, sono stati rinvenuti alcuni documenti iscritti, sia editi che inediti. Si presenta in questa sede un primo gruppo costituito da ciottoli e supposti pesi monetali iscritti. In particolare, sono stati portati alla nostra attenzione due documenti inediti con iscrizioni incise e un ciottolo levigato proveniente da Akrai, edito da Paolo Orsi pochi anni dopo la sua acquisizione.

pers. 3.39-43 and The phalarIs legend Аннотация. Рассуждая о том, как укоры больной совести не дают покоя человеку, который не утратил понимания истинной добродетели, хотя и сошел с ее стези, Персий (3.39-43) приводит два хрестоматийных примера, связанных с Фаларидом и Дионисием / Дамоклом: если бы Юпитеру было угодно наказывать жестоких тиранов душевными муками, то страдания а) того, кого поджаривают в медном быке, или b) того, над чьей головой на роскошном пиру свисает меч, показались бы им пустяками. Традиционное понимание этих строк предполагает сразу несколько сильных логических «перескоков», которые справедливо отметили (хотя не совсем удачно попытались оправдать) Н. Радд и Р. А. Харви. Угрызения совести тиранов сравниваются с физическими страданиями не их самих, но их жертв; при этом ради равновесия двух exempla мучения Дамокла приходится считать изощренной пыткой, устроенной ему Дионисием,-уходя в сторону от того толкования, которое дают эпизоду с Дамокловым мечом Цицерон и Гораций (Дионисий демонстрирует своему подданному, насколько безрадостна жизнь деспота, который ежеминутно страшится покушения). Между тем ходу мысли Персия можно, как кажется, вернуть связность, предположив, что ст. 39 отсылает к той версии Фаларидовой легенды, согласно которой восставшие жители Агригента сожгли тирана в том же медном быке, в котором он сжигал других (ср. в первую очередь Ov. Ibis 439-440-пассаж, близкий Персию в том числе и лексически). При такой интерпретации наказанием за преступления тиранов служит или жестокое возмездие по принципу ius talionis (Фаларид), или постоянный страх этого возмездия, отравляющий жизнь (Дионисий; именно он, а не Дамокл, выведен в ст. 40-41)-однако угрызения совести способны оказаться мучительней и того, и другого.

This explores the allusions to Thucydides in Livy’s account in Books 24 and 25 of the Roman siege of Syracuse in 213–212. It is suggested that Livy intended to ensure his readers that this siege would end in Roman victory and to suggest the superiority of his own account over that of the Peloponnesian War’s historian.

Émises à partir de l'extrême fin du V e s. av. n. è., les oboles et hémioboles « à l'ethnique » inaugurent, avec les nouvelles séries à la tête d'Athéna / roue qui les précède de peu, l'entrée dans la période « classique » du monnayage de la cité grecque de Massalia (Marseille). Avec, au droit, une version modernisée de la tête de Lacydon, le dieu-fleuve « local » qui apparait aux alentours du milieu du V e s., ces monnaies de haute qualité de gravure vont largement s'inspirer d'un prototype syracusain, en or, de Dionysos I  En nous appuyant sur un détail stylistique commun et sur la rarissime utilisation, comme à Syracuse, de coins qui paraissent « rouillés », nous apportons de nouveaux éléments qui viennent confirmer, un peu plus, que les séries « initiales » massaliètes, d'époque « classique », au moins pour les premiers coins, sont attribuables au travail de graveurs professionnels oeuvrant principalement au sein du monde gréco-sicilien et de Grande Grèce et qui étaient employés sur commande par Massalia.

This paper is primarily dedicated to the interpretation of the content of the face designs on the tetradrachms and didrachms minted in Selinunte from around the middle to the end of the 5th century BC in order to try to determine their specific pictorial themes on the one hand and, on the other, to deduce any intentional self-statements of the historical population of Selinunte. The focus here will be on the depictions of the sacrificing river gods on the reverses of the tetradrachms and didrachms, as these are regarded in research, irrespective of their interpretation, as a secure link in terms of content between these two denominations due to strong similarities in mint, minting period, motif and image type, and are regarded as the basis for their cultural-historical interpretation of the face designs of the tetradrachms and didrachms of Selinunte. To this end, the history of Selinunte will first be outlined in the context of the development of Selinunte coinage. The face designs of the tetradrachms and didrachms in focus here will then be analysed iconographically. In accordance with the research consensus, the fundamentally constant main motifs are more central than minor deviations in the details and art-historical-stylistic developments of the image types. The iconological interpretation of the pictorial themes, followed by their classification in the history of Selinunte and possibly communicated contemporary values, will then be attempted, taking into account the research discourse.

Please note: This article is a rather hastily produced translation of the German original  (Münzbilder der Tetradrachmen und Didrachmen Selinunts. Zwischen Krieg, Seuche und Mythos – Bedeutung der Revers-Abbildungen opfernder Flussgötter) to share my student research with wider audiences. Please excuse minor errors and refer for citation to the original if possible. (An improved, more well-rounded English version is planned for the future). Thank you.

This article investigates the historiographic identity of Diodorus through the analysis of select narratives of political conflict. These feature in sections of the Library based on different sources and are structured around the contrast between a group of political actors labelled as the χαριέστατοι and another to which they are opposed. I show that, whatever the respective position of the factions on the socio-political spectrum, the main role of the χαριέστατοι is to act as the mouthpieces of Diodorus' moralising. I also argue that Diodorus' use of this pattern was the result of his engagement with an Aristotelian variant of traditional aristocratic thought, which he adapted to the political scenarios recounted by his sources in order to suit his moral agenda.

The epigraphic corpus in Greek today published by Zankle-Messana, which has about 120 documents datable mostly to late Hellenistic and imperial times, with this volume is enriched with a sylloge of new inscriptions recently acquired and partly unpublished. These are thirty-one inscriptions of various types, datable between 8th cent. B.C. and 3th/4th cent. A.D., from excavations of the local Superintendence of BB.CC.AA. in the urban territory of Messina. The edition, preceded by a chapter on the history of the city from its foundation in the early imperial era, intended as a reference framework for documents, proposes the study with commentary of ten vascular inscriptions, one defixio, thirteen funeral inscriptions, five on instrumentum, one dubia. Context and chronology of the inscriptions are uneven; some, while retaining very small texts, are likely to provide elements useful for a better understanding of aspects hitherto unknown to the history of Zankle-Messana in the archaic and Hellenistic era. Among the graffiti of the Archaic era, we note the most ancient inscriptions to date known from the first centuries of life of Zankle (nrr. 1-4), as well as possible evidence of an early presence of graphemes of the 'Ionic' alphabet at the beginning of the fifth century B.C. (nr. 5-6). Some funerary inscriptions (nrr. 12-14), on instrumentum (nrr. 27-29) and a defixio (nr. 11) allow to define in more detail the phenomenon of linguistic hellenization of the Oscan element of Messana, which occurred during the III and II sec. a.c., also bringing out an unprecedented visibility of the Hellenic component of Messana in the shadow of the Mamertine domination.

In this contribution, we present an attempt to approach the past landscape of the Lavrion area, considering inscriptions dated to the 4th cent. BCE, recording the leases of the mines by the Athenian polity to individuals (the poletae record), as mental maps. The research aim is threefold: first, to reconstruct a flexible set of abstract mental maps, beyond a defined geometric space, in order to explore the network of spatial relationships defined in the epigraphical record and the social and economic meanings involved; second, to develop a methodology for the production of an "intermediate" map, spatially and geometrically correct, which transforms the mental map into an intra-referential map; third, final goal is to proceed to a reconstruction (insofar it is possible) of the landscape and the topographical layout of the area as in the 4th cent. BCE.

Il saggio tratta dei rinvenimenti archeologi anteriori al 1864, anno della prima campagna di scavo scientifica nel territorio di Lentini. Si fa particolare riferimento al Kouros e ai crateri a figure rosse, di cui viene particolareggiata la storia dei restauri e museografica

The establishment of tyranny allowed Dionysius I The Elder to carry out the expectations of the imperialist faction, the so-called philoi, which had brought him to power. The expectation was that Syracuse would extend its hegemony from Sicily to the entire Central Mediterranean, creating a sea empire hinged on naval bases to support task-forces capable of controlling trade routes. The Syracusans also took the place of the Athenians in the Adriatic, the waterway to Spina and Adria, maritime terminals of the baltic-mediterranean Amber Road, where it crossed the transversal Hercules Road,