Tone Accent

In der niederländischen und deutschen Dialektologie geht man davon aus, dass die Rheinische Akzentuierung oder Polytonie charakteristisch für sämtliche Mundarten innerhalb eines weiten limburgisch-mittelfränkischen Bogens ist, der der Sprachgrenze westlich der Stadt Tongern angeheftet ist, sich nördlich von Duisburg über den Rhein spannt und im Saarland seinen südlichen Berührungspunkt mit der Sprachgrenze hat. Südlich von Maastricht umriss der Referent aber im Jahre 2000 ein beiderseits der Maas (und der belgisch-niederländischen Staatsgrenze) gelegenes etwa 50 qkm großes Areal, in dem die Polytonie kein phonologisch relevantes Merkmal ist. Auf Grund diachronischer und synchronisch-diatopischer Vokalanalysen muss diese Polytonieabsenz in erster Linie als strukturbedingter Polytonieschwund erklärt und nicht etwa sprachexternen Prozessen (sprich: Dialektizitätsverlust) zugeschrieben werden.

The aim of this study is to show that foot structure plays a key role in the organisation of the prosodic system of Irabu, a north-west variety of Miyako Ryukyuan, spoken in Okinawa Prefecture, Japan. By introducing foot structure I give a natural explanation to two crucial features of Irabu prosody, i.e. bimoraic constituency and potential iterativity of prosodic features (High and Low tones). With this new approach, Irabu prosody will be shown to be characterised by a foot-based alternating rhythm of tone features, which is a typical manifestation of a cross-linguistically recurrent alternating rhythmic principle, or the Principle of Rhythmic Alternation (Selkirk 1984, Kubozono 1993).

The sound system of Inari Saami exhibits a threeway quantity contrast which is similar to some other Finno-Ugric languages-Estonian and Livonianin several respects. In all these languages the domain of ternary quantity is a disyllabic foot where the first syllable is stressed and the second syllable is unstressed. In this study we investigate the realisation of the ternary quantity contrast in Inari Saami disyllabic words with phonologically short and long vowels or diphthongs as the nucleus of the first syllable. Our results show that in consonant duration the ternary distinction occurs after a short vowel. The opposition is binary after a short diphthong (consonant is either short or long) and after a long vowel or a long diphthong (consonant is either short or half-long). A vowel in the unstressed second syllable compensates for the length of the preceding vowel and consonant within the foot.

No part of this book may be reproduced in any form, by print, photoprint, microfilm or any other means, without written permission from the publisher. PREFACE The Third International Conference on Historical Linguistics (3rd ICHL) met from 22nd to 26th August 1977 at the University of Hamburg. In attendance were over ninety scholars from Asia, Africa, the Americas, Australia, and Europe. 3rd ICHL took place at a time of great turmoil in the political life of the German Federal Republic and of German universities in par ticular, though our conference itself came during a blessed lull. Just weeks before, the International Conference on the Future of the Uni versity had sent its German Universities Commission to investigate, and ultimately to confirm, the reports of chaos. Few 3rd ICHL parti cipants, except for those familiar with Hamburg, sensed the relevance of this and the symbolism of academic solidarity for a victim of the new totalitarians in German life in my inviting to speak on "Drei literaturwissenschaftliche Auffassungen der Wirklichkeit" my colleague in the Seminar für Englische Sprache und Kultur, Professor Dr. Johannes Kleinstück, a scholar himself of no mean linguistic accomplishments. Earlier in the Summer Term he had been "host" in his commandeered of fice to a delegation of fifteen "Reformers" wearing stocking masks. Apart from this gesture of fraternal support for a,persecuted colleague, Professor Kleinstück's paper, as linguists informed in the philosophy of science appreciated at the time, represents an issue of paramount importance to historical linguistics. As for the papers read by the regular participants in 3rd ICHL, the widely hoped for debate on recent controversial issues, such as the theoretical status of "Analogy", failed to materialize through the ab sence of principals in the debate. Indeed, partisans of both sides of vi PREFACE this controversy were jointly diappointed. My repeated dispatch of registered invitations was to no avail. The present volume could not accommodate all the papers read at 3rd ICHL, and various factors, apart from editorial selection, affecc the mix. The long delay in publication stemming from my problems of relocating home and career discouraged several colleagues, who have since published their work elsewhere. Others, for a variety of reasons, withheld theirs. Yet others who were not present at sessions of 3rd ICHL at which publication was discussed unfortunately were unaware that proceedings would be published. Still others, and we all know the agony, did not succeed in writing the definitive draft. We wish one day to see all this remedied. At midweek 3rd ICHL participants and their guests treated them selves to an epicurean buffet feast in the Provence Restaurant high above the night life of Sankt Pauli, overlooking the harbor lights of the Elbe. Our wandering scholars next day tasted the sights and sounds!, the seafood and good beer of the world of the Hansa, under the bluest skies and balmiest breezes that ever blew over the waves of the Elbe. Unser Dank gilt dem Mäzen, der Firma Pätz + Co., Hamburg. 3rd ICHL participants have on the whole been immensely considerate to the harried director, who accepted the kind offer of technical assis tance from E.F.Konrad Koerner (Ottawa) and Allan R. Bomhard (Boston), without whom no proceedings ever would have appeared. The publishers, John and Claire Benjamins have exceeded the very patience of Job in this case. At Hamburg, colleagues who helped find solutions for 3rd ICHL are Dr. Rudolf Beier, Professor Dr. Margarethe Schwerdtfeger, Pro fessor Dr. Rudolf Haas, and, above all, Dr. Hans-Jürgen Höhling, with out whom there would have been no Third International Conference on Historical Linguistics. Generous funding for 3rd ICHL came from the Free and Hanseatic City of Hamburg, through its Second Mayor and Kultursenator Biallas, together with the Deutsche Forschungsgemeinschaft, Bonn-Bad Godesberg.

Hintergrund: Funktionelle Dysphonien betreffen ca. 30% der Stimmpatienten und werden bei 46–93% mittels Stimmubungstherapie verbessert. Instrumentelle akustische, perzeptive und subjektive Untersuchungen sind entscheidend zur Charakterisierung von funktionellen Einschrankungen, jedoch wird deren Aussagekraft zum Nachweis von Therapieeffekten kritisch diskutiert. Diese Arbeit untersucht die Verbesserung und den Zusammenhang akustischer, perzeptiver und subjektiver Parameter der Standarddiagnostik nach einer Ubungstherapie. Material und Methoden: Retrospektive Analyse von 39 Patienten, 26 Frauen und 13 Manner von 20–70 Jahren (Mittel: 44.5), mit funktioneller Dysphonie, die von 01/2011–07/2015 am UniversitatsSpital Zurich behandelt wurden. Parameter waren subjektive Beschwerden gemas Voice Handicap Index (VHI-9i), perzeptive Merkmale gemas GRBAS-Skala und die instrumentellen akustischen Parameter Mittelwert/Umfang von Tonhohe und Lautstarke der Sprech- und Rufstimme, min./max. Lautsta...

This contribution reviews current issues related to the distinction between quantity and syllable-cut languages. The dichotomy is first illustrated by means of some major European languages, mainly Standard German, and then applied to some data from Frignanese, an Italo-Romance variety spoken in Northern Italy. In this dialect vowel duration contrasts are accompanied by some minor quality differences. We argue that Frignanese shares some of the typical properties of a syllable-cut language, for example the fact that vowel duration contrasts crucially depend on word stress. Finally, some new experimental approaches to the close/loose contact dichotomy are briefly presented, which serve the search for physical and physiological correlates on both the acoustic and the articulatory side.

This dissertation is a proposal for foot structure in Québécois that uniformly accounts for high vowel distribution with respect to tenseness, devoicing and deletion within a single prosodic framework. The complementary distribution of tenseness in the final syllable and the variable realizations in the non-final syllable are shown to be regulated by the proposed foot structure. A grammatical, sonority-based surface weight distinction is assumed for vowels: tense high vowels are associated to a full mora µ, along with non-high vowels, while lax high vowels are associated to a hypomora λ, a weight value less than µ. This grammatical weight is regulated at the level of the minimally monomoraic foot. The final, Head Foot is necessarily monosyllabic. Thus, a final hypomoraic rime is quantitatively insufficient to host a foot projection, resulting in a monomoraic, tense vowel in an open syllable. The foot expands to include an adjacent syllable in words consisting of more than two syllables, following the Trochaic Markedness Hierarchy, based on the following three principles, in the order of priority: 1) quantitative minimum: light and heavy rimes are preferred to superlight (λ) rimes, 2) quantitative evenness: even trochees are preferred to uneven trochees, and 3) quantitative dominance: the left branch that is heavier than the right branch is preferred to the left branch that is lighter. A form like /kamizᴐl/ surfaces with a monomoraic, tense vowel in the left branch of the trochee, (s ka. w mi)(s zᴐl), given that an even foot (L L) is preferred to an uneven foot with a hypomoraic branch, (L SL). The trochaic instantiation (H) is also better-formed than (L SL), preferring deletion to a hypomoraic vi rime: (kam)(zᴐl). In the Optimality-theoretic analysis, variation is modeled via the mechanism of a Floating Constraint (Reynolds 1994): a constraint whose ranking status can be varied with respect to a set range of a fixed ranking of constraints, within a single grammar. The variation in question is shown to be largely a function of the floating status of the constraint regulating the grammatical weight association of vowels, (Son-Weight), and its relative ranking with respect to the Trochaic Markedness constraints.

Köhnlein (2016) proposes to represent the Franconian tone contrast as a difference in foot structure, whereby Accent 1 appears in lexically marked syllabic trochees and Accent 2 in default moraic trochees, as an alternative to analyses with an underlying privative tone for Accent 2. After sketching the two approaches, we argue against three arguments Köhnlein advances in favour of the metrical analysis. We then show that one of the disadvantages incurred by the metrically derived tonal representations is the introduction of a novel and otherwise unsupported concept of a single tone that incorporates two morphologically different but phonologically identical tones. We also evaluate Köhnlein's (2018) more recent proposal to use the syllabic trochee to account for subtractive plurals in tonal dialects. Finally, we compare the predictive powers of the metrical and tonal analyses of the Arzbach dialect.

The word prosody of the dialect of Cologne includes a phonological contrast in stressed syllables which at first sight might either reflect a ternary quantity contrast or a binary quantity contrast plus a tone contrast. There are differences in duration as well as F0 between Accent 1 (Schärfung) and Accent 2, along with differences in the intensity profiles of the syllables. It is argued that the contrast is one between an unspecified lexical tone (T) (Accent 2) and no tone (Accent 1), and that the lexical tone assimilates to an intonational tone. We show that a ternary quantity contrast (i) cannot capture the difference between Accent 1 and Accent 2; (ii) would imply an otherwise unattested distributional confinement to the syllable coda of geminate consonants and (iii) would imply unexpected intonation contours in bimoraic syllables. By contrast, a tonal analysis readily accounts for the phonetic and distributional facts.

The Limburgian dialect of Neerpelt is located in the northwestern corner of an area whose dialects are known for having a lexical tone contrast. It is not clear whether Neerpelt still belongs to the tonal dialects of Limburg, and there are other dialects in northwestern Limburg using a quantity contrast in place of the tonal contrast. To examine whether the dialect of Neerpelt has a tone contrast, two read- ing tasks were carried out using tonal minimal pairs from other Limburgian dialects as target words in different prosodic contexts. The results suggest that the dialect of Neerpelt has both pitch differences which cannot be reduced to durational differences and durational differences which can- not be reduced to a quantity contrast. We conclude that the dialect of Neerpelt has a lexical tone contrast comparable to the contrast in other tonal dialects of Limburg.

Orsmaal-Gussenhoven is a small village in the Belgian province of Flemish Brabant with about one thousand residents. It is located halfway between the towns of Tienen (Brabant) in the west and St.-Truiden (Limburg) in the east, and about 12 km north of the Dutch–French language border, which separates the northern part of Belgium (Flanders) from its southern part (Wallonia). No systematic description of the local dialect is available (for a toponymic study, see Kempeneers 2004). A dictionary including a short grammar is available for the dialect of Melkwezer, 2.5 km to the north of Orsmaal-Gussenhoven (Hondshoven 2003). However, the sound systems of the two dialects are not identical.

Hasselt is the capital of the Belgian province of Limburg, with a population of some 68,000. The town is situated in the northern part of Belgium, about 35 km west of the national border between Belgium and the Netherlands, and 20 km north of the Dutch-French language border, which separates Belgium into a northern part (Flanders) and a southern part (Wallonia). The dialect of Hasselt belongs to the West-Limburgian dialect group (Goossens 1965). The number of dialect speakers is steadily diminishing, and the remaining ones are all bilingual with Standard Belgian Dutch (cf. Verhoeven 2005). An early comprehensive description of this dialect is given by Grootaers & Grauls (1930). The only available dictionary is Staelens (1989).

This study investigates diphthongization in three Swedish varieties that the literature has regarded as different: Lund, Linköping and Stockholm. In all three varieties, the high vowels /iː/, /yː/, /ʉː/ and /uː/ turn out to only marginally glide, if at all, and /eː/ exhibits clear diphthongization of a centralizing nature. For /oː/, a similar centralization is found in Stockholm, but none is found in Linköping, and the reverse is found in Lund. /ɛː/, /øː/ and /ɑː/ do not diphthongize, but /ɛː/ and /øː/ are realized strikingly low in all three varieties, suggesting an alternative transcription as /æː/ and /œː/. An additional finding is that geminate consonants are hardly longer than singleton consonants, so that the fundamental Swedish binary distinction between VCː and VːC syllable types nowadays has to rely on differences in vowel duration, vowel quality, and diphthongization. Diphthongization may thus be an instrument in the maintenance of auditory contrast.

Tones and segments sometimes behave in a similar way. Consider for example the influence of word stress on the distribution of tone and vowel quality. The interaction between vowel quality and stress is a driving factor in phonology. For instance, it has been repeatedly observed that vowels in stressed syllables tend to be more sonorous than those in unstressed syllables. In a nutshell, this means that the lower a (peripheral) vowel is, the likelier it is that this vowel will be stressed (Kenstowicz 1997, 2004; de Lacy 2006, 2007). One example of sonority-driven stress can be found in Takia, a North New Guinea language: in the language, word stress falls on the syllable that contains the most sonorous vowel (Ross 2002, de Lacy 2007):1 (1) Sonority-driven stress in Takia a. [ŋi-ˈsaŋes] 'hawk' [ˈŋa-sol] '1sg-flee' b. [kirˈŋen] 'her/his finger, toe' [ŋi-ˈemi] 'your (pl.) legs/feet' c. [ifuˈno] 's/he hit you' [mulˈmol] 'a kind of a tree' (1a) demonstrates that in words containing a low and mid vowel, the low vowel will receive stress, as it is of higher sonority. Likewise, in (1b, c), the mid vowels are preferred over the high vowels. These facts can be expressed in a sonority scale; for purposes of illustration, the sonority scale for tense vowels is provided in (2). The higher a vowel is ranked in the sonority, the likelier it is that this vowel will be a potential stress-bearing unit. (2) Sonority scale for tense vowels in descending order a > e, o > i, u Crucially, interactions between prominence and stress are not restricted to segments but can also be found in the relation between tone and metrical structure. As de Lacy (2002) argues, the interaction between tone and stress is governed by a tonal prominence scale, comparable to that for vowels: high tones (H) and metrically strong positions attract each other, as do low tones (L) 1 If vowels are of equal sonority, the rightmost one will be stressed. Pronounced in isolation, the first vowel of the first word is realized with a high level pitch; this tone, which we write here as "Hː", has traditionally been called Schleifton, sleeptoon, circumflex, dragging tone or Accent 2. The first vowel of the second leuter is realized with a sharply falling pitch; this tone, which we write as "HL", is traditionally called Schärfung, stoottoon, acute, falling tone, or Accent 1. The tonal dialects are divided into two main groups (Frings 1916): SouthEast Low Franconian (Belgian Limburg, Dutch Limburg, Dülken region), and Central Franconian, which is divided into Ripuarian (Aachen and Cologne; Kerkrade region), and Moselle Franconian (a large area with Trier in the centre). From a typological point of view they can be classified as 'restricted tone languages' (Yip 2002): tone can only occur on long vowels, on diphthongs, and on short vowels followed by a sonorant consonant (i.e. [n], [m], [ŋ], [l], or [r]) within the same syllable. Restricted tone languages are attested on all continents. In Europe, other examples are for instance Čakavian, Latvian, Lithuanian, Norwegian, Štokavian and Swedish. We can say, then, that in some respects the Franconian dialects fit nicely into the typology of tone languages. In this sense they are well understood. In many other respects, however, tonal Franconian does not fit with what is known about tone languages. The tonal dialects even contradict the two universals we have seen above and which we repeat here for convenience: (10) Alleged universals of tone systems a. Vowels and tones cannot determine each other's quality (Hombert 1977, 1978; Hombert, Ohala & Ewan 1979). b. A consonant's laryngeal features cannot determine the tone of a segment on its left (Maddieson 1978, 1997). Both universals seem to be contradicted by dialects of the Franconian area. Consider first the universal in (10a). In Sittard (Dutch Limburg), earlier long mid vowels became closing diphthongs, but only if they have a falling tone (Dols 1953); 4 This volume All contributions in this volume describe and discuss data that indicate some kind of relationship between tone and consonants or vowels, from a synchronic and/or from a diachronic perspective. The papers in this book incorporate data from various types of languages where tonal information plays a lexically distinctive role, from "pure" tone languages to so-called tone accent systems, where the occurrence of contrastive tonal melodies is restricted to stressed syllables. Some contributions present evidence for direct synchronic interactions between tones and segments, also for typologically unusual interactions: relevant data are analyzed in the contributions of Michael Becker and Peter Jurgec as well as in Laura Downing's paper. Becker and Jurgec argue that the Slovenian language displays a direct interaction between vowel quality and tone, thereby arguing against the alleged universal in (5): Slovenian avoids high tones on lax vowels, for which the authors present evidence from the native phonology as well as from the loanword phonology. Downing discusses the effects of depressor consonants in Nguni languages, which lower the pitch of high tones on following vowels. While some scholars have claimed that this interaction can be captured by assuming that consonant voicing and low tone derive from the same phonological feature, Downing argues that these analyses are too simplistic: instead, she proposes that the effects can best be analyzed in a model that treats low tone and consonant voicing as separate features but includes interactions between different phonological domains. Other contributors argue that some seemingly direct interactions between tone and segments may rather be indirect. This viewpoint is taken by Wolfgang Kehrein, Björn Köhnlein and Marc van Oostendorp, who all discuss the Franconian tone accent opposition. Kehrein discusses various types of data surrounding the Franconian accent system. He shows that these sources of evidence can be given a unified explanation under the assumption that the contrast between the two accents is metrical: according to Kehrein, Accent 1 and Accent 2 differ in their foot structure. Köhnlein discusses vowel splits between monophthongs and diphthongs in Franconian dialects (cf. the Sittard data given in 11

For the North Germanic opposition between two tonal accents, it has been claimed that Accent 2 has a lexical tone, that Accent 1 has a lexical tone, that both accents are marked tonally in the lexicon, or that the accent opposition is based on two types of feet. Based on evidence from compounding, we argue that the opposition between Accent 1 and Accent 2 is equipollent, and that this is best expressed in a foot-based approach since each lexical item will necessarily receive a foot. Elaborating on previous metrical work on tonal accent, we assume that binary feet can be built on moras (= Accent 1) or syllables (= Accent 2) and show how this successfully captures compound accentuation in Central Swedish and Urban East Norwegian. Our foot-based analysis is in line with recent work on tonal accent that calls into question the claim that all tonal contrasts within syllables must be due to the presence of lexical tone. In addition, our analysis addresses issues surrounding the phonology ...

The experiment consists of one simple identification test and four selective adaptation tests on a synthesized /da2/-/da3/ continuum. Each selective adaptation test uses one of the four adaptors: tone2 /da/ (DA2), tone3 /da/ (DA3), tone2 /bi/ (BI2) and tone3 /bi/ (BI3). It shows that DA3 shifted the boundary of the continuum and DA2 showed a uniform effect on each stimulus. They both had a selective adaptation effect on the continuum. BI2 and BI3, however, showed no selective adaptation effect on the /da2/-/da3/ continuum. This suggests that tone perception is not independent from segmental perception. On the other hand, DA3 shifted the boundary of the /da2/-/da3/ continuum but had no uniform effect on each stimulus. DA2 showed a uniform effect on each stimulus but did not shift the boundary. Therefore the selective adaptation on the tone2-tone3 continuum is produced in two dimensions: One is the boundary of the categories and the other is the center of each category. This suggests that the turning point position is only an acoustic parameter which is mapped into some abstract features at the phonetic/phonological level in the process of tone2 and tone3 perception.

The Dutch dialect of Venlo has a lexical tone opposition comparable to the distinction between Accent I and Accent II in Scandinavian. The two word tone patterns are realised in a variety of different ways, depending on the intonation contour, on whether the word has a focus tone, and on whether it occurs finally or nonfinally in the intonational phrase (IP). Twelve such contexts are identified, and an autosegmental-metrical analysis is presented of the contours for the word tones in each of these. The analysis is instructive because of its clear illustration of the distinction between the phonological underlying representation and the phonological surface representation, as well as of the distinction between the latter representation and the phonetic realisation. In addition, because of the complexity of its tonal phonology, the dialect is of considerable typological interest for the study of word prosody and intonation.

In this study, Limburgian and Dutch 2.5-to 4-year-olds and adults took part in a word learning experiment. Following the procedure employed by Quam and Swingley (2010) and Singh et al. (2014), participants learned two novel word-object mappings. After training, word recognition was tested in correct pronunciation (CP) trials and mispronunciation (MP) trials featuring a pitch change. Since Limburgian is considered a restricted tone language, we expected that the pitch change would hinder word recognition in Limburgian, but not in non-tonal Dutch listeners. Contrary to our expectations, both Limburgian and Dutch children appeared to be sensitive to pitch changes in newly learned words, indicated by a significant decrease in target fixation in MP trials compared to CP trials. Limburgian and Dutch adults showed very strong naming effects in both trial types. The results are discussed against the background of the influence of the native prosodic system.

At various times in the past, the intonation of Bulgarian has been the object of scientific interest. However, there has, as yet, been no description which has attempted to establish the relations between phonological tonal categories, their phonetic exponency and their information-structural function within a modern descriptive framework. A comprehensive model of this type would, of course, exceed the scope of any single monograph. Within an autosegmental-metrical framework, this dissertation investigates a number of phonetic and phonological aspects of the variety of Bulgarian spoken in Sofia. In the theoretical part, the results of earlier studies of Bulgarian intonation are presented and their in part complementary approaches discussed. The empirical studies presented here are based on a set of data which comprises both quasi-spontaneous speech (map-task recordings) and strictly controlled read material. An inventory of nuclear tone accents is derived from the combined analysis ...

During a brief encounter with a Livonian sailor on the Copehagen waterfront, Vilhelm Thomsen noticed in his speech a prosodic feature, found in no other Balto-Finnic language, which he instantly identified with the stød of his own native Danish. 1 In the few hours that he was able to spend with the seaman, Thomsen accurately identified the essentials of the Livonian stød’s distribution, noting that it occurs in heavy syllables that end in what he called a “sonant coefficient ” and that it interacts with quantitative gradation in morphological paradigms. His observations, which appeared as a last-minute addendum to his famous Beröringer (Thomsen 1890:58-63), were confirmed and extended through extensive work on Livonian by Finnish linguists in the interwar decades. They produced a magnificent Livonian dictionary, from which most

At various times in the past, the intonation of Bulgarian has been the object of scientific interest. However, there has, as yet, been no description which has attempted to establish the relations between phonological tonal categories, their phonetic exponency and their information-structural function within a modern descriptive framework. A comprehensive model of this type would, of course, exceed the scope of any single monograph. Within an autosegmental-metrical framework, this dissertation investigates a number of phonetic and phonological aspects of the variety of Bulgarian spoken in Sofia. In the theoretical part, the results of earlier studies of Bulgarian intonation are presented and their in part complementary approaches discussed. The empirical studies presented here are based on a set of data which comprises both quasi-spontaneous speech (map-task recordings) and strictly controlled read material. An inventory of nuclear tone accents is derived from the combined analysis ...

In questo articolo si discutono alcune tecniche di elicitazione e se ne valuta l’adeguatezza per lo studio della variazione fonetica nei dialetti italiani. Le riflessioni teoriche sono ancorate all’analisi di uno specifico fenomeno linguistico: l’alternanza sincronica tra dittonghi e monottonghi nel dialetto di Pozzuoli (in provincia di Napoli). In rapporto a questo fenomeno di variazione, vengono messi a confronto dati raccolti con l’intervista libera e risposte a un questionario di traduzione. L’analisi mette in luce l’opportunità del ricorso a materiale parlato spontaneo elicitato in situazioni il meno artificiose possibili. Nello stesso tempo, si argomenta in favore di un metodo di analisi che parta dai dati dell’uso per risalire induttivamente ai patterns di variazione, limitando così il ricorso ad assunzioni fonologiche a priori.

The discovery by Karl Verner in 1875 of the eponymous accent-conditioned sound law explaining apparent exceptions to Grimm’s Law in Germanic made a lasting impact on the discipline of historical linguistics, not only by providing decisive support for the Neogrammarian axiom of the Ausnahmslosigkeit der Lautgesetze, but also by sparking a trend for applying similar – often ill-advised – explanations to other languages. In this paper, I discuss some notable examples from the history of Latin and Ancient Greek studies, and I try to show that, while most explanations of seemingly irregular developments via ‘Verner-like’ effects were in fact misguided, the discredit in which such approaches have since fallen may have prevented the acceptance of other accent-based rules which nevertheless have good chances of being correct.

The full paper is available upon request.

The paper discusses the accent of kako ‘how’, tako ‘thus’, ovako ‘this way’, onako ‘that way’ and some other related words (like nikako ‘no way’, nekako ‘somehow’) primarily in Štokavian and Čakavian from a dialectological (including standard-dialect sources) and historical perspective (going back to Common Slavic). The alternation kȁko ‘how’ — kàko ̮ je < kakȍ ̮ je ‘how is’ is discussed in some detail.

This paper reports the results of an attempt to synthesize the lexical tones of the Mizo language. Firstly, the study reported in this paper attempts to confirm the findings of previous acoustic studies on Mizo tones. Secondly, using the parameters defined in the previous acoustic studies, the work reported in this paper synthesized Mizo tones and then confirmed the acceptability of the synthesized tones from native speakers of Mizo. The work reported in this paper confirms that (a) mean fundamental frequency (F0) alone cannot be a parameter to recognize Mizo tones; (b) mean F0 and tone slope (Fd) information integrated into synthesized Mizo tones elicit better identification and acceptance and (c) durational information is important for correct identification of rising tones in Mizo.

Since the earliest grammars, Old English has been analysed as having a length contrast in diphthongs, containing both regular, bimoraic ones, side by side with cross-linguistically unique monomoraic ones. The supposedly monomoraic diphthongs [io eo aeɑ] arose through back umlaut and breaking. Unsurprisingly, they have become the source of possibly the greatest controversy in OE phonology, which still remains unresolved. The present paper refutes the main arguments for a length contrast in OE diphthongs. Instead, it argues for a generative phonological analysis, where the diphthongs constitute monomoraic monophthongs in the underlying representation, and bimoraic diphthongs in the surface representation.

Speech perception experiments are often based on stimuli that have been artificially manipulated, e.g. to create hybrids between two given prosodic categories. Tools like the widely used PSOLA re-synthesizer available in Praat provide the user full editing control on the shape of pitch and intensity contours, as well as on local relative speech rate of recorded utterances. However, high level experimental specifications, e.g. “generate a number of pitch contours whose shapes are gradual transitions between two reference contours”, are not easily translated into a sequence of low level manipulation operations. Often, the viable solution is the manual stylisation of contours, which drastically reduces the degrees of freedom, but at the same time can introduce unwarranted alterations in the stimuli. In this paper we introduce a method, implemented in a software tool interfaced with PSOLA, that automatically translates high level specifications into low level operations in a principled ...

The word prosody of the dialect of Cologne includes a phonological contrast in stressed syllables which at first sight might either reflect a ternary quantity contrast or a binary quantity contrast plus a tone contrast. There are differences in duration as well as F0 between Accent 1 (Schärfung) and Accent 2, along with differences in the intensity profiles of the syllables. It is argued that the contrast is one between an unspecified lexical tone (T) (Accent 2) and no tone (Accent 1), and that the lexical tone assimilates to an intonational tone. We show that a ternary quantity contrast (i) cannot capture the difference between Accent 1 and Accent 2; (ii) would imply an otherwise unattested distributional confinement to the syllable coda of geminate consonants and (iii) would imply unexpected intonation contours in bimoraic syllables. By contrast, a tonal analysis readily accounts for the phonetic and distributional facts.

This paper is an extended version of a talk entitled "De volgorde der gebeurtenissen in de geschiedenis van het Limburgse tooncontrast" presented at a workshop by the Nederlandse Vereniging voor Fonetische Wetenschappen on "Segmentele toonverschijnselen, vooral in Limburg" in Antwerp on 23 May 2002. Thanks go to the attendants of those talks, including Michiel de Vaan and Carlos Gussenhoven, and to Wolfgang Kehrein, Björn Köhnlein, Ben Hermans and Marc van Oostendorp for their many discussions on the 2006 version of this paper. Early MLb *ɔɔ > Gel. óa, Rm. Sitt. óo: bóan f. 'bean' < *bɔɔnə (NHG Bohne), ʃóan 'beautiful', óar n. 'ear', dóaz f. 'box' (NHG Dose), ʃóal f. 'school' Early MLb *ee > Gel. Rm. ée, Sitt. ɛí: vléeɣ f. 'fly' (NHG Fliege) Early MLb *øø > Gel. Rm. ǿø, Sitt. oéi: ɣrǿøn 'green' < *ɣrøønə (OHG gruoni), kǿøl 'cool', vrǿøɣ 'early' Early MLb *oo > Gel. Rm. óo, Sitt. ɔú: blóom f. 'flower' < *bloomə (NHG Blume), ɦóor f. 'whore' The drúuv case extends to all high vowels, diphthongs, and lengthened vowels. In all these cases, an original circumflex shows up as an acute in the present language if schwa was dropped after a voiced consonant: (51) Modern forms with schwa drop after circumflex and voiced consonant: acute (for nonhomorganic cases see §12.2) Early MLb *ii > *iī > íi: wíiz f. 'melody' (NHG Weise), líin f. 'line' (NHG Leine), píin 'pain' (Late Latin pena), ɣərdíin 'curtain', ʃíiv f. 'disc' (NHG Scheibe) Early MLb *yy > *yȳ > ýy: krýyn 'crown of head' < *kryȳnə < *kryynə Early MLb *uu > *uū > úu: kúul 'mine' < *kuūlə 'pit' < *kuulə, drúuv f. 'grape' (NHG Traube), dúuv f. 'pigeon' (NHG Taube), dúum m. 'thumb' (NHG Daumen) Early MLb *ɛi > *ɛī > ɛí: klɛín 'small' < *klɛīnə, ɑlɛín 'alone' (NHG alleine), ɣəmɛín 'nasty' (MHG gemeine) Early MLb *ɔu > *ɔū > *ɔú: ɔúɣ n. 'eye' < *ɔūɣə < *ɔuɣə (NHG Auge), ɣəlɔúv n. 'belief' (NHG Glaube) Early MLb *a > *aā > áa: náam m. 'name' < *naāmə < *nāmə < *namə < namo, báan f. 'road', ʃwáan f. 'swan' < *swanə, ráam m. 'frame' (NHG Rahmen), náaz f. 'nose', ráav m. 'raven' (NHG Raben), máaɣ m. 'stomach' < *maāɣə < *maɣə (NHG Magen), máax(t) f. 'virgin' < *máaxt < *maāɣət < *maɣət (NHG Magd), ʃáaj f. 'damage' < *sxaðə (NHG Schade f., Schaden m.), kráaɣ m. 'collar' (NHG Kragen), dráaɣ 'carry-1SG' (NHG trage), Rm. (also in Belgian Limburg; Goossens 1977) káaf n. 'chaff' < *kavə 22 Early MLb *ae > *ɛɛ̄ > ɛɛ: nɛɛv 'nephew, cousin' < *naevə, wɛɛm 'whom' < *waemə, lɛɛv 'live-1SG' < *laevə Early MLb *ɛ > *ɛɛ̄ > ɛɛ: zɛɛɣ f. 'saw' < *zɛɣə Early MLb *ɔ > *ɔɔ̄ > ɔɔ: kɔɔl f. 'coal' < *kɔɔlə < *kɔlə (NHG Kohle), bɔɔr f. 'drill' (NHG Bohre), bɔɔɣ m. 'bow' < *bɔɣə (NHG Bogen) 22 Reported mediaeval forms from surrounding languages of the word meaning 'chaff' are kaf and kave.

This article appeared in a journal published by Elsevier. The attached copy is furnished to the author for internal non-commercial research and education use, including for instruction at the authors institution and sharing with colleagues. Other uses, including reproduction and distribution, or selling or licensing copies, or posting to personal, institutional or third party websites are prohibited. In most cases authors are permitted to post their version of the article (e.g. in Word or Tex form) to their personal website or institutional repository. Authors requiring further information regarding Elsevier's archiving and manuscript policies are

Perzeptionsexperimente von KOHLER/NIEBUHR (2011) sowie von NIEBUHR/ KOHLER (2011) haben auf Basis natürlich produzierter Äußerungen, wie sie in Abbildung 1 ausschnittsweise dargestellt sind, gezeigt, dass Hörer solche suprasegmentellen palatalen Einfärbungen von Sprachlauten im entsprechenden se-

RESUMO
No grego, em variadas situações, vogais curtas tornam-se longas para compensar a perda ou a ressilabificação de uma consoante adjacente. Neste artigo, discute-se o processo conhecido na literatura helenística como 'alongamento compensatório secundário'. Essa regra afeta seqüências Vns intervocálicas e de final de palavra. Discute-se o reflexo sincrônico da seqüência Vns em dialetos do grego antigo e mostra-se que a variação dialetal pode ser explicada parcialmente como o efeito de reestruturação lexical, ou nivelamento analógico.

ABSTRACT
In early Greek, at several occasions short vowels became long to compensate for the loss or the resyllabification of a neighbouring consonant. Here we will discuss the process that is known in the Hellenistic literature as the ‘Second Compensatory Lengthening’. This rule affected intervocalic and word-final Vns sequences, in a manner that was different for the various dialects. We will discuss the synchronic reflexes of the Vns sequence in the Ancient Greek dialects and show that the dialectal variation can be explained partly as a result of differences in the nature of the consonant deletion rule, and partly as the effect of lexical restructuring-cum-rule-loss, or analogical levelling.

This reply to Natalja Kuznetsova highlights many questionable interpretations and outcomes, ten serious errors and five minor inaccuracies in her polemical paper “Estonian word prosody on the Procrustean bed of morae” (2018). The proposed list of errors includes misinterpretations of Estonian language data, faulty citations and biased conclusions. -------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- Аннотация. Kюлли Приллоп: Моры в эстонском языке. Ответ на статью Натальи Кузнецовой "Эстонская словесная просодия в Прокрустовом ложе мор". Ответ Наталье Кузнецовой указывает на десять серьезных ошибок и пять небольших неточностей в ее полемической статье “Estonian word prosody on the Procrustean bed of morae”. Представленный список ошибок включает в себя неверно проинтерпретированные данные эстонского языка, ошибки в цитировании и предвзятые выводы. -------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- Kokkuvõte. Külli Prillop: Moorad eesti keeles. Vastus Natalja Kuznetsova artiklile “Eesti sõnaprosoodia moorade Prokrustese sängis”. Vastus Natalja Kuznetsovale toob välja mitu küsitavat tõlgendust ja tulemust, kümme tõsist viga ja viis väiksemat ebatäpsust tema poleemilises artiklis “Estonian word prosody on the Procrustean bed of morae”. Esitatud loend vigadest sisaldab eesti keeleandmete väärtõlgendusi, vigaseid tsitaate ja kallutatud järeldusi.

Τί είναι η "οξεία"; Τί είναι ο "τόνος"; Ποιά είναι η διαφορά-τους και τί σχέση έχουν για τον Νεοέλληνα;

Πώς (δέ) δηλώνεται ο τόνος με το επίσημο τονικό σύστημα που δέχεται θεσμικά και εφαρμόζει στην εκπαίδευση η σύγχρονη Ελλάδα; Ποιές είναι οι αδυναμίες-του και τί σχέση έχει με τη γλωσσική αταξία στη δήλωση του τόνου;

Πώς δηλώνεται ο τόνος στο Κοζανιτολόγιο και το Γλωσσολόγιο και γιατί ένα βόρειο ιδίωμα όπως τα κοζανίτικα έχει ιδιαίτερη αξία για τη δήλωση του τόνου στην Κοινή Νεοελληνική Διάλεκτο (ΚΝΕ);

Στην παρουσίαση αυτή συζητιέται το πρόβλημα της δήλωσης του τόνου στα νέα ελληνικά, δηλαδή τόσο στα λεγόμενα "βόρεια ιδιώματα", όσο και στην ΚΝΕ.

Όποιος ενδιαφέρεται μπορεί να κατεβάσει το κείμενο σε μορφή PDF, χρησιμοποιώντας οποιοδήποτε απο τα λίνκ:

https://glossologio.blogspot.com/2014/12/blog-post.html

https://kozanitologio.blogspot.com/2014/11/blog-post_9.html

Αφορμή για την παρουσίαση αυτή αποτελεί το Κοζανιτολόγιο, που είναι το πρώτο Λεξικό του Κοζανίτικου Ιδιώματος (ΛΚΙ) και δημοσιεύτηκε το 2017 απο τον Χριστόδουλο Αστ. Χριστοδούλου.

Στα πλαίσια του ΛΚΙ εφαρμόστηκαν διαφοροποιήσεις απο την επίσημη ορθογραφία, που έγιναν στην κατεύθυνση της εξομάλυνσης των σχέσεων ανάμεσα στον προφορικό και τον γραπτό λόγο.

Οι διαφοροποιήσεις αυτές πρέπει να ομολογήσουμε οτι υπήρξαν περιορισμένες και γενικά άτολμες, αλλα την πιό ριζοσπαστική διαφοροποίηση είχαμε στο θέμα της δήλωσης του τόνου με τη συνεπή χρήση της οξείας.

Στο κοζανίτικο ιδίωμα ουρανικοποιούνται όλα τα σύμφωνα, οπότε η οξεία στο ΛΚΙ χρησιμοποιείται μετά ή πάνω απο τα συμφωνικά γραφήματα για να δηλώσει την ουρανικότητα, ομως η χρήση-της πάνω απο τα φωνηεντικά γραφήματα για τη δήλωση του τόνου εξακολουθεί να αποτελεί τη σημαντικότερη λειτουργία-της.

Στα προβλήματα που προκαλεί η χρηστικά και παιδαγωγικά απαράδεκτη χρήση του πολυτονικού για τα νέα ελληνικά επιχειρήθηκε να δοθεί ένα τέλος το 1982 με την καθιέρωση του Επίσημου Μονοτονικού (στο εξής: ΕΜ), ομως η λύση αυτή δέ διέπεται απο αμφιμονοσημαντότητα, που θα εξασφάλιζε συνέπεια στη δήλωση του τόνου, και συνεπώς δέν είναι ικανοποιητική· έτσι, μέχρι σήμερα ο μηχανιστικός χαρακτήρας του ΕΜ συνεχίζει να ταλαιπωρεί τόσο τον γραφέα, όσο και τον αναγνώστη της νέας ελληνικής...

The paper is a part of an ongoing discussion on various topics of historical Slavic accentology with Frederik Kortlandt. The topics discussed in the paper are: the reflex of the Proto-Slavic short neo-acute in Kajkavian; the reflex of pretonic and posttonic length in West and South Slavic; the reconstruction of the ending *-ъ in Slavic genitive plural, its accentuation, and the ending -ā in Štokavian and Slovene; the lengthening of the bȏg ‘god’ and kȍkōt ‘rooster’ type in Western South Slavic; the *obőrna ‘defense’ and *čьrnĩna ‘blackness’ type accent and retractions of contractional neo-circumflexes; the reflex of Slavic *ò in Slovak and Czech monosyllables; and the valence theory and Proto-Indo-European origin of Balto-Slavic accentuation.

The paper discusses the accentual accommodation by speakers of the urban dia lect of Zagreb (the capital of Croatia), which has a dynamic free accent, to the Standard Croatian (Neo-Štokavian) pitch accent (with rising and falling tones). The accommodation occurs in formal sett ings—the basis of this research is the corpus of 16 one-hour interviews with native Zagreb dialect speakers (8 male, 8 female) from a TV show on Croatian national television (HRT). The Za-greb dialect speakers cannot fully reproduce the prescribed standard ac cen-tua tion, so they only approximate it by inconsistently changing the place of stress. The level of accommodation varies among speakers. The prescribed Cro a tian standard accentuation is diff erent than in languages like English, because it cannot be acquired fully by many speakers due mainly to reasons of pho netic complexity. The basics of the Zagreb dialect accentuation and its complex relation to the standard language accentuation (due to many in no va tions in the dialect and a range of conservative and innovative varieties) are also analyzed. This paper is the fi rst to describe the phenomenon in detail, based on concrete data.

This matched-guise experiment assessed whether sociolinguistic judgments are subject to incrementality, with judgments increasing in magnitude as variable stimuli demonstrate more extreme differences in some critical dimension. In particular, this task tested whether it is possible to trigger judgments of Barack Obama as “more” or “less” black (e.g., Alim & Smitherman 2011) by manipulating his intonational contours.
Stimuli were derived from twenty declarative Intonational Phrases with H* and/or L+H* pitch accents (following ToBI conventions for Mainstream American English of Beckman and Ayers 1997). Ten phrases featured L+H* pitch accents—which occur more frequency in African American Language (AAL) (Holliday 2016)—and ten featured H* pitch accents. Four stimuli apiece were created from these twenty phrases by using Praat to make each pitch accent more extreme by semitone-based F0 steps, yielding a four-way Manipulation Step factor. Seventy-nine American English listeners rated these stimuli in randomized order by responding to the question “How black does Obama sound here?”.
A mixed-effects regression model of ratings assessed the interaction of Pitch Accent type, Manipulation Step, and Boundary Tone, with Phrase nested within Pitch Accent. No main effect for Pitch Accent type emerged, indicating no rating differences for L+H* and H* phrases overall (p=.27), despite the higher likelihood of occurrence of L+H* in AAL. However, the interaction of Pitch Accent and Manipulation Step was significant, with more extreme L+H* phrases rated as more black (ps<.05); no such effect was observed among manipulation steps for H*-containing phrases. No listener demographic factors (e.g., listener race, gender, political affiliation) significantly affected blackness ratings.
These results indicate that listeners’ sociolinguistic perceptions are sensitive to the magnitude of the input, a finding that indicates promising directions for research in language attitudes and sociolinguistic cognition.

In this study, the influence of two dialectal prosodic features on the processing of lexical meaning during spoken word recognition was investigated in German dialect and non-dialect speakers. Previous studies in the field of German dialectology investigated differences between dialectal varieties and the Standard German variety by using mainly offline production and perception studies. The present study concentrates on brain responses to the phonological contrast of vowel quantity combined with tone accents, which occur in Ger-many exclusively in the Middle-Franconian dialect area (Moselle-Franconian, Ripuarian and southern Low Franconian dialects) but not within the Standard German variety. In an event-related potential-study using a classic oddball paradigm, two groups of participants (dialect and Standard German speakers) were presented with two words of a minimal pair ([ʃa̠ ː 2 l] 'stale' vs. [ʃa̠ lˑ 2 ] 'acoustic noise') which have inverted lengths for the vowel and the lateral but both bear Tone Accent 2. Late mismatch negativity effects resulting from pre-attentive processing differ in amplitude and latency between the two participant groups. These differences reflect the differing phonological relevance of prosodic cues in these two varieties. Although both participant groups perceive Tone Accent 2 as a high tone, only the dialect group uses rules of tone-text-association within the minimal pair for lexical access.

Since the earliest grammars, Old English has been analysed as having a length contrast in diphthongs, containing both regular, bimoraic ones, side by side with cross-linguistically unique monomoraic ones. The supposedly monomoraic diphthongs [io eo æɑ] arose through back umlaut and breaking. Unsurprisingly, they have become the source of possibly the greatest controversy in OE phonology, which still remains unresolved. The present paper refutes the main arguments for a length contrast in OE diphthongs. Instead, it argues for a generative phonological analysis, where the diphthongs constitute monomoraic monophthongs in the underlying representation, and bimoraic diphthongs in the surface representation.

Despite the fact that many of the world's languages use lexical tone, the majority of language acquisition studies has focused on non-tone languages. Research on tone languages has typically investigated well-known tone languages such as Mandarin and Cantonese Chinese. The current study looked at a Limburgian dialect of Dutch that uses lexical pitch differences, albeit in a rather restricted way. Using a visual habituation paradigm, -to -month-old Limburgian and Dutch infants were tested for their ability to discriminate Limburgian tones. The results showed that both Limburgian and Dutch infants discriminate the Limburgian tones throughout their first year of life. The role of linguistic experience, acoustic salience, and the degree of similarity to the native prosodic system are discussed.

The article discusses the use of language varieties by the main character in the animated film Chicken Little in English and Slovene. Both versions of the film are dubbed by professional actors and are aimed at a young target audience, children. The main intention of the article is to analyze the characteristics of Chicken Little's speech in both languages, to compare the differences in the use of language varieties, and to evaluate the consequences of shifts in language use on the character and the story in the target language. The analysis is based on a transcript of the speech and enables comparison on four different levels: phonetics, morphology, syntax and vocabulary. The main focus is on the analysis of speech in the target language: Maribor regional colloquial language, with influence from the dialectal speech of Ruše. The main conditions influencing the use of certain language varieties are taken into consideration: the characteristics of the dubbing process, specifics of the target audience, and prevailing norms related to the use of language on television.

In the present study we investigated the effect of semantic context on the perception of words that differ only in the lexical stress pattern. Our study was based on the disyllabic German word AUGUST. Depending on whether the lexical stress is on the first or the second syllable the word refers to either a name or a month. By means of a forced-choice ident-ification experiment we tested to what extent the lexical stress-position is triggered by the semantic context and by local phonetic cues. The stimuli that constituted a 7-step continuum from &#39;August to Au&#39;gust were appended to different word lists containing another name and another month, i.e. context words that were semantically related to either the name &#39;August or the month Au&#39;gust. Results showed that the perceptual bound-ary between &#39;August and Au&#39;gust was shifted according to the semantics of the adjacent context word. This semantic-context effect was present for both ambiguous and clear phonetic pr...

There is great phonetic variation of words in context, conditioned by phonetic environment, word type, and speaking style in different communicative situations. Function words and modal particles are particularly susceptible to having their phonetic weight and complexity reduced, especially in casual spontaneous speech. But even if whole strings of segments are no longer delimitable in reduced forms compared with fuller pronunciations of the same lexical items, there will still be articulatory prosodies, superimposed upon the remaining sound material, which retain essential components of the fuller forms, the phonetic essence that characterizes the whole form class of a word. The extreme reduction [ai ~ĩ ] of the German modal particle eigentlich 'actually' [ai(c)F.(t)(l)i(c -)] is a case in point. The length, palatality and nasality of its gliding movement reflect the polysyllabicity, the central nasal consonant and the final palatal syllable of the fuller forms. It is assumed that this phonetic essence triggers lexical identification in the listener. Therefore two perceptual identification experiments were carried out. They showed the crucial role of the duration of a palatal gliding section in the diphthong [ai ~ĩ] to distinguish between eine__ 'one__' and eigentlich'ne__ 'actually a__'. A third test showed further that listeners reacted differently to the palatal glide duration in different reduction environments, which may be related to different functional assessment of reduced forms in situational contexts.

This paper claims that vowel weight is not distinctive in Tarifiyt Berber. The major argument is that the vowel weight attested at the surface level in Tarifiyt is coerced by a compensatory phenomenon instantiated as vowel lengthening, diphthongization, or both. Couched within Optimality Theory, a comparison of three ostensibly different Tarifiyt dialects reveals that these dialects have different prioritizations of the same constraints regulating vowel weight. This variation is accounted for in terms of partial ranking theory. The overall result achieved is that Tarifiyt Berber has the simple vowel system of Berber in general. The overt complexity in the system due to phonetic vowel length and diphthongization is argued to be the outcome of a unitary compensatory phonological process.