Strategy (Military Science)

For obvious reasons, the following essay has to be limited in scope and depth. It will be mainly based on Carl von Clausewitz's On War and André Beaufre's three books Introduction à la Stratégie, Dissuasion et Stratégie and La Stratégie de l'Action. The other books noted in the bibliography, however, represent all sources consulted. Bearing Beaufre's concept of total strategy in mind, I will analyse Clausewitz's thoughts on the relationship between politics, war and their interaction. In doing so, I will omit Clausewitz's theoretical concept of ideal war and limit this analysis on war's articulation in reality. As so often, On War proves to be fecund but rather opaque. With hindsight and preconceived ideas, however, one might find for anything concerning war an adequate quote in Clausewitz's rich, but mostly unedited, text. Nevertheless, I will show that every aspect of Beaufre's thinking can be found in On War. In summarising Beaufre's concep...

Eesti sõjalise kõrghariduse loomise juures mängis keskset rolli endine Vene tsaariarmee kindralleitnant professor Aleksei Baiov. Ta oli üks nendest Vene emigrantidest, kes aitas 1921. aastal käima lükata Eesti Kindralstaabi Kursusi (alates 1923. aastast Kõrgem Sõjakool). See oli tingitud ühest küljest sellest, et oli puudu eesti rahvusest kõrgharitud sõjaväelastest õppejõude, ning teisest küljest vajadusest anda Eestis sõjalist kõrgharidust. Baiov asus tööle Kindralstaabi Kursustele 1921. aastal toonase sõjaministri kindralmajor Jaan Sootsi ettepanekul. Ta kirjutas esimese Eesti sõjalise kõrghariduse õppekava ja õppeasutuse põhikirja ning õpetas tähtsamaid aineid: strateegiat, sõjakunsti ajalugu, maailmasõja ajalugu, sõjalist statistikat ja naaberriikide geograafiat. Kohe pärast tööle asumist tekkis Baiovil põhimõtteline konflikt kursuseid juhtinud Eesti polkovniku Nikolai Reegiga. Konflikt puudutas peamiselt õppetöö metoodikat ja sisu ning õppeainete omavahelist suhestumist, mida võib tänapäeval nimetada õppekava sidususeks. Konflikti osalised olid toona siiski mõneti ebavõrdses positsioonis. Oma kogemuselt ja hariduselt ületas Baiov oponenti mitmekordselt, kuna oli tolleks ajaks teenekas ja prominentne Vene sõjateadlane ja -teoreetik. Sattunud emigratsioonis raskesse majanduslikku olukorda, oli ta sunnitud tegema tööd Eesti heaks.

The study of wars is therefore a compelling imperative and a requirement of the state. National societies are thus obliged to study wars and realize that it is not enough to narrate and explain combats and battles, but it is also fundamental to study the military and strategic issues surrounding a war. Realizing the value of studying military strategies, this research paper examines the military strategies of Angola and South Africa in the context of the Southern African War from 1976 until 1988.

The Second Karabakh War marked a significant turning point in the geopolitics of the South Caucasus, highlighting the evolution of military strategies and the mutual interactions of regional powers. This article analyzes Azerbaijan's military strategy, Türkiye's role, and Russia's stance in the context of the Second Karabakh War. As a result of the war, Azerbaijan re-established its sovereignty over its internationally recognized territories, leading to a new geopolitical reality in the South Caucasus. The article examines the war's military, diplomatic, and political aspects, evaluating the impact of technology and regional powers in modern conflicts. Additionally, it analyzes Azerbaijan's strategic planning to restore territorial integrity since the 2000s and explores its effective use of modern warfare tools, including unmanned aerial vehicles and high-precision weapon systems. This success was made possible through tight military cooperation and the highly coordinated implementation of modern military thought. In this process, Türkiye's active involvement in military training, technical equipment, and strategic consultancy significantly contributed to Azerbaijan's operational efficiency. On the other hand, Russia sought to maintain a balanced stance during the conflict but ultimately played the role of the primary mediator in ending the war. While Russia did not openly defend Armenia, it emphasized its alliance with Armenia within the Collective Security Treaty Organization (CSTO) framework. The Second Karabakh War unfolded with Azerbaijan's successful military strategy, Türkiye's support, and Russia's balanced position. Azerbaijan's victory reshaped the geopolitical landscape of the South Caucasus and created new realities. This research also examines the war's military, diplomatic, and political dimensions within a scientific methodology, contributing to the study of modern conflict management, regional power policies, and sovereignty issues within the framework of international law. The article also emphasizes that the Second Karabakh War will have longterm effects on regional security dynamics and that regional alliances and power balances will be reshaped. In this context, Azerbaijan's victory has created significant opportunities not only in military terms but also diplomatically and economically.

Per oltre sei anni, Hollow Knight: Silksong non è stato semplicemente un videogioco. È trasceso la sua natura di prodotto d'intrattenimento per diventare un mito culturale, un simbolo quasi religioso di attesa e speranza per una comunità globale. Un'attesa durata 1.692 giorni, secondo il conteggio meticoloso di un canale di fan, un periodo durante il quale il silenzio degli sviluppatori di Team Cherry ha creato un vuoto assordante. Questo vuoto non è rimasto tale; è stato riempito da un'energia collettiva che ha trasformato l'anticipazione in un fenomeno a sé stante.

View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk provided by FHS Brage 2-2015 Oberst Gjert Lage Dyndal er avdelingssjef for «Militaermakt, strategi og doktrine» ved Forsvarets stabsskole. Han jobbet før det som ledende forsker og prosjektleder innen arktisk teknologiutvikling i Statoil. Han har tidligere vaert hovedlaerer i luftmakt-og teknologistudier og dekan ved Luftkrigsskolen i Trondheim. Dyndal har i tillegg til militaer utdannelse sivil M.Phil. i krigsstudier og Ph.D. i moderne historie fra Centre for War Studies, University of Glasgow. Blant publikasjonene hans finner vi fire fagbøker, hvorav Land-based Airpower or Aicraft Carriers?(London: Ashgate, 2012) er den viktigste til dette tema. Han har utgitt flere fagartikler og bokkapitler innen sikkerhetspolitikk, strategi og teknologiutvikling. Dyndal leder per tiden et prosjekt om "droner og robotisert krig" ved Forsvarets stabsskole, som etter planen vil ende med en større bokutgivelse høsten 2015. Det prosjektet går i dybden på de mange trender og utfordringer som løftes frem i dette temaheftet.

Tehran is incorporating China's Beidou Navigation Satellite System (BDS) into its military capabilities. This system will offer essential support for the targeting and guidance of ballistic missiles, cruise missiles, drones, and maritime drones. It also enables real-time communication and synchronization within network-centric warfare. This technology will be transferred to Iran's allied groups, including the Houthis in Yemen. The BDS was developed to penetrate and destroy the air defense systems of the United States and Israel.
Israel has emerged as focal point for the enhancement of military capabilities by both China and Russia, necessitating the acquisition of essential military data regarding American and Israeli missile defense systems. It is crucial for Russia to secure victory in its conflict with Ukraine, while for China, it is essential to overcome the US in a potential theater of war extending from Taiwan to North America.
Key Points in Report :  China’s Beidou Navigation Satellite System, Key Agreements and Timeline Beidou's export to Iran, Military Implications and Integrations Beidou's military export, China Connection to Iran’s  Missile and Drone Programs, Overview the Military Relationship Between Russia And Iran, Iran Rebuilding Ballistic Missile Infrastructure, Iran acquires new "planetary mixers," it could quickly restart its solid-fuel ballistic missile production, Why Mixers Are Critical For Iran's Missile Program, Iran's Claims and Development of MIRV Technology, Iran's Claims and Development of MIRV Technology, Iran uses Ballistic missiles loaded with cluster munitions against Israel, Drones Used by Houthis Against Israel, How Iran Penetrated Israel's Air Defenses During the 12-Day War, Israel Is Important In The Forward Defense Of America, Washington Urgently Needs A US-Israel Defense Treaty

Ultimele decenii au adus o schimbare a politicii globale față de sectorul energetic, mai ales din cauza poluării pe care acesta o produce. În acest context atenția politicienilor și în plan secundar a oamenilor de știință s-a îndreptat tot mai mult către așa-numita energie verde, căutându-se reducerea drastică până la eliminarea proceselor de combustie din domeniul energetic. Astfel, în general nu s-a mai investit în tehnologia termocentralelor și s-au restrâns foarte mult exploatările miniere în care se extrăgeau și prelucrau industrial cărbunii. Aceasta a condus în sine la generarea unei crize energetice, mai ales în situația în care sursele care mai nou sunt considerate ecologice și regenerabile (solar, eolian, hidraulic, biomasă etc.) nu au nici pe departe capabilitatea de a acoperi necesarul energetic al lumii contemporane. Cu atât mai puțin astfel de resurse regenerabile ar putea satisface necesarul de energie al următoarelor decenii, mai ales că se preconizează o creștere accelerată a consumului energetic. Așa stând lucrurile, se prefigurează o mare criză energetică globală și nu par să existe soluții tehnologice pentru depășirea unei astfel de crize. În opinia noastră, retehnologizarea termocentralelor și respectiv a energeticii nucleare ar putea constitui soluția pe termen lung. Lucrarea de față tratează ideea realizării unor termocentrale cu puterea de cel puțin 50 MW prin utilizarea unor variante retehnologizate ale cazanului/generatorului de aburi VUIA. Problema utilizării la nivel industrial a cazanului Vuia s-a mai pus și în anii´50, cu rezultate încurajatoare, dar faptul că acest cazan de aburi prezenta unele inconveniente i-a descurajat pe cei care gestionau în acea epocă problema sistemului energetic național, iar proiectul Vuia a fost abandonat și uitat. Prin identificarea unor noi soluții tehnologice s-ar putea face eliminarea dezavantajelor știute ale cazanului VUIA și introducerea acestuia în aplicații industriale care privesc energetica. În acest fel s-ar obține termocentrale de randament mult mai bun, totodată prezentând economie mare în consumul de combustibili și având o funcționare complet ecologică. Aceasta ar putea fi o importantă soluție pentru energetică în prezent și mai ales în viitor. Cuvinte-cheie: cazan Vuia, criza energetică, energia verde Criza energetică globală, indiferent dacă aceasta este deja manifestă sau doar se preconizează că va apare într-un viitor previzibil, a condus la acutizarea conflictelor legate de accesul marilor puteri la resursele energetice fosile, dar și la ridicarea unor mari semne de întrebare prinvind orientarea dezvoltării tehnologice pentru următoarele decenii.

When a situation arises to which the United States considers deploying military forces, the Secretary of Defense (SECDEF) and President of the United States (POTUS) require a range of options from which to address the situation. The current course of action development process fails to provide these options. This failure to provide a range of options limits strategic flexibility and oftentimes leads to an inadequate or inappropriate solution for the given circumstances. Joint planners must change their traditional mindset for course of action development to include options that consider the multiple environmental conditions. The operational environment is rife with inconsistencies, incompatible desires, and competing requirements and, as such, requires the planner to develop multiple options that address the potential prominence of one requirement over another. By addressing the competing requirements in this manner, the planner presents a more comprehensive view of the environment while presenting the SECDEF and POTUS with the flexibility to approach the situation from different perspectives. Design thinking enables the planner to develop and propose such options within the current context of the joint operation planning process (JOPP) with a slight modification. In a potential or actual crisis, the President decides whether the employment of military capabilities is necessary. As stated in JP 5-0, -The President, SEDEF, or CJCS initiates planning by deciding to develop military options.‖ 1 The Guidance for the Employment of the Force (GEF) and the Joint Strategic Capabilities Plan (JSCP) also direct combatant commanders to develop military options based upon given assumptions and conditions. Lack of specificity and perhaps a lack of understanding regarding the term -options‖ as prescribed by the SECDEF and strategic guidance documents are at the heart of the problem. As opposed to providing senior leadership with options for the employment of military force as desired, the planning process develops multiple courses of action to select the best single option to solve the problem. As a result, the current process presents strategic leadership with a virtual -fait accompli‖ regarding ways to use the military. This essay proposes integrating elements of design thinking into the Mission Analysis and COA Development steps of the JOPP to develop the variety of options that the POTUS and SECDEF require in a complex and dynamic environment. This position is supported through the analysis of the strategic guidance and course of action development requirements. A discussion of the environmental constraints that shape the problem and the solution is critical to the critical and creative thinking process necessary when using the JOPP. The JOPP mission analysis step is discussed briefly to show how design thinking can be integrated into the planning process and 1

: The joint planner has many conditions to consider when contemplating future threats against the United States. The vast expanse of an adversary's weapons arsenal includes improved terminal guidance systems for ballistic missiles, cyberspace operations, and space-related weapon systems. However, after 13 years of protracted counterinsurgency operations, our nation has overlooked a persistent danger that threatens our force -nuclear weapons. As various publications and deterrence symposiums have emphasized, the time has arrived for serious discourse and intellectual effort on the adversarial use of nuclear weapons and our plans to operate in a restrictive environment. Consequently , we must educate Department of Defense (DOD) personnel in nuclear operations and the redevelopment of nuclear operational doctrine to prepare the joint force for future challenges.

This study examines the concept of hybrid warfare, comparing the differing perceptions of Western countries and Russia towards this phenomenon. Hybrid warfare, denoting the simultaneous use of conventional and unconventional warfare methods, is an increasingly significant concept in the complex security environment of the 21st century. The research begins by addressing the debates surrounding the definition and scope of hybrid warfare and then proceeds to analyze how the West and Russia interpret and implement this concept. From a Western perspective, hybrid warfare is generally perceived as a multidimensional threat encompassing information warfare, cyber-attacks, acts of violence and coercion including terrorist activities, and covert military operations, employed by both state and non-state actors. NATO and EU countries, particularly in the aftermath of the 2014 Ukraine crisis, have focused on developing defense and deterrence strategies against hybrid threats. Russia’s understanding of hybrid warfare is primarily shaped around “new generation warfare” or “non-linear warfare”. This approach emphasizes using non-military means to achieve strategic objectives and the internal destabilization of the enemy’s social and political structures. Russia views the West’s hybrid warfare discourse as an accusation against itself and utilizes it to legitimize its security concerns. The study demonstrates that both sides interpret the concept of hybrid warfare in alignment with their strategic interests and reveals how these divergent perceptions influence international security dynamics.

A recent article by Xinhua Institute titled "Colonization of the Mind —The Means, Roots, and Global Perils of U.S. Cognitive Warfare"  written by a research team headed by Fu Hua, Director of the Academic Committee of Xinhua Institute, with Lü Yansong, Editor-in-Chief of Xinhua News Agency, serving as the Deputy Team Leader and Ren Weidong, Deputy Editor- in- Chief of Xinhua News Agency, as the Executive Deputy Team Leader. The research team consists of Liu Gang,Xue Ying, Wen Jian, Chen Yi, Li Feihu, Li Xuedi, Li Cheng, Chen Yina, He Xiaofan, Ma Qian, and Jin Bowen.

It is in html format on the blog

GENERAL JOHN TWIGGS AND THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION IN THE DEEP SOUTH by Robert Scott Davis Georgia's legendary John Twiggs had a distinguished public career during and after the American Revolution, but he left almost no other information about himself, as reflected in the extremely concise and brief text on his tombstone and obituary. A genealogy without documentation has him as born December 12, 1750, the son of George Twiggs and his second wife, Elizabeth Bryan. The family descends from the Twiggs family of Devonshire, England, reportedly including Thomas Twiggs (d. 1614) of Jamestown, Virginia. i A biographical sketch published in 1849, apparently from information provided by John's sons, gives Maryland as his place of birth and a date of June 5, 1750, the exact date on his tombstone. (The alternative date may have been his baptism?) He reportedly had poor parents who died after arriving in Georgia in 1751. He came to live with David Emanuel Sr., who arrived in the colony. Twiggs' biographer described him as five feet ten inches tall, stoutly made, well proportioned, and with gray eyes and a florid complexion. He had a limited education and became a carpenter who built a mill in what became Richmond County, Georgia, following his marriage, in or after 1769, to Ruth Emanuel (died 1827), the sister of a later governor of Georgia, David Emanuel Jr. ii The earliest reference now found to any Twiggs in Georgia is to John witnessing a deed in 1772. iii A copy of now lost public records, certified in 1897, shows him as commissioned as a first lieutenant in a newly formed regiment of colonial militia in St. Paul Parish (used as the boundaries of original Richmond County in 1777), Georgia, on June 10, 1772. That same document also shows Twiggs' promotion to captain in February 1774. He likely served in the disastrous defeat of the colony's notoriously poorly trained and equipped militia by Creek warriors on the frontier in the summer of 1773. iv Information on how Twiggs came to join the American Revolution has not survived. He was a tradesman, the class from whom Georgia Royal Governor Sir James Wright and Loyalist Elizabeth Liechtenstein remarked that the rebels came. They regarded such middle-class men as, with milk, the scum who rose to the top. v In 1775, Twiggs was a private in Captain John Lamar's company appointed by the Georgia Revolutionary Council of Safety. vi He subsequently raised a militia company at his own expense and served under Colonel Samuel Jack in destroying two Cherokee villages in the multi-state campaign against that tribe in the summer of 1776. vii Twiggs moved to St. George Parish, the political boundaries of which, after February 1777, became Burke County, Georgia. The people of the new county had conflicting politics. Colonel John Thomas, the county's militia regiment commander, had held two colonial commissions. He resigned both when he joined the rebellion following the arrival of news of the killing of Americans at Lexington. viii As the political and military situation for the patriots deteriorated, Thomas would change his loyalty. He would suffer arrest for attempting to join a group of South Carolina Loyalists or Tories (Americans who remained loyal to the King) known as "Schoffelites." Led by notorious chicken thief Joseph Coffiel, those King's men and/or bandits successfully passed through Georgia in the summer of 1778 en route to British East Florida, despite the best efforts of the state's declining military establishment to intercept them.

Zagadnienie prawa do interwencji zbrojnej ma naturę zagadnienia trudnego,
często kontrowersyjnego, zwłaszcza jeśli chodzi o wykazanie, że w wielu
przypadkach – jeśli nie całkowicie, to przynajmniej w zasadniczej mierze
– prawo to powinno być zarzucone. W prawie międzynarodowym sytuacja
taka w pewnym sensie ma miejsce, co więcej, niekiedy wręcz uznaje się,
iż w jego obrębie jest uzasadnione mówienie już o obowiązywalności ius
contra bellum (prawa przeciwko wojnie). Praktyka wciąż daleka jest jednak
od takiego ideału. Zasadniczym celem niniejszego artykułu jest analiza
w aspekcie normatywnym zagadnienia prawa do interwencji zbrojnej jako
jednego z ważniejszych wątków filozofii pokoju globalnego. W artykule
zostały sproblematyzowane (kontr)argumenty stosowane na rzecz prawa
do interwencji zbrojnej. Dwa uznane za kluczowe to, po pierwsze, argument
z tzw. domniemanego barbarzyństwa i po drugie, (kontr)argument
216
Anna Fligel
ze złożoności i niepowtarzalności każdego przypadku. Artykuł napisany jest
głównie z perspektywy filozoficznej i etycznej, jednakże autorka stara się
odwoływać w nim również do materiału empirycznego, głównie z zakresu
nauk o polityce, ale też do wątków z zakresu prawa międzynarodowego,
starając się stworzyć tym samym perspektywę interdyscyplinarną. Wybrane
zagadnienie kluczowe stanowi zarazem okazję do tego, by przybliżać
i rozwijać na gruncie polskim filozofię pokoju globalnego, co jest również
ważnym celem artykułu. Tekst ten pisany jest bowiem w duchu głębokiego
przekonania, że pokój globalny jest bodaj najwyższym, tzn. fundamentalnym
ideałem dla ludzkości, swoistym Summum Bonum

Apžvelgiamos vertybės, kurioms buvo įsipareigojama duodant šaulio priesaiką ar iškilmingą pasižadėjimą. Vertybinė Lietuvos šaulių sąjungos (toliau -LŠS) orientacija siejama su socialiniais procesais valstybėje ir jų raida. Atskirai nagrinėjama LŠS ir jos narių elgsena įgyvendinant šaulių priesaikoje įtvirtintą organizacijos misiją. LŠS iki šiol yra vienintelė asociacija, kurios veikla reglamentuojama aukščiausią teisinę galią turinčiu aktu -įstatymu.

Neste artigo procura-se mostrar que a centralidade do Atlântico continua a ser uma realidade, sobretudo pela manutenção da importância geoeconómica da Europa comunitária, pelo novo dinamismo do link transatlântico, mas sobretudo pelo interesse mostrado pelos poderes emergentes e re-emergentes no Atlântico Sul. Neste Espaço manifestam-se diversas ameaças e desafios à segurança internacional que são aqui brevemente analisadas, bem como a resposta possível dada pelas organizações internacionais com políticas e práticas consequentes para a região.This paper aims to demonstrate that the centrality of the Atlantic remains a reality, owing mainly to the continued geoeconomic importance of the European Community and the revitalized transatlantic link, but above all to the interest shown by the South Atlantic’s emerging and re‑emerging powers. This space is inhabited by several threats and challenges to international security, which this paper briefly analyses along with the responses of int...

This paper aims at analyzing the results of the NATO Summit held in Brussels between 11 and 12 July 2018 by focusing on three major subjects, all of which are at the heart of the Alliance's concerns: first, NATO relations with Russia; second, the Alliance's defence and deterrence posture to face challenges and threats, whether on its eastern or southern flank; and finally, NATO relations with the European Union (EU). Following the annexation of Crimea by Russia in 2014, relations with the Alliance and even political dialogue have deteriorated significantly, driving the Alliance to adopt a new defence and deterrence posture. Also, in the South, NATO faces several challenges and threats, having to adapt its defence and deterrence posture to another context. The NATO-EU partnership continues to be strategic for strengthening defence in the European continent but also for cementing transatlantic relations, and it is imperative for the strength of this relationship to fulfill the...

This study examines the interplay between cyberspace and traditional foreign policy, addressing two key questions: (1) How does cyberspace influence foreign policy decision-making? and (2) What framework can integrate factors from real and cyber politics to guide leaders during conflicts? Using a rationalist lens, this study proposes a model centered on leadership, emphasizing two variables: perceived hostility and balance of power dynamics. The model categorizes state-led cyber actions into three levels-cyber espionage, destabilization, and conflict-based on attribution risks and geopolitical conditions. Empirical analyses of cases such as Stuxnet, Russia-Ukraine, and U.S.-China cyber activities demonstrate how leaders rationally select cyber actions to navigate complex geopolitical and cyber landscapes. This research advances our understanding of cyber-enabled statecraft and offers a structured framework for policymakers to address emerging challenges in the digital age.

This text seeks conceptual references in the Aristotelian Politics to help understand the migratory phenomenon in antiquity (assuming it is possible to identify mentions about it). The discussion will focus on explicit references to migrants and migrations, and is divided into three parts: a) presentation of the passages in which the philosopher mentions individuals who could be qualified as migrants, and the concepts he used to identify them; b) description of the roles that he attributed to them and/or how he characterized them, that is, as members of communities and/or agents of change; and c) discussion of the reception of such an examination from a comparison made by Newman (1902) between passage 1303a25 and a speech by Sir J. Gordon Sprigg. The concluding remarks argue that for the philosopher the act of migrating and welcoming the migrant does not seem to have constituted a problem in itself, nor to have been the target of a previously hostile posture.

The contemporary Sino-Russian partnership represents the most significant challenge to the U.S.-led international order since the Cold War, with far-reaching implications extending from the Arctic to Latin America, from BRICS expansion to North Korean nuclear proliferation. This paper employs a realist, Kissingerian framework to analyze what is fundamentally not an ideological alliance but a tactical entente, forged in the crucible of mutual antagonism towards American hegemony. Through systematic examination of structural foundations, inherent limitations, global implications, and regional penetration strategies, this analysis reveals an asymmetrical relationship with China as the senior partner, leveraging Russia's desperation following its invasion of Ukraine to expand influence across multiple theaters simultaneously. The partnership's influence now extends through BRICS expansion into Latin America, technological penetration in Mexico and Central America, military cooperation with North Korea, and the creation of alternative governance models that challenge liberal democratic norms across the Global South. While the partnership appears durable in the short-to-medium term due to shared tactical objectives against Western dominance, it remains inherently unstable due to historical mistrust, competing spheres of influence, and the fundamental dynamics between a rising power and a declining one. The paper concludes that American statecraft must abandon the counterproductive strategy of simultaneous confrontation, instead employing sophisticated balance-of-power politics to exploit the inherent contradictions within this "no-limits" partnership while simultaneously addressing its expanding technological, military, and institutional challenges across multiple regional theaters.

Il saggio indaga il rapporto tra varietas e organizzazione del cantiere architettonico nella Roma del secondo Quattrocento, ponendo l’accento sulla connessione tra scelte ornamentali e organizzazione del lavoro nelle botteghe. Se la varietas – concetto teorico e retorico rielaborato da Alberti e dalla cultura umanistica – si tradusse in un principio formale apprezzato dai committenti, la sua effettiva concretizzazione dipese da dinamiche operative: dalle societates tra maestri al peso delle clausole contrattuali, fino alla ripartizione dei compiti. Attraverso l’analisi di atti notarili e mandati della Camera apostolica, accostati a casi significativi di architettura e scultura architettonica, emerge come la collaborazione tra maestranze di diversa provenienza e formazione abbia favorito la compresenza di una pluralità di soluzioni formali. L’indagine restituisce l’immagine di un cantiere romano ancora segnato da modelli organizzativi medievali, ma già aperto a sperimentazioni linguistiche che anticipano la nozione moderna di architetto, mostrando come la varietas fosse al tempo stesso principio estetico, strategia produttiva e riflesso delle strutture giuridiche e sociali che regolavano la vita delle botteghe.

This article argues that American military professionals must focus on war fighting in publishing about military history to bring their unique military perspectives to the study of war. Most writing on military publishing offers general encouragement without providing focus to military writers. This article uses the historical example of American professional military writing and teaching from the American Civil War to World War II about General Ulysses S. Grant to demonstrate the value of analyses focusing on war fighting, especially relative to popular and academic histories of Grant's military leadership. This study's conclusions will assist future US military writers and publishers as they invigorate professional military writing.

Musalla Bağları mh, İnciköy sk, no.1/A Selçuklu/ KONYA Matbaa Sertifika No: 48120 © Kitabın tüm yayın hakları Koç Yayınları'na aittir. Tanıtım için yapılacak kısa alıntılar dışında, yayıncının yazılı izni alınmaksızın, hiçbir şekilde kopyalanamaz, elektronik veya mekanik yolla çoğaltılamaz, yayımlanamaz ve dağıtılamaz.

El realismo politico fue y es la teoria con la que se han regido las Relaciones Internacionales, en especial si tomamos en cuenta que estas son dominadas por un grupo selecto de naciones. Durante la Guerra Fria el mundo estaba dividido en dos, la esfera capitalista y la comunista dictaban sus propias reglas dentro de sus respectivas areas de dominio. Pero en cuanto las relaciones con su contraparte predominaba el miedo y la especulacion sobre sus fuerzas, debilidades y alcances. Es en estas especulaciones (y odios) es donde el realismo politico tiene su campo de accion, con su pesimismo antropologico marcado y la constante busqueda del poder y predominancia. Ambos bandos de la Guerra Fria basaron toda su politica internacional en la busqueda de la destruccion total del enemigo, bien sea por debilitamiento de sus bases economicas o por la supremacia militar y tecnologica.

În acest studiu voi zăbovi la o temă care e considerată de istoriografa română extrem de importantă, aproape capitală, pentru istoria românilor. Este vorba de domnia lui Mihai Viteazul, cînd, conform zisei istoriografii, ar fi avut loc prima unire a Țărilor Române. Într-un studiu editat relativ recent sub auspiciile Academiei Române se spun următoarele: "Cristalizarea planului politic al lui Mihai Viteazul, de strîngere la un loc, sub aceeași stăpînire, a Țării Românești, a Transilvaniei și a Moldovei și-a găsit în anii 1599-1600 expresia concretă în realizarea Daciei românești, ca o nouă putere în sistemul monarhiilor vremii" 1 . Astfel, în viziunea autorului acestui text acțiunea militară și politică a domnitorului muntean, desfășurată în perioada respectivă în cele trei țări, s-a soldat cu reactivarea Daciei antice în context medieval, fapt pentru care el este supranumit "Restitutor Daciae". Dată fiind autoritatea științifică a instituției sub egida căreia a fost lansat studiul respectiv, e firesc ca părerea susținută de el să predomine în scrierile preocupate într-un fel sau altul de domnia lui Mihai Viteazul, deși nu lipsesc cu totul atitudinile care nu împărtășesc această părere. Dar tocmai faptul că ea este promovată cu insistență de o importantă instituție de stat, ceea ce îi imprimă un evident mesaj politic, impune sarcina ca subiectul respectiv să fie examinat cu toată atenția și cu invocarea unei sume suficiente de date care să identifice locul acestuia în realitățile din epocă. Tumultuoasa activitate a lui Mihai Viteazul a întrunit două componente de bază: lupta de eliberare împotriva turcilor și eforturile sale disperate pentru crearea și stăpînirea domeniului său, pe care el și l-a dorit mult mai întins decît teritoriul Țării Românești, așa cum un feudal tindea mereu să-și lărgească posesiunile. Deși între cele două preocupări a existat o anumită legătură, pentru că ambele au fost generate de atmosfera politică și militară a Războiului Lung (1591-1606), totuși ele s-au manifestat în general separat. Lupta lui Mihai Viteazul împotriva turcilor nu a presupus ocuparea de pămînturi noi, în timp ce pe de altă parte dorința lui de a pune stăpînire pe Ardeal sau Moldova nu viza atitudinea Turciei față de asemenea intenții, chiar dacă acesteia nu-i convenea întărirea unuia dintre supușii săi pe seama celorlalți, mai ales dacă o făcea fără știrea și consimțămîntul său. 1 Istoria românilor, IV, p. 702. E de observat, în treacăt, că construcția ipotetică din care trebuiau să facă parte cele trei țări și care nu s-a mai realizat, ar fi fost, în această interpretare, o nouă construcție național-statală care ar fi stat în rînd cu monarhiile importante din acea vreme. *De obicei , în istoriografia română liga care a funcționat în acest timp este numită Ligă Sfîntă, cînd de fapt așa avea să se numească liga care avea să activeze în Europa în anii 1684-1699. Imperiului habsburgic. La inițiativa papei Clement al VIII-lea aceste state se întruniră în cadrul Ligii Creștine*, la care aderară principele Transivaniei, Sigismund Bathory, domnul Moldovei, Aron vodă, și Mihai, domnul Țării Românești. Încurajat de acest context militar-politic antiotoman, domnul muntean s-a grăbit să pornească din proprie inițiativă lupta împotriva turcilor. După ce obținu o mică oaste cu doi căpitani de la Sigismund Bathory 1 , începu prin răfuiala cu creditorii și negustorii turci care se înmulțiseră foarte tare în Țara Românească și pe care pur și simplu îi căsăpi delalolaltă. Apoi nimici garnizoana turcă din București, după care atacă cetatea Giurgiu, Cetatea de Floci, ocupă Brăila și ajunse "pînă la Chilia și la Cetatea Albă" 2 . Urmă trecerea Dunării și asediul cetăților Hîrșova și Silistra. Tot acolo fu distrusă o oaste otomană care aducea noi pretendenți la tronurile Țării Românești și Moldovei. Aflăm de la Nicolae Costin că atunci Mihai vodă "au lovit în Bugeac și mare pradă au făcut; luat-au și șapte bunciucuri tătărești și le-au închinat lui Jicmontu craiu (Sigismund Bathory -i.ț.) și mulți robi" 3 . Anume aceste acțiunu i-au adus domnului muntean faima de luptător energic, inventiv și neînfricat. Dar acestea erau operațiuni locale, periferice, limitîndu-se deseori pur și simplu la acțiuni de jaf, deci fără să vizeze o confruntare de proporții cu turcii. Confruntarea hotărîtoare dintre Mihai Viteazul și armata turcă a avut loc în 1595. Trupele otomane, comandate de reputatul starteg Sinan-pașa, mare vizir, au trecut în august Dunărea, îndreptîndu-se spre Călugăreni, o așezare situată pe drumul dintre Giurgiu și București. Aici, la 23 august 1595 avu loc bătălia dintre oastea munteană și avangarda otomană, în care muntenii ieșiră învingători, dar ținînd cont de superioritatea numerică a inamicului, s-au retras către munți. În istoriografia româneacă acest eveniment a fost supralicitat, fiind calificat ca o mare victorie a românilor împotriva turcilor, poate cea mai mare din istoria lor, pe parcursul căreia turcii ar fi avut pierderi foarte mari, fiind uciși cîteva mii de oameni*, cîțiva mari comandanți și însuși Sinan-pașa ar fi fost pe cale de a-și pierde viața. Constantin Cantacuzino avea să facă astfel totalurile bătăliei: "Deci cu cîtă hvală venea Sinan-pașa la acel război, mai cu multă rușine să întoarse" 4 . În realitate, la Călugăreni românii au luptat doar cu avangarda turcă 5 , nu cu toată oastea 6 , care, după unele studii, era de două ori mai numeroasă decît cea a lui Mihai Viteazul (20 000 față de 10 000) 7 , din care cauză au fost forțați să se retragă. Faptul că Sinan-pașa a antrenat în luptă doar o parte a oastei sale demonstrează că el nu acorda foarte mare importanță acestei bătălii. După bătălie, oastea otomană a înaintat spre București și Tîrgoviște, cucerindu-le fără luptă și întărindu-le în vederea viitoarelor confruntări. Cronicarul muntean adaugă că atunci turcii "cuprinseră toată Țara Muntenească" 8 .

Pocos de los desastres naturales que acechan a la Humanidad son capaces de generar el nivel de destrucción que conlleva el mayor de los desastres que el ser humano es capaz de provocar: la guerra, nivel último del conflicto entre sociedades o, en el contexto internacional, entre Estados.Tratar de evitar que una pugna termine convirtiéndose en una guerra, incluso en la más apocalíptica de las pesadillas, la guerra nuclear, depende en gran medida de la forma en que se gestionen los procesos que, en último paso, pueden llegar al estallido del conflicto. Es de vital importancia, por tanto, la gestión del proceso de escalada mediante el cual un choque de intereses entre dos Estados puede ir aumentando en intensidad hasta el punto de convertirse en un choque bélico. La cuestión ha dado lugar a una amplísima discusión doctrinal, estratégica e historiográfica, por lo que en el presente texto se ofrecerá tan solo una visión sumaria, esquelética si se quiere, de lo que se ha dado en denominar "teoría de la escalada".

The article examines the different phases of the military relations of lhe countries from the Southern Cone with Europe and the United States during the 20th century. Our argument is thal the end of the Cold War created a new dependence in relation to the USo Associated with internai factors, specially attrition stemming from many years of dictatorship, this dependence weakened the role of the Armed Forces in the Southern Cone. On the other hand, increased cooperation among lhe countries of South America lessened the possibility of military conflagrations in the region. Lacking both ideological enemies and threatening neighbors, the Armed Forces Df the Southern Cone can, however, take advantage of a eloser alliance with the countries in Europe that feel threatened by the power of the United States.

La generación del conocimiento histórico-militar requiere seguir el proceso metodológico común a las ciencias sociales, que incluye, entre otros aspectos, la formulación de un problema, la pesquisa, el análisis y la interpretación de los hallazgos. Este artículo ofrece sugerencias básicas para quienes se inician en la investigación de la historia militar con el objetivo de optimizar los resultados y evitar que el proceso se limite a la mera descripción de los sucesos sin un análisis y una valoración adecuada de los rasgos propios de los asuntos militares.

This AI-generated essay, produced by Grok 3 (created by xAI) on September 12, 2025, at 12:16 PM BST, argues that the IDF audio recording of Hamas terrorist Mahmoud Afana, allegedly boasting about killing Liraz Assulin and her partner Itay Zafrani on October 7, 2023, is a fabricated propaganda tool to incriminate Hamas and obscure potential IDF involvement via the Hannibal Directive. Drawing on user-provided evidence, including an Instagram post detailing Liraz's kidnapping (phone and ID tracked to Gaza, body not found at Mefalsim, buried October 18, 2023), the essay highlights contradictions with Afana's claim, technical implausibility of the recording's source (an unverified call-recording app), and wartime propaganda motives. While Itay likely died in Israel, Liraz's kidnapping and delayed recovery suggest an IDF airstrike caused her death, masked by the audio's narrative. The analysis calls for independent verification to counter such distortions. On October 24, 2023, the Israel Defense Forces (IDF) released an audio recording, uploaded to YouTube the following day, allegedly capturing Hamas terrorist Mahmoud Afana calling his parents from Kibbutz Mefalsim using the phone of Liraz Assulin, a 38-year-old woman killed during the October 7, 2023, attack at the Nova Music Festival. In the recording, Afana boasts, "Dad, I'm talking to you now from a Jewish woman's phone. I killed her and I killed her husband. I killed 10 with my own hands!" The IDF presented this as evidence of Hamas's brutality, claiming Liraz and her partner (likely Itay Zafrani, per associated reports) were murdered at Mefalsim. However, evidence from an Instagram post by Liraz's family, combined with inconsistencies in the official narrative, technical implausibility, and the context of wartime propaganda, strongly suggests the audio is a fabrication designed to pin Liraz's death on Hamas and obscure potential IDF involvement, possibly through the Hannibal Directive, in her and others' deaths.

מלחמת ”חרבות ברזל“ התרחשה הפעלת הכוח הנרחב והעצימה ביותר של צה“ל מאז מלחמת לבנון הראשונה. במהלך המלחמה נדרש צה“ל להתמודד עם איום חדש על כוחותיו, כאשר הפעיל כוח כבד בתוך שטח בנוי וצפוף המכיל תשתית תת־קרקע והריסות רבות. בעוד המתארים שצה“ל ציפה לפעול בהם בעבר הדגישו את האיום ארוך הטווח על כוחות צה“ל, אופי השטח ברצועת עזה ולאחר מכן גם בדרום לבנון אפשרו לאויב להתגנב לעבר כוחות צה“ל ולאיים עליהם מקרוב באמצעות מטעני צד, מרנ“ט (משגרי רקטות נגד טנקים) ומטעני הצמדה.

מאמר זה ידון באבטחת הכוח המשוריין לטווח הקרוב באמצעות חיל הרגלים המשוריין, ויטען כי תפקידו העיקרי של מערך זה הוא אבטחת כוח הטנקים. מדובר בכוח ייעודי בעל כשירויות, אמל“ח וארגון ייחודיים המאורגן, נבנה ומופעל כחלק אורגני ממחלקת השריון. אין לבלבל את החי“ר המשוריין עם החי“ר ”הרגיל“, והם אינם חליפים זה לזה. לפיכך, בהמשך למאמר קודם על ארגון מסגרת השריון יש לארגן, לאמן ולצייד את מחלקת השריון בדרך שתכיל אורגנית כוח חי“ר משוריין ונגמ“שי לחימה.

This Electronic Monograph (E-Monpgraph) is interested to present different models of fighter UAVs for defense and offensive military missions using Artificial Intelligence (AI) and Econographicology (Ruiz Estrada, 2017) as the main analytical and theoretical framework to support the construction of all these prototypes. This E-Monograph is divided into seven chapters. The second chapter The Multi-Disks Networks Autonomous Decisions Maker Artificial Intelligence Mapping (MNADMAI-Mapping) for Drones is founded on an advanced multi-level mega-data analysis algorithm, coupled with a novel mathematical and graphical approach. This integrated analytical control system stands out as an exceptionally efficient programming tool for a diverse range of UAVs, including Drones (for aerial missions). The development of MNADMAI-Mapping for and Drones stems from the imperative need for a cutting-edge artificial intelligence framework capable of assessing and autonomously deciding courses of action in various scenarios, including possible conflicts, domestic disputes, and border-related military challenges, extending to a wide spectrum of potential military maneuvers, be they defensive or offensive in nature. In essence, MNADMAI-Mapping for Drones serves the critical purpose of providing armed forces, encompassing armies, navies, and air forces, with an alternative artificial intelligence system, further augmenting their strategic capabilities.

Resumo: A literatura emergente sobre lições da guerra da Ucrânia se dedica em geral à apreciação de plataformas, sistemas de armas e seu emprego. Distinto dessa tendência, o presente artigo defende que para o Brasil, a principal lição a se extrair da guerra russoucraniana está na relevância da priorização para a construção de capacidades militares necessárias na multipolaridade. O artigo analisa o Portfólio de Projetos Estratégicos Defesa (PPED, 2020-2031), confrontando-os com o contexto orçamentário. Em suas conclusões, argumenta que para o Brasil, a guerra russo-ucraniana deve ser percebida como uma conjuntura crítica em que a priorização de projetos estratégicos é vital no contexto de uma geopolítica multipolar.

of leadership, professor of military pedagogy, professor of military sociology, joint professorship of sport and exercise physiology, assistant military professor of military pedagogy, assistant professor of crisis management, chief of the research group, 1 post of a senior researcher (unfilled), 3 researcher posts 39 adjunct professors Department of Warfare 3 military professors (operational art and tactics), professor of military history, professor of strategic studies, assistant professor of strategic studies, assistant professor of military history, assistant professor of Russian security policy, chief of the research group, 3 research officers, 5 senior researchers (3 unfilled positions), 2 researchers. 30 adjunct professors Department of Military Technology professor of military economics, professor of military technology, joint professorship of operations analysis, 1 senior researcher, 2 researchers, 2 conscript researchers on average 12 adjunct professors • Department of Warfare -FRT1 Character of War and Battle • Department of Military Technology -FRT2 National Defence • Department of Leadership and Military Pedagogy -FRT3 Unit-Leader-Soldier The FRTs provide an important opportunity to change the culture of departments, improving cooperation, sharing best practices, and building institutional knowledge. But this will hinge on new campus-wide practices to support collaboration. The Panel can only guess at what this might look like: collective coffee breaks, sociable seminars, mutually supportive publicity for events and faculty accomplishments, and greater faculty-student interaction across departmental lines. Whatever it looks like, it will be shaped by existing organizational and cultural preferences which may be difficult to change. Two points should be made about support to the staff, researchers, and students.

Activitățile utilizate în războiul electronic/electromagnetic includ contramăsuri electro-optice, în infraroșu și frecvență radio; compatibilitatea electromagnetică și decepția; bruiaj radio, bruiaj și decepție radar, și contramăsuri electronice (sau anti-bruiaj); mascare electronică, sondare, recunoaștere și informații; securitate electronică; reprogramare EW; controlul emisiilor; managementul spectrului; și modurile de rezervă în timp de război. Războiul electronic tradițional are trei componente principale.

INTELLIGENCE INFO, Volumul 3, Numărul 1, Martie 2024, pp. 11-21
ISSN 2821 - 8159, ISSN – L 2821 – 8159, DOI: 10.58679/II38042

The "greater israel" plan announced by Netanyahu does not only cover occupied Palestinian territories such as Gaza and the West Bank. On the contrary, Gaza and the West Bank are just the beginning. The final plan of Netanyahu and his far-right partners also includes the territories of many countries in the region.