Social Movement Unionism

This piece examines the capture of the United Auto Workers (UAW) union by a rank-and-file members' caucus and details its ongoing efforts to reform the organization from below. Drawing on archival materials and personal reflections from caucus organizers, this paper shows how activists operating under the banner Unite All Workers for Democracy (UAWD) transformed the UAW from a one-party state with a deep tradition of hierarchy, authoritative governance, and exclusionary practices into an activist union with social movement-like characteristics. Though its fate now hangs in balance, UAWD achieved remarkable success in its foundational goals, including spearheading the "One Member, One Vote" campaign, which successfully amended the UAW's constitution to allow rank-and-file members to directly elect their top officers, and paving the way for the election of a UAWD-backed slate. Beyond electoral reform, UAWD played a critical role in mobilizing for and supporting the historic 2023 Stand-Up Strike against the Big Three automakers, yielding substantial gains for workers, including significant wage increases and the elimination of multi-tier wage structures. Yet simultaneously, UAWD has grappled with complex internal ideological divisions, culminating in an attempted dissolution and formal split in 2025. In the final analysis, its trajectory offers crucial insights into the complexities of union reform, highlighting the challenges of maintaining rank-and-file independence after achieving electoral victories.

This article traces a decade of intense debate within South Africa’s emerging non-racial trade union movement, culminating in COSATU’s formation and ascendancy in the 1980s–early 1990s. It maps the evolving divide—often labelled “workerist” versus “nationalist”—over the unions’ political role amid repression, township uprisings, and rapid change. The analysis begins with the controversy over registering unions under the Wiehahn reforms: advocates framed registration as a tactical concession to be exploited; opponents feared state incorporation. It then examines arguments over affiliation to the United Democratic Front—workerists favouring organisational independence and a class-based mandate, nationalists prioritising broad, multi-class unity against apartheid. Relations with the ANC/SACP alliance are explored through the Workers’ Charter campaign (as a left critique and supplement to the Freedom Charter) and the “two-hat” dispute over union officials simultaneously holding party posts. Using the protracted negotiations that produced COSATU, the article shows how bloc politics, differing strategic horizons, and external pressures shaped leadership alignments and policy choices. While the unions forged close ties with the alliance—evidenced by joint actions such as the mass anti-VAT strike—they also asserted autonomy, warning against unilateralism in negotiations with the state. By the early 1990s a pragmatic modus vivendi had emerged: acceptance of alliance cooperation alongside defence of union independence and shop-floor democracy. The article argues that these tensions are partly generational—rooted in distinct political lineages—and that preserving pluralism within labour has been central to the unions’ development into South Africa’s most powerful organised force.

This essay explores the interrelated decline of trade unions under neoliberalism and the concurrent rise of right-wing populism, arguing that these trends are not coincidental but structurally linked. Using the Power Resources Approach as a theoretical lens, the paper analyzes how neoliberal reforms have systematically undermined labor’s associational, structural, institutional, and societal power. Simultaneously, populist movements have filled the political vacuum left by weakened unions, reframing class grievances as cultural or nationalist issues. Drawing on literature from Gramsci to Fraser, the essay considers how alliances between trade unions and new social movements—such as feminist, environmental, and migrant-rights groups—might offer a path toward labor revitalization. By revisiting concepts like Social Movement Unionism and Social Justice Unionism, the paper suggests that reorienting union strategies around broader social struggles is essential for countering authoritarian tendencies and reasserting class-based alternatives in democratic societies.

Considérant que l’une des formes de présence de la valeur patrimoniale repose sur les pratiques muséographiques, il s’agira, partant de deux co-commissariats d’exposition, d’avancer vers la configuration de ce que serait une muséologie dépatrimonialisante qui mettrait en tension la capture d’expériences de résistance à l’ordre du monde – deux grèves ouvrières emblématiques des années 1970 en France – aux conditions d’un cadrage patrimonial pour les affecter de capacités d’action et qu’elles viennent alimenter des crises de gouvernementalité à venir.

Di Nunzio D., a cura di, 2025, Il lavoro povero. Fattori di vulnerabilità e azioni di contrasto, Roma, Futura.
***
Cos’è il lavoro povero? Come fronteggiarlo? Il volume presenta un’analisi del lavoro povero come fenomeno multifattoriale e delle pratiche necessarie per contrastarlo. In particolare, la ricerca ha analizzato il ruolo della contrattazione (nazionale, aziendale, territoriale) e le azioni di carattere sociale e istituzionale. Il lavoro povero è considerato come un fenomeno complesso che riguarda il modello di sviluppo ed è messo in relazione a un ampio spettro di fattori: la condizione occupazionale e famigliare dell’individuo; il contesto aziendale e produttivo; il contesto sociale e istituzionale. Questi ambiti di vita e di lavoro sono degli spazi di intervento, tra loro in relazione, nei quali gli attori sociali e politici dovrebbero operare per favorire l’aumento dei salari e, più in generale, il superamento degli elementi di vulnerabilità e precarietà del lavoro. La metodologia si basa su un approccio di ricerca-intervento, con diverse tecniche di indagine quantitative e qualitative. Il volume riporta una ricostruzione storica e teorica del rapporto tra lavoro e povertà, l’analisi degli assetti normativi e dei sistemi di relazioni industriali, l’evoluzione recente del fenomeno secondo i dati statistici, i risultati di cinque studi di caso condotti in differenti settori e territori ad alta vulnerabilità. Il progetto «Contrasto al lavoro povero e dialogo sociale» è stato coordinato dalla Fondazione Giuseppe Di Vittorio e condotto in collaborazione con il Centro di Studi e Iniziative per la Riforma dello Stato con un gruppo di ricerca interdisciplinare.

This essay recovers, documents, and shares some of Eddie
Webster’s formulations regarding the relationship between race
and class in the politics of liberation. Drawing on an extended
interview we conducted with him in November 2022, we discuss
his radicalization as a student activist, his early research on race
and class, his emphasis on the importance of Black
Consciousness, and the meaning of workerism. In contrast to
class reductionist approaches that downplay the significance of
race, local cultures, and national liberation, Webster’s
recollections point toward a politics that fuses together anti-racist
and anti-capitalist perspectives. We argue that the best way to
honor his memory is to press his thinking, and his engaged
sociological praxis, into the service of developing a liberation
sociology adequate for the current moment. This essay is our
attempt to draw lessons from his life, political development, and
thinking that suggest a way forward for radical sociologists in
South Africa today.

En esta publicación se analica la renovación generacional en el seno del movimiento de Comisiones Obreras de Euskadi a través del uso de las fuentes orales. En la misma se intenta comprender el impacto de la introducción de las nuevas generaciones de militantes obreros que no habían vivido la Guerra Civil, así como su relación con las nuevas organizaciones de izquierda revolucionaria.

The social economy constitutes a range of organisations that have a core social mission, different levels of participative and democratic control by members, and use financial surpluses or profits primarily to achieve their social missions. This research examined the actual and potential roles of the social economy in bringing about inclusive growth that generates more and better jobs in UK cities, particularly for people who are either in or at risk of poverty.

To date, few studies have been conducted to investigate the influence of union leadership on the roles of the principals who are union leaders in South African schools. This study investigated the influence of South African Democratic Teacher Union (SADTU) leadership in determining the identities, perspectives and leadership styles of principals who are union leaders in urban schools. The study specifically sought to ascertain whether the unionization discourse constructs principals' identities and, if so, how it does this and what consequences this may have on the principals' leadership style in urban schools. The literature review focused on the origins of the policy of apartheid in South Africa and its political effects on education and contextualized the historical and political development of the SADTU union. The research was grounded in the social constructivist tradition, using an ethnographic research design, with participant observation and focus groups as data collection strategies. Data were analyzed using critical discourse analysis to construct four core themes, namely, shop-floor unionism discourse, perceptions of educational authorities, rationalizing discursive strategies and democratic discursive strategies in urban schools.

Este capítulo estudia cómo fue recordada la crisis del 2001 en su vigésimo aniversario a través de diferentes podcast. El análisis aborda a los distintos actores que los produjeron y estudia las distintas lecturas sobre la crisis del 2001 que propusieron. El foco del capítulo está puesto, sin embargo, sobre la novedad del formato conmemorativo. A diferencia de otros aniversarios pasados, en diciembre de 2021 el podcast apareció como una vía muy importante a través de la cual se habló sobre la crisis. En este sentido, este capítulo busca reflexionar sobre cómo las características de este formato fueronpuestas en relación con (o, incluso, determinaron) los diferentes discursos de memoria producidos en esta coyuntura.

No decurso da Monarquia Constitucional portuguesa, tiveram lugar deslocações ao estrangeiro com vista ao aperfeiçoamento profissional; se algumas se faziam auferindo as chamadas pensões do Estado, muitas outras eram suportadas pelos próprios intervenientes. Geralmente, eram professores dos ensinos normal primário e secundário e de escolas superiores, lentes da Universidade de Coimbra, directores e outros responsáveis de estabelecimentos, recém-licenciados, funcionários superiores da Administração central ou personalidades com actividade política voltada para uma determinada área do conhecimento que realizavam essas deslocações, traduzidas em estágios de formação especializada, obtenção de graus académicos, visitas a instituições educativas e científicas, participação em exposições universais e congressos internacionais. O estudo aqui apresentado tem como objectivo desvelar um pouco dessa actividade, baseado na investigação de fontes primárias desde estudos produzidos (relatórios, conferências, artigos) aos discursos parlamentares.

This document is an analytical summary of The SAGE Handbook of Marxism, edited by Skeggs, Farris, Toscano, and Bromberg (2022). By synthesizing its 87 chapters, it provides a panoramic and critical overview of contemporary debates in Marxist thought, ranging from classical concepts such as value, labor, and the state to more recent topics including gender, race, ecology, technoscience, and aesthetics. The summary aims to articulate the multiple voices and traditions that converge in what is referred to as the “Marxist multiverse,” highlighting both its theoretical continuities and its openness to new struggles and critical horizons.

The interview between philosopher Benedetta Piazzesi and photographer Jo-Anne McArthur sheds light on anti-speciesist and feminist activism through a project that aims to document both animal suffering and the actions of women who expose it and stand in solidarity with animals.
Jo-Anne McArthur is one of the leading photojournalists specializing
in the condition of animals world-wide. She has documented the living
conditions and exploitation of animals in over sixty different countries and
her images are used by animal advocacy movements across the globe. She
lives in Toronto and runs the multi-media agency We Animals Media,
which she founded. Over twenty years, she has amassed a vast amount of
documentation and has been involved in many collaborative projects with
other photographers, NGOs and feminist activists on behalf of animals.
This interview is a dialogue between Jo-Anne McArthur and Benedetta
Piazzesi, a philosopher who has focused her research on the logic
of governmental control of animals in the modern and contemporary
periods.

Certa manhã, ao acordar de sonhos inquietos, Gregor Samsa viu-se transformado num gigantesco insecto». (Metamorfose, Franz Kafka) A «Metamorfose» ou a parábola do homem insecto, de Franz Kafka, mostra-nos o grotesco-repugnante desta história estranha, em que o corpo humano se desumaniza, transformando-se num minúsculo insecto rastejador e abjecto. Porém, acontece que debaixo da horribilis carapaça, continua sendo e pensando como um homem. Do turbilhão-espanto da sua descoberta, preocupa-o sobremaneira «a possibilidade de perder o emprego e a previsível reacção violenta do pai. Porque a mutação de Samsa não é ainda a libertação de uma existência passiva e servil, cumprida numa rotina diária, opressora e castradora. A nova forma condiciona-o e aprisiona-o a uma nova solidão. Fechado no quarto, o jovem caixeiro-viajante vê-se animal, rastejante e repugnante, incapaz sequer de abrir uma porta ao mundo exterior. Já não o entendem, mas ele continua a entender o que outros dizem à sua volta. Os outros são a família ociosa dependente do seu trabalho, os pais e a irmã que o parasitavam e que agora não conseguem evitar sentimentos de desprezo e repulsa pelo filho e irmão dedicado, obediente, responsável. O que resta a esta personagem fantástica, quase surreal? Sofrer a condenação anunciada nas primeiras linhas do conto de Franz Kafka. E nesse caminho sem retorno mostrar-nos fragilidades da condição humana (…) tal como esta personagem [marginalizada] sem esperança (…) onde enfrenta medos, desejos, onde procura saber o sentido da vida (…) procura o fio que o liga ao presente, a metamorfose que acontece a todos nós [educadores e professores portugueses, que assim nos sentimos, pisados]».

This article explores differences in labour conflicts in Italy and France by focusing on the characteristics of the most prominent structures of worker mobilization: trade unions. Despite several similarities between the French and Italian industrial relations systems, and despite the fact that trade union density in Italy is more than three times greater than it is in France, France is one of the few European countries in which the average strike volume increased after the Great Recession. Protests in France also peaked in the pre-crisis period, while Italy did not show any wave of contention. We contend that the nature and level of labour conflicts observed in the two countries in the last two decades depend on alliances between trade unions and other social groups and organizations sustaining worker mobilization, specifically, social movement organizations. In particular, we argue that labour conflicts are related to the characteristics of social movement unionism. Evidence from cases studies in France and Italy suggests that the role of trade unions and their alliances has been different in the two countries. Confederal trade unions in France have been able to engage in social movement unionism within broader coalitions involving other social categories and social movement organizations. In contrast, in Italy, these dynamics have mostly involved small rank-and-file unions and self-organized workers' groups engaged in radical political unionism. This has resulted in different levels of mobilization associated with social movement unionism and radical political unionism, given the greater capacity of confederal trade unions in building nationally coordinated and sustained collective actions.

* Esta ponencia se hace en el marco del proyecto de investigación que realizan los autores, "Movilizaciones sociales, Estado de Bienestar y conocimiento experto. El significado de los Consejos Asesores" Presidenciales", financiado por el Concurso Fondecyt Regular (Proyecto Nº 1090127).

Reconstruire le modèle politique? Les comités de centre commercial et les travailleurs précaires d'Afrique du sud Bridget Kenny Résumé Cet article examine le comité de centre commercial, un nouveau modèle organisationnel introduit par le SACCAWU (South African Commercial Catering and Allied Workers Union) pour faciliter l'accès aux employées précaires du secteur des commerces de détail et leur représentation. Les comités de centre commercial devaient fonctionner comme lieu de rassemblement permettant aux employées de ces centres de discuter de questions dont la portée dépasse le lieu de travail. Dans la pratique, là où ces comités (ou les réseaux informels opérant sous ce nom) ont opéré, ils ont fonctionné selon les structures hommes/femmes traditionnelles au sein du syndicat. Cet article est basé sur des entrevues préliminaires menées auprès d'employés et de délégués syndicaux à Ekurhuleni, près de Johannesburg. Il interroge les politiques de cette nouvelle stratégie, en termes de modèle organisationnel, de portée géographique, et de l'agence et de la subjectivité des employées. L'auteur révèle les efforts persistants de travailleuses) militantes pour confronter les conditions au sein de leur contexte élargi, mais soutient que dans la pratique, le mode d'émergence de ces réseaux peut aussi signaler la reproduction de hiérarchies marginalisantes pour les travailleuses précaires. L'article conteste l'argument normatif selon lequel il faut chercher des solutions de syndicalisation dans des modèles de forme ou d'échelle.

Recent scholarship highlights the global expansion of precarious layers of the working class. This article examines the growth and collective struggles of such precarious layers in two very different places: California, United States and Gauteng, South Africa. The comparison challenges and extends existing research in two ways. First, it shows that the spread of insecurity is far from uniform, taking different forms in different places. Lack of citizenship is more crucial for workers in California, whereas underemployment is more crucial for workers in Gauteng. Second, it shows that insecure segments of the working class are capable of developing collective agency. This agency may be rooted in identities that extend beyond precarious employment, and will reflect the particular forms of insecurity that are prevalent in the given context. Such diversity is illustrated by examining May Day protests in California and community protests around service delivery in Gauteng.

Le istituzioni della democrazia liberale portano "naturalmente" con sé la riduzione dell'ingiustizia economica? La letteratura sulla transizione e sul consolidamento democratico e sulle "conseguenze della democratizzazione" tendono ad assumere l'ipotesi positiva. Tale ipotesi è tuttavia in contraddizione con l'evidenza del legame tra la recente "ondata" di democratizzazione e il processo di globalizzazione dell'economia che, almeno in Occidente, sembra associato alla crisi del welfare state e alla conseguente crescita della ineguaglianza. Il paper ripercorre il dibattito sull'evoluzione delle politiche di welfare nel Sudafrica democratico, sviluppatosi dopo il 1994. Da un lato, la 'derazzializzazione' del mercato del lavoro e del sistema di welfare ha fatto sì che l'accesso ai livelli di reddito più elevati sia stato reso in larga misura indipendente da status ascrittivi, aprendo la strada alla formazione di una ampia borghesia nera. Dall'altro, il consolidamento della democrazia liberale si è dimostrato compatibile con livelli inalterati di ineguaglianza economica complessiva, legati alla crescita del gap tra insiders e outsiders marginalizzati dal mercato del lavoro. Nel caso sudafricano, la riduzione dell'ineguaglianza economica sembra dipendere da fattori aggiuntivi rispetto alle istituzioni della democrazia procedurale, in particolare dalla formazione di political class-coalitions favorevoli all'introduzione di regimi distributivi volti alla riduzione dell'ineguaglianza e alla presenza/assenza di "vincoli esterni" relativi alla scelta di politiche macroeconomiche in grado di condizionare la formazione di tali coalizioni.

Estos apuntes son una búsqueda por sistematizar y reflexionar a partir de la experiencia política, militante y organizativa de una parte del Movimiento de Trabajadores Excluidos, con el propósito de colaborar en la comprensión de algunas de las principales dinámicas que presenta la economía popular en Argentina. Nos proponemos conocer a los sujetos que conforman este sector del mercado de trabajo, sus inserciones laborales cotidianas y sus formas de organización para la conquista de derechos. Al mismo tiempo, planteamos algunos ejes de debate entre estos procesos y otras dinámicas más amplias vinculadas a la organización política, el feminismo, las reivindicaciones gremiales y las características movimientistas de la economía popular.

Je souhaite remercier en premier lieu Jérôme Pélisse, rencontre fondatrice et directeur de cette thèse. Il y a dix ans, son cours de sociologie du droit, durant lequel il présentait ses travaux sur le passage aux « 35 heures », fit forte impression à l'étudiante en première année de master d'histoire que j'étais. J'en délaissais l'exploitation journalière des Ciompi de Sienne au XIV e siècle pour me consacrer à la question du temps de travail aujourd'hui. Merci donc à Jérôme Pélisse d'avoir inspiré cette improbable bifurcation de la Renaissance italienne vers l'étude du capitalisme contemporain, d'avoir été un professeur passionnant, puis un directeur de thèse à la fois exigeant et stimulant, mais aussi patient et amical, qui a su si bien m'aiguiller et m'accompagner tout au long de ces années d'enquête et de rédaction. Je remercie également les membres de jury qui ont accepté de lire et discuter ce travail. Mes recherches ont été rendues possibles par le précieux soutien économique et scientifique du Dim Gestes qui a financé les trois premières années de ma thèse. Je veux redire ma gratitude à Jérôme Pélisse, pour m'avoir offert la possibilité de réaliser une quatrième année de thèse financée en m'intégrant à l'équipe de recherche qu'il coordonnait dans le cadre des post-enquêtes REPONSE. Le Centre de Sociologie des Organisations (CSO) de Sciences Po m'a offert des conditions de travail exceptionnelles : tout au long de la thèse, j'ai pu bénéficier de son soutien scientifique et matériel. Je remercie chaleureusement tous ses membres et en particulier Jérôme Aust, Sylvain Brunier, Renaud Crespin, Jean-Noël Jouzel et Olivier Pilmis pour leurs conseils et leurs attentions dans le cadre des séminaires qu'ils animaient auprès des doctorants ainsi que Claire Lemercier et Emmanuelle Marchal pour l'accompagnement, leur écoute bienveillante et leurs patientes relectures. Ce travail doit énormément à l'accès aux données de la Dares, dont je veux remercier ici toute l'équipe pour son accueil, sa confiance et les conseils qu'elle m'a réservés, en particulier à Sandra Zilloniz, Maria-Teresa Pignoni, Patrick Pommier et Catherine Daniel. Cette thèse n'aurait pas été possible sans que de nombreuses personnes acceptent de prendre du temps avec moi durant des entretiens ou au cours d'échanges plus informels, pour me faire comprendre leurs activités, leur engagement et leurs réflexions. Je remercie tout spécialement les animateurs du Comité de liaison intersyndical du commerce de Paris (Clic-P), Sylvain Alias, Laurent Degoussée, Alexandre Torgomian, Stéphanie Poursac, Vincent Lecourt, Éric Scherrer, Céline Carlen et Karl Ghazi de m'avoir accordé leur confiance et fait l'honneur d'accepter que je raconte leur histoire. Les échanges avec Bruno Deporcq, autant passionné que moi par ce sujet, m'ont également beaucoup apporté. Dans le travail solitaire de thèse, j'ai eu la chance de participer à une enquête collective dans le cadre des post-enquêtes REPONSE. Cette précieuse expérience de recherche doit beaucoup aux discussions régulières sur nos difficultés sur le terrain, nos pistes de recherche et nos premiers résultats avec Pierre Blavier dont les réflexions m'ont énormément inspirée, Anaïs Bonanno, Pierre François, Guillaume Gourgues, Amandine Michelon, Jérôme Pélisse et Théo Voldoire. Pour leurs relectures finales, je souhaite remercier Chantal Boutarin, Irène Carbonnier, Timothée Erhard et surtout Geneviève Moyrand. J'en profite pour dire toute ma gratitude et mon amitié à Timothée Erard, qui en plus de me faire partager ses réflexions stimulantes tout au long de la thèse, m'a assuré, à l'escalade comme dans la vie, de la solidité de notre lien. Si les conditions de travail des cheminots n'ont jamais fait l'objet de ma recherche, je veux dire la dette de mes analyses aux riches et nombreuses discussions que j'ai pu avoir ces dernières années avec des travailleurs du rail. À mes amis Alric Delaporte, Damien Scali, Rémi Vépierre et Cassandra Desannaux, qui connaissent de près « les horaires qui font le tour du cadran », j'adresse un grand merci : vous avez nourri une grande partie de mes réflexions sur les horaires de travail. Les pauses, soutiens et joies aux côtés de Georgia Fayet, Sarah Rueda, Martin Condomines et Anastasia Soffer ont rendu la thèse plus légère. J'ai hâte de multiplier ces moments dans les années à venir. Merci à Estelle Miramond, consoeur en sociologie et comme-soeur dans ma vie, dont les mots ne sauraient traduire ce que je lui dois. Pour leur attention, je tiens à remercier Bernard, Thérèse, Chantal, Hervé, Valérie, Julien. Michel, ton soutien et ta curiosité pour mes investigations ont été les plus précieux des encouragements. Un immense merci à Geneviève de m'avoir guidée jusque-là. Ta présence continue à mes côtés, ta confiance et notre complicité ont été des alliés inestimables sur le chemin de la thèse. À Valdo, qui a su transformer toutes ces années, même les plus studieuses, en bonheur partagé. Pour ton écoute, nos discussions et tes analyses, cette thèse te doit beaucoup. Sa fin nous ouvre d'autres aventures, dans nos Cévennes ou partout ailleurs. À toutes et tous, les qualités de ce travail sont les vôtres, les défauts sont les miens. 48 Les mots-clés utilisés pour cette recherche peuvent être résumés comme suit : « (travail OU repos OU ouverture) ET (dimanche OU dominica* OU nuit OU nocturne) ET/OU (magasin OU commerce OU enseigne OU entreprise) ». 49 Ces deux parutions ont été choisies pour des raisons différentes. Du fait de son obédience communiste, L'Humanité accorde en général une attention particulière aux luttes des travailleurs. Quant aux Echos, il s'agissait ici d'avoir un quotidien d'inspiration libérale, qui ouvre ses colonnes au point de vue des employeurs. 50 Les « grands magasins » correspondent aux enseignes commerciales de commerce de détail multispécialisées, sur une grande surface et souvent implanté dans les centres-villes. Ces grands magasins apparaissent à la fin du XIX e siècle et sont les premières grandes entreprises de commerce de détail. Leur histoire particulière est toujours perceptible dans les relations professionnelles d'aujourd'hui puisqu'ils ont par exemple une convention collective spécifique pour « les grands magasins et magasins populaires ». Ces derniers correspondent historiquement aux enseignes telles que Monoprix (voir note n°434 p.224). 51 J'ai mobilisé le site de presse de la Bibliothèque nationale de France, Retronews, pour les articles parus jusqu'en 1950. Pour la période postérieure, j'ai consulté les microfiches ou journaux de ces parutions dans cette même bibliothèque. Lafayette, Printemps, BHV, Monoprix, Bon Marché…) 1 134 … les magasins de biens culturels (Virgin et Fnac) 149 … la zone commerciale de Plan-de-Campagne 186 … le secteur de l'ameublement (Conforama, Alinéa, …) 126 … le secteur du bricolage (Bricorama, Castorama, Leroy Merlin) 165 … le Clic-P 346 … l'évolution des positions du gouvernement socialiste (2012-2015) et l'élaboration du projet de loi Macron 440 … l'expression publique des représentants patronaux sur le projet de loi Macron 91 Divers (jardinerie, centres commerciaux, coupe du monde…) 52 Total 2 689 52 Épisodiquement, je m'appuie aussi sur des articles publiés par l'agence de presse Reuters (pour les années postérieures à 2012). 53 Plus marginalement, j'ai également recensé des articles du journal régional La Marseillaise (au sujet du conflit à Plan-de-Campagne, proche de la ville phocéenne). 54 Ces grands thèmes sont des catégories de travail qui m'ont permis de classer les articles, ils ne correspondent pas à des rubriques analytiques. Certains articles traitaient parfois de plusieurs thèmes (par exemple, le litige entre Les Galeries Lafayette Haussmann et le Clic-P sur les nocturnes et la prise de position du nouveau gouvernement socialiste à ce sujet en 2012). Quand c'est le cas, j'ai fait le choix de les classer dans les thèmes qui me permettaient de suivre le plus précisément l'évolution des conflits dans chacune des enseignes commerciales. Dans cet exemple, l'article est donc classé dans la rubrique « grands magasins ». Karl Marx n'a pas formalisé une conception définitive du droit dans un ouvrage particulier. Au contraire, sa réflexion sur ce sujet irrigue l'ensemble de son oeuvre et a été l'objet de nombreuses analyses (Lascoumes et Zander, 1984 ; Michel, 1983). Sans prétendre la résumer en quelques lignes, je propose ici seulement de distinguer deux niveaux d'analyse du droit dans la pensée de Marx. D'abord, le penseur allemand développe une critique matérialiste du droit quand il s'intéresse à l'histoire sociale. Les formes de propriété, et donc les formes juridiques n'ont pas d'histoire autonome et indépendante du reste de la société. Au contraire, elles se transforment au cours du temps selon les relations qui se nouent entre les classes sociales. Dans le Manifeste du parti communiste, Marx et Engels expliquent par exemple que le « droit [de la bourgeoisie] n'est que la volonté de [cette] classe érigée en loi, volonté dont le contenu est déterminé par les conditions matérielles d'existence de [cette] classe » (Marx et Engels, 1848). Les sociétés capitalistes ont affirmé « un droit égal » car contrairement aux sociétés médiévales fondées sur le « privilège », la bourgeoisie avait besoin que les biens, les capitaux et la force de travail soient vendus et achetés de manière libre. En effet, sur les marchés, la concurrence doit se faire sur un pied d'égalité. Le droit bourgeois correspond donc à un droit qui affirme la « liberté » et « l'égalité » (ainsi que la propriété) dans les échanges (les marchés). Mais cette liberté et cette égalité sont restreintes à ce domaine uniquement alors que dans la production, le capital impose sa dictature sur les travailleurs dans le cadre d'une relation de subordination qu'est le salariat. De ce fait, le droit dans les sociétés capitalistes correspond à l'ensemble des règles...

Género na História da Educação", que contou com a participação de investigadores do CeiEf da Universidade Lusófona de Humanidades e Tecnologias. Ernesto Candeias (CeiEF) apresentou uma comunicação intitulada O educador social Padre Joaquim Alves Brás e a obra de Santa Zita, integrada no eixo temático Género, geração e etnia. José Brás e Maria Neves, no domínio das Políticas Educacionais, Movimentos Sociais e Cida

This paper analyzes the impact of changing political opportunities, and more particularly of changes in the composition of government, on the levels, political leaning and forms of protest mobilization. The literature provides us with contradictory expectations as to these questions, some stressing openess of the political system, some closure, and some a combination of openness and closure as the situation most conducive to protest mobilization. To assess these hypotheses, we use data on protest events in four West European countries (Germany, France, Great Britain and the Netherlands) for the period 1975-1979, as well as similar data derived from another project on protests in Germany between 1950 and 1991. Altogether, this provides us with data on protest mobilization (differentiated in left-wing and other protest) under fifteen different governmental constellations, which can roughly be classified as left, right and mixed. The data show, first, that mobilization by left-wing movements in Western Europe by far exceeds mobilization by the Right. Second, the mobilization of left-wing movements is concentrated during periods of right-wing government, whereas the Right tends to mobilize most strongly when the Left is in power. However, the highest levels of mobilization, of the Left and to some extent also of the Right, occur when mixed governments, in which power is shared by parties of the Left and of the Right, are in power. Self-evident as some of these results may seem at first sight, they run against the thrust of much of the recent social movement literature. In particular they make clear that in order to explain fluctuations in levels of social movement mobilization we should not only take into account (positive) opportunities for protest, but also its necessity from the point of view of potential activists and its relative attractiveness compared to more conventional ways of pressuring governments. In this view, the most conducive situations for mobilization are those in which protest seems both opportune and necessary; a situation that for instance prevails when mixed, often internally divided governmeents are in power.

In the context of the rising power of capital over labour, research on labour mobilization is important. From the research literature, we know that labour mobilizations might be initiated by trade unions or via workers' self-organization. Yet, we know little about the cultural and social processes through which individual workers come to self-organize in the first place. To address this gap, we present ethnographic research on precarious migrant workers mobilizing with the support of an Italian independent union called SICobas. Our study highlights three processes of self-organizing: formulating shared meanings of discontent, identifying as a group using symbols of inequality and exclusion, and forming communities of struggle. Drawing on Scott's understanding of resistance, we theorize these three processes as 'informal cultures of resistance'. This concept contributes to emergent research on workers' self-organization, showing the significance of the cultural and social processes that can often underpin formal labour mobilizations.

Este trabajo de Investigación Final se enmarca en los debates y discusiones sobre el trabajo y el reconocimiento a la economía popular en los procesos de institucionalización mediante los sistemas de información para la protección social. Toma como caso de estudio el Registro Nacional de Trabajadores/as de la Economía Popular que fue sancionado en el 2016 en la Ley 27345 de Emergencia Social y puesto en funcionamiento durante el 2020 mediante la resolución 408/20 que se conformó a partir de la demanda de reconocimiento de su trabajo. Este sistema se presenta como diferente a los sistemas de información que fueron utilizados históricamente en la política social por plantearse como principal objetivo el reconocimiento de esta población, la generación de datos de forma pública y la gestión del mismo por parte de los cuadros técnicos de las organizaciones sociales. El objetivo que orientó la investigación fue analizar la relación entre los sistemas de información para la protección social y el reconocimiento del sujeto trabajador de la Economía Popular en los procesos de institucionalización dentro del Estado nacional. Para ello, se empleó una metodología cualitativa donde se realizaron entrevistas y un trabajo documental que habilitó la problematización de los sentidos y significados en relación al trabajo en la Economía Popular a partir del aporte de los sistemas de información para la protección social

Este libro aborda, desde diferentes perspectivas y contextos nacionales, las temáticas relevantes del trabajo contemporáneas, tales como la flexibilidad y la precariedad, el sindicalismo y los movimientos de resistencia, los procesos y cadenas de valor, las subjetividades y contextos, así como los metabolismos en clave de género y sistema

In order to have a complete understanding of the dynamics of social change and adjustment with time, it is essential to have awareness not just of social movements and mobilisation, but also of the role that these aspects play. Collaborative efforts are an essential component of social movements and play a vital role in the functioning of these movements. Collaborative efforts are defined as those that are carried out by individuals and organisations with the intention of influencing, opposing, or reversing the trends that are occurring in society. For instance, an effort to either encourage or discourage change in society is an example of a social movement. Initiatives that are structured and coordinated are referred to as social movements. The vast majority of the time, they are formed as a response to injustice or unfairness, and they work towards the objective of bringing about changes in the norms of society, politics, the market economy, or culture. However, they are not always successful in accomplishing this aim. In light of this, the purpose of this research is to analyse the limits of people's mobilisation and to attempt to grasp the idea of social movement.

Tous droits réservés pour tous pays. La reproduction ou représentation de cet article, notamment par photocopie, n'est autorisée que dans les limites des conditions générales d'utilisation du site ou, le cas échéant, des conditions générales de la licence souscrite par votre établissement. Toute autre reproduction ou représentation, en tout ou partie, sous quelque forme et de quelque manière que ce soit, est interdite sauf accord préalable et écrit de l'éditeur, en dehors des cas prévus par la législation en vigueur en France. Il est précisé que son stockage dans une base de données est également interdit.

Social movement unionism is one of the experiments of bringing together different issues and struggles associated with workers. The idea has been critiqued by different scholars because of different confrontations associated with issues and strategies. The paper argues that such discomfort arises from a monolithic understanding of social movements and their subjects. Assumption of ideological uniformity restricts analysis of the confronting nature of subjects and subjectivities as well as factions and fragmentation of movements. Here, the attempt is to understand diversity in movements through 'contra-sectionality'. The ethnography for research was conducted on a movement named Chhattisgarh Mukti Morcha (Mazdoor Karyakarta Samiti) in Chhattisgarh. Through a contra-sectional analysis, the article reflects on fragmented consciousness and its implication for the movement.

L’humanitéééééé, nous en aurions certainement un peu besoin. Depuis l’attaque du Hamas, je ne sais plus ce que ça doit être » [toutes les traductions sont de l’auteur], écrit Elfriede Jelinek, lauréate du prix Nobel de littérature, après avoir supprimé toutes ses autres œuvres de son site web. Et en effet, le massacre, pour la description duquel les mots sont difficiles à trouver, mais aussi l’absence de condamnation et les nombreuses relativisations de l’événement font douter de l’existence d’une chose telle que « l’humanité ». Les réactions dans certaines universités américaines ont été particulièrement choquantes.

Dès le 7 octobre, jour de l’attaque meurtrière, les étudiants de l’une des plus élitistes des universités américaines d’élite se sont réunis pour exprimer leur solidarité totale avec les Palestiniens.

Distribution électronique Cairn.info pour Presses de Sciences Po. Distribution électronique Cairn.info pour Presses de Sciences Po. La reproduction ou représentation de cet article, notamment par photocopie, n'est autorisée que dans les limites des conditions générales d'utilisation du site ou, le cas échéant, des conditions générales de la licence souscrite par votre établissement. Toute autre reproduction ou représentation, en tout ou partie, sous quelque forme et de quelque manière que ce soit, est interdite sauf accord préalable et écrit de l'éditeur, en dehors des cas prévus par la législation en vigueur en France. Il est précisé que son stockage dans une base de données est également interdit. Article disponible en ligne à l'adresse Article disponible en ligne à l'adresse https://www.cairn.info/revue-francaise-de-sociologie-2023-3-page-545.htm Découvrir le sommaire de ce numéro, suivre la revue par email, s'abonner... Flashez ce QR Code pour accéder à la page de ce numéro sur Cairn.info.

We chose to organize the conference and guest-edit this journal issue because we believe the subject is a critically important and emerging area for scholarly inquiry. Forty years ago, discussions of the global South focused largely on agriculture, but changes in the organization of work, including the incorporation of large parts of the developing world into global supply chains, have created a large and important laboring class in the global South, working in all sectors. Amidst growing urbanization and rising average standards of living, the lives of workers in the global South are now more connected than ever before to the lives of workers in the global North. But despite the growing connections between North and South, growing specialization within regions has remade and sharpened the international division of labor while the extremes of global inequality have also been increasing.

This paper explores the tragedy of the East Rand's hostel violence, that pitted hostels occupied by Zulu people against the adjacent townships. It argues that this must be understood within a broader context of migrant workers' resistance against marginalisation. The paper traces two cycles of mobilisation at the Vosloorus hostels, one during the years between 1979 to 1982 and the other after 1986, which led directly to the violence of the 1990s. The discussion focuses on the crises in migrant communities' cultural formations.

This paper explores the tragedy of the East Rand's hostel violence, that pitted hostels occupied by Zulu people against the adjacent townships. It argues that this must be understood within a broader context of migrant workers' resistance against marginalisation. The paper traces two cycles of mobilisation at the Vosloorus hostels, one during the years between 1979 to 1982 and the other after 1986, which led directly to the violence of the 1990s. The discussion focuses on the crises in migrant communities' cultural formations.

This article addresses the puzzling relational void in the analysis of collective action consequences by exploring how protest waves affect local network structures in two German towns. We compare three periods of time: a pre-protest wave latency period, a protest wave period, and a post-wave latency period, as defined in relation to contentious collective action around the refugee reception crisis in 2015. Adopting a field perspective, our analysis uses digital communication data to capture the referencing practices between all actors involved in local migration-related protests irrespective of actor type or political orientation. This results in networks of both supportive and antagonistic interaction. Applying network analysis, especially multiple regression quadratic assignment procedures (MRQAP), we find significant and distinct patterns of change and stability for supportive and antagonistic ties. We argue that these findings provide stepping stones for the emergent literature on relational consequences of collective action.

UNIUN SXIDAIUTY was a topic of beated debate at the United Electrical. Rsdio and Machine Workers' (UE) District Council meeting of June 1954, held in Fetchorough, Ontario. One after another, tbe women delegates m e , in a camfully orchestrated display of gender solidarity, to demand that the union take immediate action on its long-standing promise to fight far equality ia the wokplace. The women who compised almost a quarter of the UE' s mmbership would not be mobilized. the womn council members w a d tbeir fellow dekgates, unless tbm was a significant improvement in the men's support for womeo's rights. "Women's rights is one of our biggest fights in the union today," Tberesa Murray stated. Ivy Harris Our unioa bas an obligationfar greater today than eva before to ... [take] up tbe probkms of women's righys] ... and bring ... our women mmben closa to the union aad ... into the fight cm d l h t s .... The struggle against injustice ud inequality as they immediately affect women ... crnnot be regarded as being for the special benefit of women but must be undmtood fot what it is-a struggle to strtngthcn the position of the w&n u a wbok. Castigating the men for giving only "lip sewicc" support to women's struggle, women delegates argued that women's issues were not a "special problem," but a valid concern of the whole union, and called on union leaders to make quality for women workers a priority. 'The union does not give enough attention to the girls' problems .... It is time the union got down to brass tacks and did something for [the] Julic Guard, "Fair Play or Fair Pay? Geader Rel.tioas Clw Consciousness, and Union Solidarity in the Canadian UE, " L o b o u r. T d , 37 (Spring 1997),149-77. 'united Electrical, Radio and Machine Workers of America, District Five. National Archives (henafter UENA) District C o d Meeting 19-20 JUDC 1954. Irans&pt minutes. 2-3.7-8.

Escrito acompañando el Primero de Mayo de 2024. Reivindicación de dos fechas muy importante para la clase obrera, significativamente olvidadas: la huelga general de 1994 y las Marchas de la Dignidad, que colapsaron Madrid el 22 de Marzo de 2014.