Strategic Litigation

The salmon are a test of a healthy environment, a lesson in environmental needs. Their abundant presence on the spawning beds is a lesson of hope, a reassurance that all is well with water and land, a lesson of deep importance for the future of man. If there ever is a time when the salmon no longer return, man will know he has failed again and moved one stage nearer to his own final disappearance. -Roderick Haig-Brown (1974)'I

The salmon are a test of a healthy environment, a lesson in environmental needs. Their abundant presence on the spawning beds is a lesson of hope, a reassurance that all is well with water and land, a lesson of deep importance for the future of man. If there ever is a time when the salmon no longer return, man will know he has failed again and moved one stage nearer to his own final disappearance. -Roderick Haig-Brown (1974)'I

Este trabalho busca analisar a atuação do ONU Mulheres Brasil a partir de um mapeamento do desenvolvimento e implementação de projetos por revisão sistemática de literatura, pesquisas no site oficial e contato direto com membros da organização e de projetos atrelados. Conclui-se que o órgão, apesar de associado a iniciativas em diversas áreas, alcança resultados de maneira ainda incipiente.

Este trabalho busca analisar a atuação do ONU Mulheres Brasil a partir de um mapeamento do desenvolvimento e implementação de projetos por revisão sistemática de literatura, pesquisas no site oficial e contato direto com membros da organização e de projetos atrelados. Conclui-se que o órgão, apesar de associado a iniciativas em diversas áreas, alcança resultados de maneira ainda incipiente.

Esta tese tematiza a reprodução como arena social e política, com foco na litigância estratégica em temas de direitos sexuais e direitos reprodutivos (DSDR) perante o Supremo Tribunal Federal (STF). Parte-se da compreensão da reprodução como fenômeno regulado por normas e
intensamente disputado nos campos político e jurídico, atravessado por processos de juridificação que, dentre outras repercussões, têm transferido para o Judiciário conflitos historicamente situados na esfera sociopolítica – com ênfase nos debates sobre aborto legal e
planejamento reprodutivo. O objetivo principal é analisar como os discursos e práticas associados à litigância estratégica em temas relacionados à reprodução no STF contribuem para
a conformação de regimes de governança reprodutiva e para a afirmação de paradigmas de justiça reprodutiva, considerando os embates entre diferentes atores sociais, os dispositivos normativos e os impactos no reconhecimento e efetivação dos DSDR no Brasil. A metodologia
combina pesquisa bibliográfica e empírica, incorporando observação participante, etnografia documental e procedimentos da Análise Temática. O corpus da investigação é composto pelas manifestações dos amici curiae e pelos andamentos processuais relevantes nas ADPFs 989 e
1141, bem como na ADI 5911. O trabalho é motivado por razões sociais (a intensificação das ofensivas antigênero e as resistências a esses movimentos, refletidas nas dinâmicas dos litígios analisados), científicas (a incipiência de estudos sobre as dimensões jurídico-discursivas da
litigância em DSDR) e pessoais (a trajetória da pesquisadora na Clínica de Direitos Humanos da UFPR). Entre os principais resultados, a tese demonstra que a litigância estratégica em DSDR atua como prática situada de incidência jurídico-política, marcada por confrontos entre
projetos progressistas e neoconservadores. No âmbito do STF, ela se configura como uma arena de embate por regimes concorrentes de governança reprodutiva, nos quais forças políticas antagônicas mobilizam ferramentas jurídicas para redefinir os contornos normativos da
reprodução. Essa dinâmica se revela com particular intensidade nos casos paradigmáticos analisados, em que diferentes gramáticas – jurídicas, morais e técnicas – são acionadas para tensionar os sentidos de autonomia, justiça, cidadania e proteção jurídica, almejando ora a
restrição, ora a ampliação de direitos. A pesquisa identifica a mobilização de discursos neoconservadores – notadamente aqueles articulados em torno de agendas pró-vida e prófamília – como instrumentos das estratégias de juridificação reativa e de advocacy antigênero.
Tais discursos se mostram especialmente atuantes nos debates sobre aborto legal, ao buscar reconfigurar os sentidos da proteção jurídica da reprodução, deslocando o foco da autonomia da pessoa gestante para uma concepção abstrata da vida fetal, em confronto com princípios
constitucionais como dignidade, liberdade e igualdade. Por outro lado, a tese evidencia que a litigância estratégica em DSDR, enquanto ferramenta de advocacy, constitui também um espaço privilegiado para a promoção teórica e política da justiça reprodutiva. Ao tensionar noções liberais de autonomia individual e evidenciar desigualdades estruturais de raça, classe e território, os discursos e práticas em litigância comprometidos com a ampliação de direitos contribuem para a reformulação crítica dos debates sobre reprodução, articulando demandas por reconhecimento jurídico e garantias fundamentais com denúncias de violações sistemáticas. O trabalho também oferece subsídios concretos para a atuação de organizações e movimentos sociais comprometidos com a defesa dos DSDR, sobretudo no desenvolvimento de estratégias
jurídicas e políticas afinadas com a justiça social e reprodutiva.

Democratic countries embrace and incorporate the principle of transparency in every policy they made to ensure good governance. One example of transparency in the judiciary is one day publish. Transparency in justice system is closely related to settlement of complaint both in the procedural law and the court judgment. There are four steps of settlement in the judicial system: first, written complaint. Recently, the Supreme Court develops an application to handle complaint called Monitoring Information System (hereinafter referred to as SIWAS). Development of SIWAS is based on Act Republic of Indonesia Supreme Court Regulation No. 9 of 2016 on Whistle Blowing System. Second, declaring clear information. Third, addressing the complaint to where the defendant works. Lastly, submitting the complaint to complaint desk. Legal and economic justice for the defendant is important to consider in handling of complaint due to economic responsibility of the defendant (a civil servant or a judge...

Medeni usul hukuku sistemlerinde son yıllarda ortaya çıkan gelişmeler, bu hukuk dalının yeniden değerlendirilmesi sonucunu doğurmuştur. Bu çerçevede ortaya çıkan gelişmelerden birisi, adalete ulaşma hareketidir. Adalete ulaşma hareketinin etkisiyle ortaya çıkan adalet reformu hareketlerinin sonuçlarından birisi ise grup davalarıdır (class actions). 19. yüzyılın sonlarında ortaya çıkan temel sosyal ve hukuki gelişmelerle medeni usul hukukunun geleneksel düşünce yapısından uzaklaşılmış, bireyci yaklaşımdan sosyal refah düşüncesine doğru bir eğilim belirmiştir. Gelişen sosyal hakların, katkısıyla devletin müdahaleci yapısına karşı bireysel haklar giderek kuvvetlenmiştir 1 . Özellikle Kıta Avrupası hukuk sistemlerinden Avusturya Medeni Usul Kanunu'nun hazırlanmasında sosyal eğilimlerin olduğu, daha sonraları ise davanın "sosyal bir olay" olarak görülmeye başlandığı usul hukuku anlayışı ortaya çıkmıştır. Böylece medeni usul hukukunun amacının, sadece bireysel menfaatleri değil, halkın tamamını güvenliğe kavuşturacak 2 kurumları da ihdas etmek olduğu anlaşılmıştır. Daha sonra Alman Hukuku doktrinindeki hâkim görüş de, medeni usul hukukunun bireysel menfaatlerin yanı sıra kollektif menfaatleri de ihmal etmemesi gerektiği üzerinde durmuştur. Kaldı ki, teknolojinin ve sanayinin bu kadar hızlı geliştiği günümüzde, sübjektif hakların yanında kollektif menfaatlerin korunması da bir zorunluluk olarak karşımıza çıkmaktadır 3 .

The Paris Agreement on Climate Change which aimed at halting climate change and limiting global warming to 1.5 degrees Celsius, remains the most important piece of international diplomacy in years, since the Kyoto Protocol of 1992 and the Copenhagen Accord (which endorsed the continuation of the Kyoto Protocol) 2009. The signing of the Paris Agreement underlies the fact that climate change remains one of the greatest challenges of our time and calls for a strong political will to urgently combat climate change in accordance with the principle of common but differentiated responsibilities and respective capabilities. This article looks at Paris Agreement's resolve to peak global greenhouse-gas emissions as soon as possible and also undertakes a cursory examination of the global climate regime. The article also examines how the problem of climate change has altered since the 2009 Copenhagen Accord and concludes by emphasizing the need to take the Paris Agreement forward in spirit.

In recent years, I have researched the following topics and written several studies and books on them, but now, with the help of the latest ChatGPT5 version, I would like to see the new answers to these questions based on the most recent studies published on them.

Mauritius is widely praised for policies that have minimized tensions between ethno-religious groups. Other types of groups, however, are excluded from that sociopolitical ordering of society. In particular, LGBTQI+ Mauritians have long been stigmatized and criminalized by an anti-sodomy law, enacted by the British colonial administration. Despite a reputation for a strong commitment to human rights, the Mauritian government never repealed that law. Drawing in large part on interviews with LGBTQI+ activists in Mauritius, this article analyzes how and why they challenged that anti-sodomy law in court, what they achieved and what the implications are. It argues that the state’s and political parties’ emphasis on traditional cultures made it difficult to convince the government to act, leaving strategic litigation as the best option for getting LGBTQI+ rights recognized. Grounded primarily in constitutionally guaranteed rights and harnessing support from international nonstate actors, their court cases succeeded in carving out greater space for LGBTQI+ rights within the conservative multicultural framework, even though the verdict was rather limited in scope. Significant pressure will be needed to achieve more political and social change, potentially including more strategic litigation, which poses a significant challenge to LGBTQI+ activists.

Roman law and the legal principle under that law is silent about an action for loss of support by the dependants of a breadwinner whose death was unlawfully caused by the defendant or wrongdoer. It was only under the Germanic custom that the life of a person had value capable of being estimated in monetary terms. The actions of the widow and children for loss of support are derived from the fact that they evoke support from the deceased during his lifetime. This paper also forged a solution to legal questions such as whether dependants can claim damages for loss of income in cases where the breadwinner or husband is negligent, and whether a husband can claim for loss of support due to the death of his wife? This study answers the question by relying on case law Union Government v Lee in which the judge decided that the negligence of the breadwinner or husband did not render the dependant"s action for loss of support a nullity. This decision in the Lee-case, which favoured dependants action for loss of support has its bearing or hinges upon the Germanic principles of wergeld and zoengeld. This Germanic principles and the Lee-case pave the way for such decision to be developed and moulded under constitutional premises so that it also be extended to dependant"s action for loss of support to children born out of wedlock, polygamous marriages, religious marriages and gay and lesbian relationships.

In this article, we propose a new theoretical account of mental autonomy through which policymakers can develop new legal instruments to mitigate the harms caused by propaganda. We argue for a renewed understanding of mental autonomy, informed by relational autonomy, highlighting its interdependent nature, shaped by technological mediation and social structures in the digital public sphere. We begin by defining propaganda and discussing its potential to inflict harm through the transformational forces of datafication, algorithmization, and plaformization. A historical review of legal approaches to propaganda reveals critical gaps in existing frameworks, which continue to rely on outdated perceptions of autonomy that assume the mind is largely immune to external influences. To address these inadequacies, we build upon the novel concept of epistemic welfare-societal structures and conditions to ensure epistemic agency-and extend it to mental autonomy, which we argue is a necessary precursor to such welfare. Finally, while recognizing the challenges of implementing legal protections against propaganda, we advocate for a governance approach that balances protection and freedom within the broader notions of free thought and expression.

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This paper is a contribution to strategic litigation studies, with most of its materials drawn from the field of 'LGBTI+' rights, i.e., issues related to sexual orientation, gender identity and expression, and sex characteristics (SOGIESC). After recalling briefly the history of strategic litigation, this paper reflects on the link between strategic litigation and democracy, by attempting to identify, among the various forms of strategic litigation those who clearly contribute to democracy and which should therefore benefit from provisions facilitating it, such as rules broadening the standing required to initiate a lawsuit or rules favoring its funding. This paper also demonstrates the legitimacy of the contribution of supreme courts to democratic regimes, as long as such courts are cautious of preserving the powers of the other bodies representing the people (mostly Parliament and Government), by making sure that judges' intervention is compensating for the flaws of democracy and or not a 'government of judges'. By comparing the process of adoption of judgments and acts of Parliament, the paper also shows the democratic merits of the judicial deliberation compared to the parliament's one. The paper, therefore, defends the idea that Strategic litigation can be a better tool than other innovative tools usually promoted to remedy the crisis of democracy, especially for marginalized groups.

Chapter II of the Constitution of Federal Republic of Nigeria 1999 contains what are captioned the "Fundamental Objectives and Directive Principles of State Policy". However, despite the "Fundamental Objectives and Directive Principles of State Policy" which ought to induce a legal duty from the State to provide economic, social, and social benefits/rights, these provisions appear unfortunately, unenforceable by the Courts in Nigeria in the light of the ouster clause in Section 6 (6) (c) of the 1999 Constitution. This article's goal is to methodically challenge the claim that Chapter II of the Constitution is not subject to judicial review. Judging from the community reading of relevant sections of the 1999 Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria (as amended) and the analysis of both statutory and case authorities using doctrinal method, this paper concludes that the controversial section 6(6)(c) does not effectively ousts the jurisdiction of the courts to entertain claims arising from Chapter II of the Constitution. It is therefore recommended that our courts should rise to the occasion by way of judicial activism, give effect to a holistic and purposive interpretation and the shun any construction or attitude, which would render the provisions of that Chapter of the Constitution prostrate or mere cosmetics.

In Rafoneke v Minister of Justice, the Constitutional Court upheld provisions of the Legal Practice Act 28 of 2014, prohibiting non-citizens without permanent residency from admission as legal practitioners in South Africa. The provisions were challenged for violating Section 9(1), the prohibition on irrational and arbitrary differentiation and Section 9(3) of the Constitution, which prohibits unfair discrimination based on social origin or the analogous ground of citizenship or nationality. This article critiques the Court's reasoning, highlighting its failure to apply well-established legal principles that ought to have guided its application of Sections 9(1) and 9(3). Our critique is grounded in a broader argument about the need for courts that interpret and apply the Constitution to do so in ways that struggle with and against established patterns of power and authority. Regarding Section 9(1), we critique the Court for failing to adequately scrutinise the legitimacy of the stated purposes for the differentiation, and for accepting generic claims about the rationality of the impugned provisions. Second, we critique the Court for invoking the right of citizens to freely choose their trade, occupation and profession (Section 22 of the Constitution) in a manner that could be read as extinguishing the other rights enjoyed by non-citizens. With regard to the 'discrimination stage' of Section 9(3), we express concern over the Court's narrow definition of 'social origin' and its handling of binding precedent, specifically its ambiguous treatment of 'citizenship' as a recognised analogous ground of discrimination. The judgment also missed an opportunity to develop its jurisprudence on the intersectional nature of xenophobic discrimination. In the second 'unfairness stage', it failed to substantively engage with the vulnerability of non-citizens and to critically engage with the purpose of the discriminatory provision and its harmful impact on affected non-citizens and non-permanent residents.

Este trabalho analisa os focos temáticos prioritários no STF em relação às pautas de gênero, elucidando os principais temas e atores envolvidos, bem como as estratégias jurídicoconstitucionais usadas pelos grupos conservadores em suas mobilizações legais, sob a perspectiva da literatura sobre judicialização da política no Brasil. A abordagem metodológica utilizada foi análise de conteúdo em ações judiciais julgadas pelo plenário da Corte entre 2019 e 2022, a fim de elucidar o repertório que estes grupos utilizam para disputar a interpretação constitucional

El presente documento muestra un cruce de información secundaria, de la institucionalidad, académica y de los actores llamados recicladores de oficio en análisis, además de las observaciones y apreciaciones del autor al respecto en Colombia. Concentrando la atención en aspectos como la emergencia de la población recicladora, su avance en el reconocimiento por la sociedad y la institucionalidad colombiana. El conflictivo paso de la economía informal a la economía formal por parte de la población recicladora colombiana y un acercamiento a las condiciones sociales de vivienda y salud de los recicladores de oficio en Colombia En primera instancia, es importante señalar que el presente trabajo hace un acercamiento a estudios que se han concentrado básicamente en ciudades colombianas. Hay una tendencia a ideal que la labor del reciclaje es propia de la ciudad, donde se manifiestan más el consumo de procesos industriales (Cempre, 2018) esto se ratifica en Colombia en sus ciudades capitales de algunos departamentos y en ciudades intermedias lugares con un mayor grado de producción de desechos debido a los altos niveles de consumo, y de hecho donde se manifiesta el servicio de lo que se ha venido definiendo como recicladores de oficio. "En Colombia, existe una producción de residuos sólidos procedentes del consumismo de las personas y empresas dadas las actividades sociales y productivas. Esto sucede principalmente en las ciudades; en ellas se concentra mayor cantidad de personas y actividades económicas" (Corredor, 2010, como se citó en Rodríguez y Vergara 2015, pg.105).

Media laws play a critical role in shaping the landscape of public discourse, balancing the constitutional right to freedom of expression with the need to protect public order, national security, and individual rights. In Egypt, the media operates within a structured legal framework derived from the Constitution, statutory legislation, and professional codes of conduct. This framework governs the rights and responsibilities of media professionals, establishes regulatory bodies, and outlines specific legal liabilities for media-related offenses.
Since the adoption of the 2014 Constitution, Egypt has made significant efforts to modernize its media legislation, most notably through Law No. 180 of 2018 on Press, Media, and the Supreme Council for Media Regulation. This law aims to ensure the independence and pluralism of the media, regulate the activities of state-owned and private media institutions, and uphold journalistic standards while holding media actors accountable for violations such as defamation, incitement, and the spread of false information.
This research provides a comprehensive analysis of Egypt’s media laws, examining their constitutional foundations, regulatory mechanisms, and the legal provisions concerning journalistic rights, duties, and penalties. Through this exploration, the paper highlights the delicate balance between media freedom and legal accountability in Egypt’s evolving media environment.

Shutting of Telecommunication Networks a Breach of of Expression and Communication 4.1.7 When can Freedom of Expression and Communication be Derogated 4.1.8 Protecting the Right of Freedom of Expression and Communication during Insurgency and Insecurity CHAPTER FIVE: SUMMARY OF FINDINGS, CONCLUSION AND RECOMMENDATIONS 5.1 Summary of Findings 5.2 Conclusion 5.3 Recommendations BIBLIOGRAPHY vii TABLE OF CASES Nigerian Cases A G Federation v. Guardian Newspaper Ltd (1999) 9 NWLR (pt. 187) SC Adewole v. Jakande (1981) 1 NCLR 262 Adikwu v Federal House of Representatives (1982) 2 NCLR 394 67, Afollayan v. Ogunride & Ors (1990) 1 NWLR pt 122, 369 @ 391 AG Abia State v. AG Federation (2002) 6 NWLR (pt. 763) 264 SC AG Bendel State v. AG Federation (1982) All NLR 83 SC AG Bendel State v. Aideyan (1981) 4 NWLR (pt. 118) SC AG Lagos State v. AG Federation (2004) 12 SCNJ 1 AG Ogun State v. AG Federation (2002) 18 NWLR (pt. 778) SC AG Ondo State v. AG Federation (2002) 9 NWLR (pt. 777) SC Akulega v. Benue State Civil Service Commission (2001) 12 NWLR (Pt. 728) 524 Amaechi v I.N.E.C. (2008) 5 NWLR (Pt. 1080) 227 SC Amakiri v. Iwowari (1974) 1 RSLR Archbishop Okogie v. A.G Lagos State (1981) 1 NCLR 218 Badajo v. Federal Ministry of Education (1996) 8 NWLR (pt. 464) 15. Barclay Bank v. Central Bank of Nigeria (1976) 1 All NLR (pt. 1) 409 Chike Obi v Director of Public Prosecution (1961) LCN 0927 SC 68, 74 Dele Giwa v. IGP (1985) 6 NCLR 369 Director of SSS v. Agbakoba (1994) 6 NWLR (pt. 351) 475 Doherty v. Balewa (1961) All NLR 604 SC F.R.N. v Maishanu (2019) 7 NWLR (Pt. 1671) 203 SC 35, 51 Fawehinmi v. Babaginda (2003) 12 NWLR (pt. 833) SC Fawehinmi v. LPDC (1985) 1 NWLR (pt.7) 300 SC Festus Ogwuche v. Federal Republic of Nigeria (2018) ECOWASCJ 2 viii General Sani Abacha v. Chief Gani Fawehinm (2000) 4 SCNJ 401 SC Guardian News Paper Ltd v. AG Federation (1995) 5 NWLR (pt. 389) 703 CA.

The right to freedom of speech and expression is a foundational human right, enshrined in democratic constitutions across the world. However, this right is increasingly under threat from Strategic Lawsuits Against Public Participation (SLAPPs)—a coercive legal mechanism employed by powerful entities, including corporations and political actors, to silence critics, journalists, activists, and civil society. These suits are not initiated with the genuine intention of legal redress but rather as a means to intimidate, financially exhaust, and deter public participation in matters of public interest. SLAPPs pose a growing danger to the freedom of the press, the democratic process, and the constitutional mandate of transparency and accountability. By exploiting legal systems through defamation claims, injunctions, and cyber-litigation, these suits attempt to chill dissent and erode civic engagement. In India, although the jurisprudence around SLAPPs remains nascent, recent case laws and legal scholarship have begun to expose their detrimental impact. The need for anti-SLAPP mechanisms, greater judicial awareness, and legislative safeguards is critical in protecting democratic dialogue, particularly in a rapidly digitizing public sphere.

Climate change represents a global crisis that transcends borders, affecting every nation and community as climate justice gains prominence and seeking remedies to address climate-related issues becomes crucial. Environmental Public Interest Litigation (EPIL) has emerged as a potent instrument to hold governments and corporations accountable for their contributions to climate change and its consequences. This article explores the theories that underpin climate justice, examines the practical applications of EPIL worldwide, and delves into the intriguing prospect of adopting the Chinese mode of EPIL in transnational climate disputes. As one of the world's largest economies and greenhouse gas emitters, China plays a pivotal role in the global fight against climate change. This article explores how climate justice can be pursued in China through the avenue of EPIL. It examines the underlying theories that support the concept of climate justice, delves into the practical applications of EPIL in the realm of climate change, analyzes China's climate legislation and relevant judgments, and discusses the enforcement challenges and prospects for advancing climate justice through EPIL in the Chinese context. The 21st century has witnessed an unparalleled awakening to humanity's environmental challenges, particularly the global climate change crisis. As the adverse impacts of climate change become increasingly evident, the urgency to address its consequences has led to the concept of climate justice. Climate justice acknowledges the disproportionate burden of climate change on marginalized communities and future generations, emphasizing the need for equitable and sustainable solutions. EPIL has emerged as a legal strategy to uphold climate justice, aiming to bring about systemic change by leveraging the power of the courts to protect the environment and human rights. The urgency of addressing climate change has made it a defining challenge of our era. Its implications extend beyond national borders, affecting ecosystems, economies, and vulnerable populations worldwide. Climate justice underscores the ethical responsibility to address climate change's disproportionate impacts on marginalized communities and future generations. An important and developing area of environmental law is the use of litigation to seek climate justice. There is an immediate and critical need for strong legal frameworks to tackle the growing threat of climate change and global warming to ecosystems and at-risk populations. A strong theoretical basis for comprehending and progressing climate litigation is provided by concepts like public nuisance, public trust, and human rights. Cases like Milieudefensie et al. [3] in Europe show how lawsuits are being used more and more to enforce climate pledges and rectify environmental damage, while environmental public interest litigation in China has made great strides in holding entities responsible for ecological damage. Establishing more thorough international frameworks and extending these legal procedures outside domestic contexts will be the task going forward. To overcome these restrictions and promote a more united global response to climate change, regional treaties and transnational climate litigation like the ones proposed for ASEAN could be crucial.

Este texto desarrolla los fundamentos del Derecho Procesal Constitucional, abordando principios como la tutela jurisdiccional, la función del juez constitucional, y el control difuso. Explica cómo los procesos constitucionales garantizan el respeto de los derechos fundamentales y aseguran la supremacía de la Constitución dentro del orden jurídico y democrático de un Estado. "Porque al servir a los demás seremos libres" (José María Pacori Cari).

Cortes e sociedade civil na América Latina estão em transformação, assim como a sua relação. Casos de grande repercussão social, decisões judiciais que incidem sobre políticas públicas, concentração de efeitos das sentenças, mecanismos de deliberação dentro dos processos são fenômenos relacionados a essas transformações. A tese deste trabalho é de que tanto o desenho institucional das cortes influencia a mobilização social jurídica, quanto a presença de uma forte mobilização social em torno das cortes pode influenciar não só a sua agenda de casos, mas também o seu desenho institucional. E esta relação precisa ser estudada de modo dinâmico e funcional. Para tanto, foram realizadas entrevistas com organizações não governamentais, think tanks, acadêmicos, magistrados e agência financiadora na Argentina, Brasil e Colômbia. É a narrativa comparada desses atores que oferece as "variáveis" de desenho institucional e mobilização social jurídica relevantes para compreender essas transformações. O trabalho, por fim, aponta para a necessidade de reformulação das agendas dos atores envolvidos sobre como pensar a inter-relação entre cortes e sociedade civil, tanto em termos de experimentação prática, imaginação institucional, desafios teóricos e de legitimação.

Resumen: El fin del presente artículo es analizar los antecedentes y las repercusiones del Exp. N.º 00010-2022-0-1901 que no solo declara al Río Marañón y sus afluencias como titulares de derechos, sino que marca un hito en el paradigma jurídico peruano sobre los derechos de la naturaleza, al reconocer el valor espiritual y la cosmovisión andina que tienen los ríos para los pueblos indígenas, que se encuentran amenazada su forma de vida y de subsistencia, empujándonos a una búsqueda de reconocimiento de derechos inherentes a los ríos, búsqueda que ha tenido un complejo desarrollo en países como Ecuador y que en el ordenamiento jurídico peruano ha venido siendo apoyado tanto en las decisiones de la CorteIDH como en las sentencias de nuestro Tribunal Constitucional, lo que nos lleva, tal vez no a plantear necesariamente perspectivas ecocentricas o biocentricas, pero sí a cuestionar la vigencia de una doctrina dominante antropocentrista.

Background: The increasing use of legal strategies to impede public participation, i.e. Strategic Lawsuits Against Public Participation (SLAPP or SLAPPs), presents a growing concern within democratic legal frameworks. These lawsuits are generally initiated by more influential parties (authorities and corporations) aiming to suppress critical voices by overwhelming activists or journalists with the financial and emotional burden of litigation until they relinquish their critique. Research purpose: This analysis delves into the recent legislative measures introduced by the European Union, encapsulated in the Directive adopted on April 11, 2024, which seeks to safeguard public engagement from baseless or vindictive legal actions. Methods: This study employs a comparative methodology to dissect and compare the protective mechanisms against SLAPPs in the United States and the European Union. Conclusions: Both regions have implemented procedures allowing for the early dismissal of such lawsuits, crucially shifting the evidentiary burden to the plaintiff to establish that the claims are not without merit. This transfer of burden is vital for protecting defendants from legal intimidation. Nevertheless, the EUʼs Directive, which mandates plaintiffs to demonstrate that their claims are not manifestly unfounded, falls short of offering full immunity against consecutive abusive legal actions from the same plaintiffs, revealing a gap in protection that could be addressed. Through this comparative analysis, the paper contributes to the scholarly discourse on the effectiveness and sufficiency of anti-SLAPP measures. It argues that while the EU has made notable legislative progress, the protective scope remains incomplete, inviting further scholarly inquiry and legislative refinement to ensure more comprehensive protection against such abuses in litigation. By examining different legislative frameworks, this study not only highlights the current protective measures but also fosters a broader discussion on enhancing future legal responses to SLAPPs, which are crucial for preserving freedom of expression and supporting democratic engagement.

Uzlaştırma tabi olan suçun, aynı zamanda maddi veya manevi zarara sebep olması ve uzlaştırma görüşmeleri anında söz konusu zararın sınırlarının tam olarak belirlenebilmesi durumunda uzlaştırma ile tazminat davası açma hakkında feragat edilmesi sonucuna varılması üzerinde fazla tartışılacak bir durum değildir.
Bununla birlikte uzlaştırmaya tabi suçun birlikte başka bir zarara sebep olduğu ve özellikle suçun fail veya mağduru ile tazminat davasının taraflarının farklı olduğu durumlarda, CMK m. 253/19 başka sorunları da birlikte getirmektedir.

"...De nada sirve usar la expresión 'Poder Judicial' en la próxima propuesta de Constitución si ello no va acompañado de una sólida consagración del principio de independencia judicial y de un adecuado tratamiento de las bases de la función jurisdiccional con los mecanismos de control suficientes que eviten y reparen la arbitrariedad y el abuso de poder que puedan ejercer autoridades judiciales..."

The wave of free access to law movement hit Zimbabwe leading to the establishment of the Zimbabwe Legal Information Institute (ZimLII). This was started with the help of African Legal Information Institute (AfricanLII) which sourced funds to kick start the project and then held training workshops to equip the people who will be working with the administrator. There is a steering committee which comprises of academics, lawyers, publishers, information technologists and librarians from various organisations. This board is chaired by the Director of Legal Resources Foundation. This led to the creation of a website and content has been uploaded to populate the site. The website is up and running and an administrator was employed to oversee the day to day running of the website and its maintenance. This paper is an account of the opportunities and challenges that has been faced by the institute. The major challenge was the issue of sustainability in terms of unavailability of funds to continuously support the project. The ZimLII project can be regarded as one of the successful initiative towards the availability of legal information to the general public since there are plans to make it a one stop shop for those looking for such information.

Za vinného sa obžalovaný uzná len vtedy, ak je jeho vina preukázaná bez dôvodných pochybností. Kde je hranica medzi vinou a nevinou? Čo ešte vyvoláva dôvodné pochybnosti a, čo už tieto pochybnosti nevyvoláva? Do akej hĺbky je potrebné ísť pri zisťovaní skutkového stavu? Kedy je pochybnosť dôvodná a kedy nedôvodná? Je vôbec možné vinu určiť s absolútnou istotu?

Témou tohto článku je pokus o zodpovedanie vyššie nastolených otázok.

Siempre pensé que había cierto paralelismo entre las transformaciones y los momentos constitucionales de Bruce Ackerman.1 Un momento constitucional no es lo mismo que una reforma constitucional; se trata de un proceso político-y no exclusivamente jurídico-de intensa discusión pública sobre el destino de instituciones políticas básicas.2 Como la libertad, la política económica, o la independencia judicial. El resultado es un orden constitucional renovado. Así, igual que la historia

In July, the European Court of Human Rights (ECtHR) delivered its judgment in the case of M.A. and others v France. The case was initiated by 261 sex workers who argued that the 2016 French law that criminalised the purchase of sexual services (the so-called ‘End Demand’ or ‘Swedish’ model, aimed at abolishing the sex trade through criminalising buying rather than selling of sex) violated their rights under Articles 2, 3 and 8 of the European Convention on Human Rights (ECHR). After examining the case solely under Article 8, the Court concluded that France had struck a fair balance between competing interests and had not exceeded its margin of appreciation [166]. As justification it called upon the lack of European consensus on (the regulation of) sex work and the ‘highly sensitive moral and ethical questions’ prostitution raised [149].

The applicant sex workers turned to the Court hoping that for once it would be about their human rights and not about morality and ideology. However, by confining itself to Article 8, the ECtHR reduced the case to the question of whether sex work can be consensual [149], thereby putting into question the capacity for self-determination and bodily autonomy of sex workers, and disregarding the actual effects of the law on the human rights of sex workers.

The purpose of this contribution is to first revisit the origins of the amendment to Article 17 of the Judicial Code (Section 1), before examining, secondly, the common framework for collective interest actions (Section 2).

Collective interest action is classically defined as "a legal action brought by a group to protect the purpose for which it was established" (Olivier De Schutter, "Action d'intérêt collectif, remède collectif, cause significative," note under Cass., September 19, 1996, RCJB, 1997, p. 113). Collective interest action aims to safeguard an interest that is indeed collective but can be distinguished from the general interest, as it refers to a "determined" or particularized "general interest."

Actions by collectives aimed at protecting rights and freedoms occupy a specific place in modern democracies. Indeed, the democratic state is not defined solely by reference to collective autonomy; it also guarantees individual autonomy and the protection of a certain number of rights and freedoms without which democracy cannot be maintained. These rights and freedoms play an essential role in the democratic state.

More fundamentally, the recognition of these actions represents a step forward in the complexification of the notion of citizenship, beyond mere voting and eligibility rights, contributing to the diversification of forms of political participation by citizens. It expands the possibilities for oversight, accountability, and the attribution of responsibility to citizen groups whose actions aim to protect rights and freedoms.

L’objet de cette contribution est de revenir, dans un premier temps, sur la genèse de la modification de l’article 17 du Code judiciaire (section 1), avant d’étudier, dans un second temps, le régime commun de l’action d’intérêt collectif (section 2).

L’action d’intérêt collectif est classiquement définie comme « l’action en justice introduite par un groupement, afin de protéger la finalité en vue de la défense de laquelle il s’est constitué » (Olivier De Schutter, "Action d'intérêt collectif, remède collectif, cause significative", note sous Cass., 19 septembre 1996, RCJB, 1997, p. 113) . L’action d’intérêt collectif s’exerce en vue de sauvegarder un intérêt, certes collectif, mais qui peut être distingué de l’intérêt général, en ce qu’il renvoie à un « intérêt général » « déterminé », particularisé.

Les actions de collectifs visant à la protection des droits et libertés occupent une place spécifique dans les démocraties modernes. En effet, l’État démocratique ne se définit pas uniquement par référence à l’autonomie collective ; il garantit également l’autonomie individuelle, la protection d’un certain nombre de droits et libertés sans lesquels la démocratie ne peut se maintenir. Ces droits et libertés jouent un rôle essentiel dans l’État démocratique.

Plus fondamentalement, la reconnaissance de ces actions constitue un pas franchi dans la complexification de la notion de citoyenneté, au-delà des seuls droits de vote et d’éligibilité, qui contribue à la diversification des formes de participation politique des citoyens. Elle permet d’élargir les possibilités de contrôle, de responsabilisation, d’imputation des groupements de citoyens dont l’action vise à protéger les droits et libertés.

For strategic litigation, the existence of independent judicial institutions is a prerequisite. In this Article, based on the case of Poland, I analyze what happens when some domestic judicial institutions are weakened and how this affects the ability of different stakeholders to engage in strategic litigation. I argue that strategic litigation was an important tool used by civil society and crucial for countering democratic backsliding in Poland in 2015-2023. In addition to traditional actors involved in strategic litigation in Poland, new ones have joined-such as the Human Rights Commissioner (the "Ombudsman") or increased their involvement-such as corporate actors. Also, the prosecution office, controlled by the populist government, became active in litigation conducted by right-wing NGOs. Paradoxically, the rule of law crisis also resulted in the popularization of strategic litigation before the Court of Justice of the European Union and some domestic courts, which began to apply the Constitution directly.

Este documento está sujeto a la licencia de Reconocimiento-NoComercial-SinObraDerivada de Creative Commons, cuyo texto está disponible en: . Con la colaboración de: Con el apoyo de: El contenido de esta publicación es responsabilidad exclusiva de los autores y no refleja necesariamente la opinión de la Agencia Catalana de Cooperación al Desarrollo. Este libro es parte del programa «Los Derechos Humanos como herramientas para la acción climática y por la justicia ambiental», llevado a cabo por el

Respect for and protection of each individual's inherent human dignity as envisaged by 10 of the Constitution is a foundational principle in our law. It has, therefore, come as no surprise that Fabricius J recently found in Stransham-Ford v Minister of Justice and Correctional Services and Others 2015 (4) SA 50 (GP) that the common law sanction against assisted suicide, infringes the right to human dignity of patients who find themselves in a state of constant, unbearable pain as a result of a terminal illness. This brave and ground-breaking judgment may be the first step in paving the way for the legalisation of assisted suicide in our law.

This case note comments on MA v France (63664/19) (ECtHR) on sex workers' challenge to the French law, intended to end the demand for sexual services, which criminalised customers and organisers of prostitution. It argues that the ECtHR's decision is disappointing but not surprising. Ultimately, MA should not be viewed as a setback but as an impetus to continue advocating for sex workers' rights more vigorously.

En el presente trabajo se exhibe un análisis desde la perspectiva del derecho público en general, el que se analiza la figura de la colaboración público-privada en un entorno de gobierno abierto. Se parte de la concepción de gobierno abierto, entendiéndola como una nueva forma de gestión pública que integra una serie de mecanismos y estrategias que contribuyen a un buen gobierno en el sector público, basado en cuatro grandes principios: la transparencia, la participación, la colaboración, y la rendición de cuentas. Todo esto asociado al concepto de democracia. Luego se observa que justamente, en el contexto de un gobierno abierto encuadra perfectamente el principio de la buena administración, y todo ello resulta en un escenario propicio para que se desarrollen experiencias de colaboración público-privada; entendiendo que el principio de subsidiariedad se constituye en el eslabón fundamental para que se garantice el éxito de la figura, que, a su vez, se traduciría en beneficios para la ciudadanía.

Since 1998, compliance with the European Social Charter has been monitored through a Collective Complaints Procedure of a ‘quasi-judicial’ nature, which enables NGOs and trade unions to apply directly before the European Committee of Social Rights for decisions on potential non-implementation of the Treaty in the countries concerned. As was confirmed in the last years, this procedure has served as a novel platform for strategic litigation practices, which aim at facilitating collective actors in raising socio-economic rights concerns, not often reaching the domestic courts, or to pressure the respondent governments to mitigate the impact of the crisis (rights of Roma minorities, basic rights of undocumented migrants, workers’ rights in times of austerity).
In this chapter I use a case study design to examine the agency of NGOs and trade unions within the Collective Complaints Procedure and its potential to serve as an effective avenue of legal mobilization. The findings show that the lack of political and legal opportunities at the international or national levels, among other factors, may render the procedure an attractive strategy for collective actors advocating for the socio-economic rights of vulnerable groups across Europe, despite its inherent limitations

Il lavoro presenta una ricostruzione comparata della responsabilità extracontrattuale da danno da cambiamento climatico, soffermandosi sulle più rilevanti esperienze della tradizione giuridica occidentale in materia. L’analisi degli elementi di fattispecie (antigiuridicità della condotta, nesso di causalità, danni e risarcimenti), oltre a gettare luce sulle potenzialità, sui limiti e sui rischi presentati dalla responsabilità civile nella lotta ai cambiamenti climatici, mira a fornire alcune possibili letture degli assetti ordinamentali che rendano possibile la risarcibilità dei danni climatici. L’illustrazione offre pertanto un quadro di insieme dell’argomento, mettendo in luce analogie e differenze nei diversi sistemi considerati, e facendo ricadere l’attenzione sul fenomeno nel suo complesso, nonché sull’adoperarsi di molteplici attori (attivisti, avvocati, giudici, legislatori e cultori del diritto) per pungolare la mutazione dello stato dell’arte dell’illecito civile verso obiettivi climatici. Da qui l’interesse per l’istituto e per i connessi giudizi risarcitori, ma da un angolo visuale che tiene insieme le dinamiche processuali con la volontà di far assurgere la responsabilità a strumento di ingegneria sociale, nella prospettiva del raggiungimento di una climate regulation through litigation.

The 1963–64 trial of Nelson Mandela and other leading members of the liberation movement was a political trial par excellence. In the courtroom, the Apartheid government was trying the accused for the crime of sabotage but in the court of public opinion, it was using the event of the trial to produce images and ideas aimed at slandering and discrediting the African National Congress (ANC) and the movement for a free and democratic South Africa. The defendants, on their part, used their trial to denounce the racist policies of Apartheid and to outline their vision of a post-Apartheid society. In this article, I want to read Nelson Mandela’s counter-historical mobilization of lived experiences and memories of Africans – the scars, chains, the rage and Apartheid’s unlivable juridical bind – as an act of epistemic resistance that re-opened epistemic battles and effected epistemic renegotiations. By submitting himself to the very law he denounces, strategically positioning himself at law...

Resumo O presente ar go oferece um relato da experiência de trabalho da Clínica de Direitos Humanos da UFMG, a par r do método da advocacia estratégica em direitos humanos, frente ao problema do afastamento arbitrário de recém-nascidos do convívio familiar e a sistemá ca de violações de direitos humanos e es gma zação enfrentada por mães em situação de vulnerabilização social no contexto da cidade de Belo Horizonte.