Labor History and Studies

Egidia O c c h i p i n t i: A Note on the Quire of P.Bodmer 45-47 and 27 .. Application for the Appointment of a Guardian (tutor ad actum) (Taf. 20) Amphilochios P a p a t h o m a s -Marianna T h o m a: Erstedition eines christlich-literarischen Fragments aus der Sammlung der Österreichischen Nationalbibliothek (Taf.

For this English translation of Comunicacio´n e imperio: Proyectos y reformas del correo en
Cartagena de Indias (1707–1777), published by Sı´lex Ediciones in 2022, Rocı´o Moreno
Cabanillas had the opportunity to make revisions and updates to the bibliography. The
revised title emphasizes the work’s contributions to the historiography of the Greater
Caribbean, specifically the legislation that transformed postal practices there, especially
during the second half of the eighteenth century. Moreno Cabanillas explains the institutional
and legal guidelines under which the Bourbon government attempted to establish
a hierarchical network of postal administration in Spanish America.

All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording, or otherwise without the prior consent of the publisher. ISBN: 0-9779370-0-3

In the 1830s, Lowell women factory workers walked out against their declining working/living conditions, and antislavery petition campaigns were carried out. This paper sheds light on the social and political context of their labor protests and antislavery activism, reshaping the mill girls' voices in the 1830s and utilizing local newspapers and company records.　It also includes an interim report of the analysis of the antislavery Senate petition of 1837 submitted by the Lowell women. The analysis indicated that some 30 percent of the petition signers could have been factory workers. 
It can be said that there were two common factors in their labor protests and antislavery activism.  Firstly, the timings of mill workers’ protests, the anti-slavery petition campaigns, and anti-abolitionism in Lowell were almost overlapping, and the relations between the company executives and the factory workers in the labor protests appeared to be paralleled in the anti-abolition and anti-slavery movements. Secondly, these social movements in the antebellum period shared the same republican values, and there were frequent references to slavery.
Although expressions such as “wage slavery” were less used by the mill girls themselves in the 1830s, as industrialization progressed, these expressions were used to criticize the degrading factory working conditions in the North, sometimes by white Southerners to justify racial slavery, insisting that their slaves lived better than factory workers in the North.  In the early nineteenth century, the issue of slavery was a political matter as well as their own question for some mill girls in Lowell, Massachusetts.

This is an original manuscript of an article published by Taylor & Francis in Labor History on 29 Sep 2025, available at: https://www.tandfonline.com/eprint/DPGJBIWEH66DFRYY6PPD/full?target=10.1080/0023656X.2025.2565603

A coal dust explosion in the Nelson III mine in 1934 resulted in the deaths of 144 miners. Although mining disasters were common in the history of coal mining in northern Bohemia, this one led to two changes. First, one of the oldest demands of Austrian and Czechoslovak miners was finally enforced in Czechoslovakia in response to the disaster: a law was passed requiring mine inspectors to be selected from among miners. Second, for the first time in Czechoslovak history, mine owner representatives were arrested after the explosion. This study examines the disaster and the everyday life of miners from a more-than-human perspective. The study argues that to understand the reasons for the changes brought about by the disaster, one must examine not only the relationships between people but also their relationships with materials, specifically coal dust and coal gas. The different properties of these two underground materials played a key role in determining who was to blame for the disaster. Coal miners often described their lives as a constant struggle. Underground, they faced deadly mine dangers, and above ground, they fought mine owners over workplace safety issues. I therefore describe this conflict as a more-than-class struggle. While it was determined by the relationship to the means of production, it was also significantly influenced by inhuman entities.

El 24 de marzo de 1976, las Fuerzas Armadas en connivencia con sectores de la sociedad civil derrocaron el gobierno de María Estela Martínez iniciando la última dictadura cívico-militar de la Argentina. En todo el país se desplegó un aparato represivo que incluyó secuestro, tortura y desaparición de personas, mecanismos que fueron parte de un plan sistemático. A lo largo y ancho del país se instalaron de forma irregular Centros Clandestinos de Detención (CCD) donde se materializó este plan de un "Estado terrorista" (Duhalde, 1999: 216). Esta estrategia represiva se concentró principalmente en las grandes urbes del país, y en algunas regiones, como en Tierra del Fuego, no se percibía la crudeza de lo que ocurría en otras provincias. "Por cuestiones demográficas e históricas, en Tierra del Fuego la represión no alcanzó la escala que tuvo en otros lugares, que construyen sus memorias de la época ancladas de símbolos de la represión con la ESMA…" (Lorenz, 2013:123). Para los fueguinos, la marca distintiva de los años del gobierno militar pasa por dos episodios asociados a guerras externas convencionales […] su valoración de las Fuerzas Armadas no

This dissertation examines the critical role of modern architects in shaping and transforming national Israeli symbols with special regard to Jerusalem. According to customary views, Zionist symbols image the secular state of Israel as an emancipation of the Jewish nation from the oppressive Diaspora past. The first part of this study analyzes pre-1967 designs, by architects including Baehrwald, Geddes, Mendelsohn, "Bauhaus" practitioners, and Rau that attempted to construct a Jewish style relating these national symbols. Images of the Diaspora in their designs are shown to conceal areas of tension with official Zionist memory. Louis Kahn's later design of the Khurvah synagogue in the Old City of Jerusalem creatively exploited this tension to redefine the national style. As a case study, Kahn's design distinctly shows that the shaping of national symbols and memory is a process contested not only by competing state institutions, but by marginal elements, in this case individual architects. This challenges the predominant view that national symbols are forged, consolidated, and disseminated by cohesive state institutions, collective power-structures, and ruling elites. The present study scrutinizes and pieces together discrepant archival documents, drawings, and accounts of what were commonly regarded as unrelated intentions, interpretations, events, policies, and projects in the Jewish Quarter of the Old City of Jerusalem, to reveal a crucial unrecognized aspect of Kahn's Khurvah design. I specifically analyze the interplay of Kahn's double metaphor with the competing traditional and national symbols of Jerusalem, such as the old Khurvah, the western Wall, and most importantly, the mythical Temple and the Dome of the Rock. The analysis reconstructs the continued drastic impact of the transformation of Kahn's idiosyncratic metaphor into an authoritative symbol, even more into a subversive utopia, on shaping Jerusalem and national memory. The impact of Kahn's paradoxical metaphor is traced through analysis of subsequent archaeological excavation, planning and designs for the Jewish Quarter and its structures, including the western Wall plaza, the Cardo, and the Khurvah synagogue proposed by Safdie, Lasdun, Bugod and others.

The international workshop “Figures of Authority. Argumentative Strategies, Exemplary Motifs, and Narrative Patterns in the Political Advice Literature of the Premodern Islamic World” (Tübingen, 15–16 June 2026) will explore argumentative strategies, exemplary motifs, and narrative patterns in political advice literature (Arabic, Persian, Turkish) of the premodern Islamic world.
Abstracts (max. 300 words) due 15 December 2025.
Further details are available in the full CFP!

Resumen Este artículo tiene como objetivo contribuir al estudio de la represión a trabajadores durante la última dictadura cívico-militar argentina (1976-1983). En primer lugar, se sintetizarán los principales aportes y avances sobre el problema, procedentes de los ámbitos judicial y académico. Luego, tomando el caso de los obreros de la yerbatera correntina Las Marías, analizado en el informe Responsabilidad empresarial en delitos de lesa humanidad, se buscará dar cuenta de la potencialidad de los testimonios de trabaja-dores-tanto entrevistas realizadas especialmente con el fin de analizar estos procesos, como testimonios brindados en instancias judiciales y administrativas-para reconstruir la especificidad de la represión como medio de desarticulación de la organización sin-dical. Sugerimos que los testimonios constituyen una vía privilegiada para pensar la represión sufrida por los trabajadores, así como su vinculación con la conflictividad laboral; y también la responsabilidad ...

Öz: Bu makalenin amacı, çalışan yeşil davranışı (ÇYD) ile ilgili yapılan araştırmalar hakkında kapsamlı bir literatür taraması yapmak, araştırma alanıyla ilgili teorik temelleri ortaya koymaktır. Bu amaçla, veriler Web of Science (WoS) veri tabanında geçmişten günümüze (05.12.2024) kadar yayımlanan, yönetim ve işletme alanındaki 71 makale değerlendirmeye alınmıştır. Arama sonucunda ulaşılan verilerin analizlerinin gerçekleştirilmesinde R Studio/Bibliyometrix/Biblioshiny arayüzünden yararlanılmıştır. Veriler, yıllara göre yayın ve atıf oranları, dergi-ülkeyazar karşılaştırmaları, makalelerin yayımlandığı kaynaklar, yazarların üretkenliği ve yazarların makalelerine gelen atıf sayıları, anahtar kelime, anahtar kelimelerin yıllara göre kullanım sıklığı ve anahtar kelimelerin ortak oluşum ağları açısından incelenmiştir. Araştırma bulgularına göre, en çok yayın üreten yazarın G. Tang (4) ve en çok atıf alan yazarın N. M. Ashkanasy (17) olduğu, en çok atıf alan makalenin R. Chaudhary tarafından 2020 yılında kaleme alınan "Green human resource management and employee green behavior: an empirical analysis" adlı makalenin olduğu, en sık kullanılan anahtar kelimenin "employee green behavior" olduğu, makalelerin en çok "Corporate social responsibility and environmental management" dergisinde yayımlandığı tespit edilmiştir. Araştırma, yönetim ve işletme alanında ÇYD araştırmalarına ilginin artırdığını ortaya koymuştur. Araştırma, ÇYD hakkında güncel eğilimleri ortaya koymakla birlikte araştırma alanının teorik temelleri hakkında kapsamlı bir bilgi sunmaktadır. Bu bağlamda araştırmanın gelecekteki araştırmalara rehberlik edeceği düşünülmektedir.

Susana llegó hasta nosotros nerviosa, inquieta, embrollada. Su presentación fue un enunciado que bien podría constituirse como la oración inaugural de una obra de literatura de no-ficción 1 : si bien en esta historia no hay un fusilado que vive, sí "Hay túneles subterráneos que conectan la Jefatura con el Comando de Ejército". Es así que Rosario, la prostibularia con nombre de virgen (Bianchi et al. 2008), la ciudad-puerto constituida como tal en torno a los mitos fundantes del contrabando y de lo oculto; se nos presenta conectando lo clandestino y subterráneo con 'lo otro': lo público, lo dicho, lo que sí se narra y, narrándose, convierte a ese túnel en puente. Puente como transmisión, como manera de recordar, de re-semantizar, de traer las ausencias del pasado al presente (es decir, a la presencia). Nos proponemos entonces, a través del siguiente trabajo, indagar respecto de las historias que vinculan el antiguo edificio del Comando del 2° Cuerpo de Ejército 2 con el edificio de Jefatura de Policía, en donde funcionó el Servicio de Informaciones de la Policía 3 , principal centro clandestino de detención (de aquí en adelante, CCD) en la ciudad de Rosario, epicentro de la represión en el sur santafesino.

Panama stands at a critical juncture where external frameworks of strategy and leadershipexemplified by Michael Porter, Andrew Carnegie, and Napoleon Hill-only partially illuminate its unique development trajectory. This paper argues that Panama has produced its own intellectuals and leaders whose contributions parallel or diverge from these Western figures. Formal recognition of such thought leadership is vital for constructing a distinct Panamanian canon of strategic knowledge, one that reflects the country's ecological, cultural, and political realities.

Indudablemente que el capitalismo surgió con una opción de libertad, ante lo que habían sido numerosísimos episodios y concentraciones para la guerra y el lento progreso en el desarrollo de las fuerzas productivas durante alrededor de sobre 6.000 años. Previo a su nacimiento hubo imperios, guerras largas y reincidentes, abuso de unas zonas por otras y toda la historia ya conocida. Pero cuando ya fue claro su inevitable nacimiento a inicios del

In its engagement in the post-apartheid democratic transition to political democracy in South Africa, the Congress of South African Trade Unions (COSATU) and key affiliates, developed an ideological and strategic orientation described by scholars as "radical reform" or "structural reform." COSATU and many trade unions continue to be profoundly shaped by the "radical reform" (RR) model. The aim of this input is to examine the RR model, which was an attempt to build on the many key progressive gains won by workers and their organisations through struggle in the 1980s, and push through to a deeper social, political and economic transformation in the 1990s. This input defines the key components of RR, and examines why this innovative response to the parliamentary transition and to capitalist globalisation was not successful. It focuses on issues of neoliberal capitalist and state domination, the impact of RR on the unions, and the effects of the institutionalisation of trade union activity and industrial relations processes. It raises deeper questions about unions' approaches to politics.

Bhabha has edited the essay collection Nation and Narration (1990) and is the author ofThe Location of Culture (1994), along with many articles and interviews. Thefollowing selection, "Signs Takenfor Wonders," originally appeared in Critical Inquiry in 1985 and was reprinted in The Location of Culture.

In March 1927, the Communist Party's newspaper, The Daily Worker, published a poem, "America" by David Gordon, that compared the United States to a "neat whore house." For more than a year, state and federal prosecutors pursued obscenity cases against Gordon, the paper and its editors, which resulted in the paper paying a $500 fine, Gordon's being sentenced to an indefinite term in the state reformatory, and two editors spending time in jail. The saga demonstrates the legal persecution that the Communist Party faced in the 1920s, and the way that the organization defended itself. It also allows us to examine how the obscenity laws were used to pursue political prosecution, and, finally, offers a glimpse at early Communist aesthetic approaches.

In March 1927, the Communist Party's newspaper, The Daily Worker, published a poem, "America" by David Gordon, that compared the United States to a "neat whore house." For more than a year, state and federal prosecutors pursued obscenity cases against Gordon, the paper and its editors, which resulted in the paper paying a $500 fine, Gordon's being sentenced to an indefinite term in the state reformatory, and two editors spending time in jail. The saga demonstrates the legal persecution that the Communist Party faced in the 1920s, and the way that the organization defended itself. It also allows us to examine how the obscenity laws were used to pursue political prosecution, and, finally, offers a glimpse at early Communist aesthetic approaches.

Like ancient parchment bearing traces of multiple texts, Gdańsk reveals layers of meaning that have been written, erased, and written over again—each iteration leaving ghostly impressions of what came before, creating a city that is simultaneously authentic and artificial, revolutionary and commercial, hopeful and sobering.

Berre Lagoon has been one of the main locations for oil refining in France since the interwar period. Oil expansion during the postwar caused conflicts with the fishermen during the fifties, and with unionists during the seventies. This article suggest that the ambivalence of contemporary bond to this territory can be understood by tracing the history of the stormy relations between the oil refining industries and the organization from the civil society, particularly since 1957, when a national law prohibited fishing to guarantee the oil industry’s use of the pond. This paper examines the way the oil industry relies on the administration and public policies to protect its image, and how environmental regulations gave oil companies the opportunity to let the public administration take over communication on industrial pollution.

Hely Silva (UFPE), Endrica Geraldo (UNILA), Frederico Duarte Bartz (UFRGS), Laila Correa e Silva (PPGH/UNICAMP), Natália Garcia Pinto (PPGH/UFRGS), Rafael Chambouleyron (UFPA), Robson Pedrosa Costa (IFPE), Sidney da Silva Lobato (UNIFAP), Tiago Bernardon de Oliveira (UFPB). Capa: "Trabalhadores da Comiss̃o de Linhas Telegŕicas Estrat́gicas do Mato Grosso ao Amazonas (Comiss̃o Rondon). Foto divulgada no artigo 'Centeńrio das linhas telegŕicas em Rondônia', publicado no site , em 7 de janeiro de 2015".

The paper uses a governmentality perspective to discuss the issue of control in food delivery platforms through analysis of 4083 push notifications sent by the Bolt Food platform to its couriers in Riga from 2020 to 2023. It examines intensity, rationalization, subjectification, and the use of emojis in push notifications and demonstrates affective governmentality technology to control labor mobility. The analysis contributes to the literature on algorithmic management that focuses predominantly on the control embedded in the platform application. Suppose a platform application is viewed as an algorithmic panopticon in which a worker is free to enter or exit by signing on or off. In that case, other semi-automated control technologies, such as push notifications, are affective persuasive tools for bringing workers into the panopticon that limits workers' autonomy and control.

Denizcilik kültürüne ait gemiler dönemler itibariyle teknolojik gelişimlere göre tipolojik olarak değişikliğe uğramıştır. Askeri anlamda denizlerde yüzen birer kale görevi gördükleri gibi aynı zamanda deniz üstünde yüzen saraylar olarak da yorumlanabilir. Gemilerin toplumların refah düzeyini yansıtan zengin süslemelerle donatılması onları birbirinden farklı kılmıştır. Bu süslemeler aynı zamanda siyasi propaganda aracı olarak kullanıldığı gibi gemi sahibinin zenginliğini de yansıtmaktadır. Avrupa'da XVIII. yüzyılda özellikle belli merkezlerde modaya dönüşen Turquerie akımı gemi süslemeciliğinde de yer bulmuştur. Türk kıyafetleri içinde betimlenmiş Batı insanı Doğu'nun fantastik gösterişli hayatını kendisinde yansıtmaya çalışmış ve hatta bunu çeşitli sanat dallarıyla ölümsüzleştirmiştir. Hollanda denizciliğinin de XVII. yüzyılın başlarından itibaren gelişim göstermesi ve XVIII. yüzyılda daha da ilerleyerek denizlerde hâkimiyet kurması, deniz ticaret yolları ile limanlarında söz sahibi olması toplumsal zenginliğini arttırmıştır. Het Scheepvaartmuseum'da sergilenen dümen başı figürleri de bu düşüncenin bir başka görsel anlatımıdır. Bu çalışma 2018 yılında TÜBİTAK tarafından 2219 Yurt Dışı Doktora Sonrası Araştırma Burs Programı kapsamında desteklenmiştir. Araştırma için Amsterdam Het Scheepvaartmuseum ve diğer ilgili deniz müzelerinden izinler alınmış, bu kapsamda eserlerin fotoğrafları yazar tarafındançekilmiş ve ayrıca çalışma literatür taramasıyla tamamlanmıştır.

This article analyzes epigraphical evidence from the city of Rome (CIL VI) as well as medical and legal texts, Roman comedy, and Latin literature to better understand how working freedwomen negotiated the potential for motherhood. It contends that freedwomen sometimes elevated other aspects of their lives above the maternal. More precisely, it argues that occupation shaped freedwomen’s decisions about motherhood, including whether to become a mother. The results suggest that the ideology of the elite, which emphasized marriage and motherhood, may not have been reflected in the priorities of women from other social strata.

In Birthing Romans, Anna Bonnell Freidin offers an expansive interpretation of birthing in imperial Rome, demonstrating convincingly that the 'fleshy' process of giving birth was not a singular activity but was instead deeply intertwined with networks of personal relationships, birth attendants, medical professionals, local communities, the empire, and the gods. Forming the organizational framework for Birthing Romans, networks are the mechanism for exploring how value was ascribed, risk was mitigated and hope was secured. The book makes central the question of how birthing people 'matter' , a twofold concept that addresses both the physical (material) act of birthing and the birthing person's value 'culturally, politically, and cosmically' (2). Over the course of five chapters, her narrative reveals that birthing is a connective and explanatory force that not only provides an opportunity to perceive the lives of individuals but also invites another way of thinking about life in Rome on a larger scale. Adopting an innovative approach, Birthing Romans is an exploration of the way Romans coped with the enigmatic nature of birth rather than an attempt to explain birth as such. This approach opens avenues of study that would otherwise not be accessible to a scholar of childbirth, which is so often treated in isolation. Key to Bonnell Freidin's interpretation of birth are the twinned concepts of risk and hope. Risk articulates the dangers of an unknowable future while hope awaits it and seeks a positive outcome. Common to both is anticipation of the unknown. By exploring the ways Romans mitigated risk, she contextualizes birth in both human and non-human networks, demonstrating that birthing was a matter of personal, communal, imperial, and divine concern. Opening with a singular funerary inscription dedicated to Veturia, who died after giving birth to six children at the age of 27, Chapter 1 establishes Bonnell Freidin's kaleidoscopic exploration of birthing in Rome. As Veturia was the wife of a soldier in Aquincum (Budapest), her tombstone becomes a window into military life in the western provinces, cultural integration, family organization, and the ideal of a matrona.

Cet essai s'appuie sur une analyse de l'importante grève qu'a connue l'usine Honda Nanhai, dans la province du Guangdong, en 2010 ainsi que sur celles qui l'ont suivies et pour lesquelles elle a servi de modèle. L'analyse permet d'illustrer l'évolution de la dynamique des grèves du début des années 2000 à aujourd'hui en Chine, qui est traversée par un changement fondamental : le passage de la conscience de la loi à la conscience des droits. L'image de la Chine comme atelier du monde est étroitement associée à une armée de réserve constituée de travailleurs d'origine rurale représentant une main d'oeuvre illimitée, bon marché et inorganisée, ainsi qu'à une organisation du travail qualifiée de « despotique » par certains chercheurs, orchestrée derrière les barreaux d'usines dortoirs 1 . Si cet ordre despotique a cependant toujours été contesté par les travailleurs migrants 2 , l'ampleur, les formes, les moyens et les arguments de cette contestation ont quant à eux beaucoup évolué depuis une quinzaine d'années. La grève à Honda Nanhai dans la province du Guangdong, au Sud de la Chine, qui a initié la grande vague de grèves de 2010, a marqué un tournant. De manière remarquable, les ouvriers ont demandé à élire leur syndicat et à ce que celui-ci soit responsable devant eux. Ils ont également revendiqué des hausses substantielles de salaire dépassant largement les revendications formulées jusqu'alors. Cette vague de grèves a de fait constitué un saut quantitatif et qualitatif dans les actions collectives menées par les travailleurs migrants qui ne s'est pas démenti depuis. La prise de conscience de leurs droits a conduit les travailleurs non seulement à associer leurs revendications matérielles à des revendications de nature politique, mais aussi à exercer leurs droits collectifs avant qu'ils ne soient garantis. Cet article s'interroge également sur les conséquences de ces actions collectives sur la démocratisation au sein des entreprises en prenant en compte la réforme des syndicats et l'émergence de nouvelles formes de coopération avec la société civile, proposant ainsi une analyse de la transformation des relations de pouvoir au sein des lieux de travail. 1 Voir en particulier Pun Ngai and Chris Smith, "Putting transnational labour process in its place: the dormitory labour regime in post-socialist China,"

is in many ways a follow-up and partial repetition of director Kostas Vakkas's previous documentary, Greek American Radicals: The Untold Story (2013). Georgakas featured heavily in the earlier film, which is to be Dan Georgakas -A Diaspora Rebel (trailer) Idea Films

Eso que conocemos como "Independencia de México", y con ella las luchas emancipadoras de toda Nuestra América, constituye un campo semiótico de resonancias aún insuficientemente asumidas. En cada proclama, en cada grito de insurrección, en cada signo que circula entre los pueblos insurgentes y en cada símbolo que anima hoy las batallas, encontramos el laboratorio de significados en el que se forjó un lenguaje emancipador que aún reclama ser estudiado y enraizado con la profundidad crítica de una filosofía de la semiosis comprometida con la liberación. Porque la Independencia no es sólo un acontecimiento militar ni una sucesión de decretos políticos, es también una batalla en el orden de los signos y de la comunicación, un desmontaje de las cadenas simbólicas con las que el colonialismo pretendió sujetar las conciencias. Fue y es la irrupción de un nuevo sentido histórico, forjado en la praxis de los pueblos que luchan para sacudirse el imperio español (todos los imperios) y contra todas las formas de dominación de las élites criollas dispuestas a sustituir a los viejos amos por nuevas jerarquías oligárquicas. El imperio del engaño. Siempre la independencia económica fue pensada como el cimiento de toda emancipación verdadera, pero nunca se trató sólo de números o de mercados, implica también romper con la lógica de la dependencia, con esa estructura de pensamiento que justifica la sumisión al imperio bajo la idea de inferioridad cultural originaria de los pueblos latinoamericanos. La economía colonial no sólo sigue extrayendo minerales y excedentes agrícolas, también impone un patrón mental en el que la riqueza debe tributarse religiosamente a los centros metropolitanos. Sigue inconcluso el objetivo de romper el monopolio comercial imperial y expropiar los tributos que vacían nuestras arcas. Sigue abierta también la tarea de impulsar un pensamiento capaz de producir sus propias categorías, sus propios lenguajes de interpretación del mundo. Entender la Independencia en clave semiótica significa actualizar las disputas de los pueblos contra los relatos de la dominación colonial y el desarrollo de los lenguajes de la revolución popular. El virreinato había instituido un régimen de signos que naturalizaba la desigualdad, los títulos nobiliarios, los escudos, las procesiones religiosas, la iconografía oficial, las cátedras eclesiásticas, los protocolos militares y jurídicos, los rituales de obediencia al rey y a Dios. Todo era un aparato semiótico destinado a codificar la sumisión y el tributo. Frente a ello, las comunidades indígenas, campesinas, afrodescendientes y mestizas no dejaron de tejer y revolucionar su propio universo de significaciones: herencias transformadoras, arte irreverente y colectivas, gestos insumisos, símbolos de dignidad, prácticas rebeldes contra el control colonial, metáforas que transmitían la memoria de rebeliones anteriores. La independencia, por tanto, no irrumpió como una novedad ex nihilo, es el resultado de una sedimentación revoluconario-semiótica de siglos de opresión y de resistencia. Nuestro antiimperialismo, que hoy renovamos como necesidad urgente, ya estaba en germen en las luchas por la Independencia. Aunque muchos líderes insurgentes no usaron el término "imperialismo", sus acciones apuntaban a quebrar el dominio extranjero sobre nuestras tierras, nuestros cuerpos y nuestras conciencias. Hidalgo, al levantar el estandarte de la Virgen de Guadalupe, estaba también generando una operación semiótica formidable que transformó un ícono católico, introducido por la colonización, y lo convirtió en símbolo de la organización popular contra el orden virreinal. Esa operación no fue ingenua, supo tocar fibras profundas de identificación comunitaria y tradujo en clave religiosa lo que era un impulso profundamente político de emancipación. Fue un signo táctico que condensó el

In the given article the forms of workers' political activity in labor compensation matter are being described and analyzed on the archive data base. The article shows the proletariat's variation and choice of political participation forms, the characteristics of the proletariat's political awareness in the historical terms of the 1930s.

Artigo recebido em: 07/08/2024. Artigo aceito em: 27/03/2025. RESUMO: O presente artigo investiga as formas de resistência e sobrevivência na sociedade escravista do século XIX, com foco específico na fuga como estratégia de ruptura com a condição de cativeiro. Fundamenta-se na análise histórico-social e nos conceitos de espaço e resistência de autores como Michel de Certeau e Muniz Sodré, o estudo foca no caso da escravizada Maria, destacada no inventário de Maria Catharina do Espírito Santos, realizado em 1840, no Arraial de Furquim, termo de Mariana, Minas Gerais. A partir dessa fonte primária, examina-se como o inventário reflete os métodos de controle e as práticas de subversão, evidenciando as dinâmicas de opressão e as possibilidades de resistência em um contexto marcado pela escravidão.

O presente artigo visa analisar um dos aspectos do movimento por moradia na cidade de Sao Luis-MA durante a decada de 1980. Mais especificamente, busca compreender a importância da producao e circulacao dos panfletos nos processos de socializacao de atores sociopoliticos em acoes de denuncia e na construcao de determinados tipos de enquadramentos simbolico-discursivos (frames) que contribuiram com o processo de formacao das acoes coletivas de reivindicacao de direitos. Dialogando com a literatura academica sobre os processos de formacao e desenvolvimento de movimentos sociais, verificou-se que a abordagem desenvolvida revelou aspectos ainda pouco teorizados acerca da tematica, como o desenvolvimento de uma linguagem militante e a centralidade da acao de agentes especializados, enfatizando a importância da compreensao das dinâmicas sociais internas aos movimentos sociais para alargar a compreensao das acoes coletivas e suas dinâmicas externas. Palavras-chave: movimentos sociais, midi...

Rubbettino La necessità della creazione dell'Archivio dell'Ordine "al Merito del Lavoro" è riportata nell'art. 5 del regio decreto 20 marzo 1921 n. 350 che, a venti anni dalla fondazione, modifica la costituzione dell'Ordine. Sempre nella ricerca fatta dal Salpietro si sostiene che la "conservazione dell'archivio" viene incardinata nelle funzioni esercitate dal segretario dell'Ordine e del Consiglio, che in quel momento era il capo del segretariato generale del Ministero del Lavoro e della Previdenza Sociale. Una funzione speculare a quella che il segretario, "d'ordine del ministro", svolgeva: "fare l'istruttoria delle proposte da presentare al Consiglio". Il compito di "conservare l'archivio dell'Ordine", strettamente legato all'incarico "di fare l'istruttoria delle proposte" per le nomine, era attribuito al segretario dell'Ordine e del Consiglio -un funzionario del Ministero dell'economia nazionale l'articolo succitato. Parimenti nel regio decreto 22 febbraio 1930 n. 136 (Modificazioni alle norme vigenti sulla costituzione dell'Ordine Cavalleresco al "Merito del Lavoro"), dove all'art. 2 le funzioni di "conservazione" e di "istruttoria" sono esercitate da un funzionario del Ministero delle Corporazioni, scelto dal ministro. Purtroppo del materiale di quest'archivio non c'è traccia, almeno per il periodo anteriore al 1952, se non nell'Archivio storico dei Cavalieri del Lavoro, che svolge, quindi, funzioni di supplenza per quanto riguarda la documentazione relativa al periodo 1901-1952, per cui presso il Ministero delle attività produttive, per effetto della recente riforma sono state demandate le competenze del Ministero dell'Industria, del Commercio e dell'Artigianato, non c'è altro di disponibile che l'Albo d'iscrizione dei brevetti di nomina. Va solo ricordato in questa sede che l'Archivio storico dei Cavalieri del Lavoro è stato istituito nel 1926 e conserva una cospicua documentazione dall'anno di fondazione ai giorni nostri. Le ragioni della sua fondazione furono illustrate da Giovanni Raineri, allora presidente della Federazione, durante l'assemblea dei soci presso l'Associazione Commerciale Industriale Agricola romana il 21 novembre 1926, in occasione delle manifestazioni per il giubileo dell'Ordine, per il quale fu pubblicato anche un volume: I Cavalieri del Lavoro 1901-1926. Maestri del lavoro in camicia nera 12 Cesaf Maestri del lavoro

The new mark of progress and development in the twenty-first century is
to boost industrial and urban growth for the making of millennium cities.
The project demands a high number of semi-skilled and unskilled workers
who toil to make cities as a symbol of progress. The same city that survives on the labour of migrant workers however has no plan or policy to include them as insiders and inhabitants. It is a known fact that migrants work in unethical and unhygienic conditions with low wages. This precariousness at the workplace is carried to their residence which is located amidst urban space which denies workers their identity. Further, precarity at workplace limits workers from fulfilling their urban aspirations and lifestyle. The exploitation and vulnerability experienced by migrant workers stands in paradox to the progress and development of cities. Thus, cities have become exclusionary and add to the woes of migrant workers.

In the interstices of Cold War rivalries and anti-colonial agitation in late 1950s Africa, African workers came into the focus of African nationalist politicians, Western leftists, colonial regimes and state socialist states alike. They were a small, but influential group, increasingly organized in trade unions and capable of bringing whole economies to a halt. European communists on both sides of the Iron Curtain saw these workers not only as part of an inceptive working class but also debated their role as a potential key force in global anti-capitalist revolution – if they had the right concepts. But how could trade union representatives, particularly those ones from Eastern Europe, actually get in touch with their African counterparts? Based on archival materials of the East German Freier Deutscher Gewerkschaftsbund (FDGB), this article discusses East-West-South connections in labor education with a special emphasis on the role of Western trade union officials working for or aff...

En America Latina el nuevo Modele de Desarrollo, se consolido sobre las bases del mejoramiento del ingreso y reduccion de la pobreza, al parecer la forma de aplicacion en los paises latinoamericanos no ha tenido el efecto deseado, salvo alguna excepcion en algunos casos se ha ganado cierto terreno en el mejoramiento de la productividad, sin embargo la liberacion economica ha traido consigo el aumento de las diferencias salariales, incremento en los niveles de desempleo y del empleo informal, ademas del incremento en el coeficiente de Gini, todo esto ha contribuido al agravamiento en la distribuci6n del ingreso; las imperfecciones anotadas en la aplicacion del modelo no solo se lograran suprimir con la liberacion, sino que se requieren de intervenciones especificas en ciertos sectores que dinamicen el crecimiento de las economias.

Resumen e ica Latina el nuevo Modele de Desarrollo, se consolido sobre las bases del rneJoramiento del ingreso y reducci6n de Ia pobreza, al parecer Ia forma de aplicaci6n en los paises latinoamericanos no ha tenido el efecto deseado, sa o alguna excepci6n en algunos cases se ha ganado cierto terre no en el mejoramiento de Ia productividad, sin embargo Ia liberaci6n econ6mica ha traido cons igo el aurrento de las diferencias salariales, incremento en los niveles de desempleo y del empleo informal, ademas del incremento en el coeficiente de Gini, todo esto a contribuido al agravamiento en a distribuci6n del ingreso; las (mperfecciones anotadas en Ia aplicaci6n del modele no solo se lograran suprimir con Ia liberaci6n , sino que se requieren de intervenciones especificas en ciertos sectores que dinamicen el crecimiento de las economias.

Resumen Este trabajo propone un marco interpretativo para estudiar a los mineros artesanales o "Pirquineros" de Chile, durante el siglo XX. Aborda el estado del arte de los estudios sobre minería en Chile y propone un marco teórico basado en las categorías de experiencia, recepción y agencia, enmarcadas en la historia social y del trabajo que pueden resultar fructíferas para abordar a este grupo. Este marco interpretativo busca dar cuenta no solo de lo que se ha dicho y lo que no, en términos historiográficos, sino también dar cuenta de las posibilidades aun inexploradas del estudio de la minería artesanal en Chile y eventualmente en el área sur andina.