Research on Perpetrators

The mass death of Soviet prisoners of war (POWs) during World War II represents one of the most tragic episodes of Nazi genocide, yet it remains significantly underexplored in historical scholarship. From the beginning of the invasion of the Soviet Union on June 22, 1941, through the end of the war in Europe on May 8, 1945, German troops captured approximately 5.7 million Soviet military personnel. Among these, a staggering 3.3 million, or 58 percent, perished in captivity, marking them as the second-largest group of victims of Nazi mass murder, following the roughly six million Jews killed during the Holocaust. The death toll among Soviet POWs was particularly acute in the war's early months. By February 1942, over two million of the 3.35 million prisoners captured in 1941 had died, primarily from starvation. Between October 1941 and January 1942, estimates suggest that between 300,000 and 500,000 prisoners died each month, with daily fatalities reaching around 8,000-an alarming figure that rivaled the total deaths of American and British POWs throughout the entire conflict. Even after German policy shifted toward exploiting Soviet prisoners as forced labor, another 1.3 million, or 27 percent, died in captivity. In stark contrast, only two to three percent of Western Allied prisoners died under similar conditions, illustrating the deliberate brutality embedded in German policies toward Soviet captives. From the beginning of the invasion of the Soviet Union on 22 June 1941 through the end of the Second World War in Europe on 8 May 1945, German troops fighting on the Eastern Front took 5.7 million Soviet military personnel as prisoners of war. Of these 5.7 million prisoners, 3.3 million (58 percent) died in German captivity, making Soviet prisoners of war the second-largest group of victims of Nazi mass murder, second only to the approximately six million Jews killed during the Holocaust. The death rate in the first year of the war was particularly high; of the 3.35 million Soviet prisoners captured in 1941, more than two million (60 percent) had died by February 1942, mainly due to starvation. Between October 1941 and January 1942, between 300,000 and 500,000 Soviet prisoners died each month, rivaling the pace of killing at the peak of the "Final Solution to the Jewish Question" in late 1942. During this period, as many as 8,000 prisoners were dying per day, roughly equal to the number of American and British prisoners who died during the entire war. Even after German policy shifted toward heavier exploitation of Soviet prisoners as a source of forced labor, another 1.3 million (27 percent) of Soviet prisoners in German captivity died. By comparison, only two to three percent of Western Allied prisoners of war. Despite the sheer scale of this tragedy, the fate of Soviet POWs occupies a marginal space in the historical memory of Nazi mass murder. To date, no dedicated monographs have been published in English on this subject, nor have significant works in other languages been translated. This absence in historiography not only fails to memorialize the victims adequately but also obscures critical insights into the broader mechanisms of Nazi mass killing, particularly the role of the German armed forces in these atrocities. Postwar studies of the German military often perpetuated the "myth of the clean Wehrmacht," which suggested that the army fought an honorable, apolitical war, absolving it of responsibility for war crimes.

In order to test the extent to which the above-mentioned shift toward cosmopolitan memory that began in the 1980s applied to war museums, we selected institutions that opened and/or remade their permanent exhibitions after 1990, were located in different parts of Europe, varied in size and number of visitors, and dealt with World War I and/or World War II. We selected the following museums: the Kobarid Museum/Slovenia (1990), the Historial of the Great War in Péronne/France (1992), Oskar Schindler's Factory in Kraków/Poland (2010), the Military History Museum of the Bundeswehr in Dresden/Germany (2011), and the German-Russian Museum Berlin-Karlshorst/Germany (1993, new exhibition 2013). WP4 aimed to provide comprehensive descriptions of the selected museums and exhibitions, as well as of the process and context of their establishment and reception by visitors. A detailed analysis of the permanent exhibitions, informed by Clifford Geertz's (1973) ethnographical method of "thick description, " took into account the selection and arrangement of objects, the textual level and design of the exhibitions, as well as their sensual appeal . To ensure the coherence and balance of our comparative study, we also organized field trips to the museums as a whole team. In parallel, we examined the history and origins of each museum through archival and press research in addition to conducting interviews with directors, curators, scientific advisers, and other agents involved in the museum-making process. We identified the museums' main stakeholders, reconstructed the circumstances of their establishment and/or the set-up of new exhibitions, and traced the controversies marking the planning stages and thereafter. We also examined public responses to the exhibitions and how these institutions fit into regional, national, and transnational memory discourses. At each site, researchers conducted 30 to 50 semi-structured interviews with visitors and documented visitor books. Additionally, in two museums we piloted an image-based tablet questionnaire. A number of questions were addressed: How does the public engage with the dominant message and memory regime? To what extent do visitors agree with this message? Do the visitors feel empathy with former enemies and/or other emotions? Do visitors reflect critically on war-making? The full analysis of the material from the visitor studies is still underway. Here, we present some preliminary results.

Celem niniejszego artykułu jest przedstawienie stanu badań nad pomocą niesioną przez Polaków ludności żydowskiej w czasie II wojny światowej w przedwojennym województwie krakowskim. W pierwszej części opracowania opisano teren badawczy. Przedstawiono zmiany w podziale granic administracyjnych województwa krakowskiego oraz zmiany wprowadzone przez okupanta niemieckiego. Następnie zaprezentowano dane statystyczne dotyczące ludności żydowskiej żyjącej na tym obszarze przed wojną. W dalszej kolejności została opisana pośrednia i bezpośrednia eksterminacja Żydów oraz niemiecka polityka wobec ludności polskiej. W drugiej, czyli zasadniczej części artykułu omówiono literaturę dotyczącą niesienia pomocy.

In the late 1990s, a protracted armed conflict between the Indian government and the insurgent organization United Liberation Front of Asom (ULFA) in the northeastern Indian state of Assam escalated to include 'secret killings' of family members, close aides, and sympathizers of ULFA among its many violent manifestations. The killers primarily targeted insurgents' families to persuade their underground kin to surrender, and to create fear among community members who sympathized with the movement or sheltered its cadres. The 2007 report of Justice K. N. Saikia Commission pointed out the role of the surrendered insurgents and the state police in the secret killings, noting that the army was kept in the loop in some cases. Surprisingly, while over three hundred people were killed between 1998 and 2001, no one was convicted. This article describes the challenges I faced in conducting ethnographic fieldwork on this sensitive event, which continues to draw political and media attention in the region. I focus on the challenges of interviewing survivors, families of victims, and police officers about the secret killings in Assam. I particularly reflect on my fieldwork experience, especially the decisions about what to ask, what to write, and what to censor about my participants; I also consider the ethical dimension of making these decisions. I argue that these decisions were often made spontaneously in response to emergent situations and my ethical principles. I let the responses of my participants guide me in the field and did not carry any predetermined strategies to guide the interviews.

The perpetration of domestic and family violence (DFV) by police officers is a serious abuse of power and has generated a growing body of scholarship in Australia and internationally. Police are uniquely positioned to draw on their expertise, training, and access to weapons to perpetrate DFV while often evading accountability and leaving victim-survivors with limited options to seek protection and redress. This paper sets out findings from a scoping review of 54 scholarly articles, chapters, theses, and other papers which address police-perpetrated DFV (PPDFV). The review generates insight into the methodological, theoretical, and critical implications of PPDFV scholarship across policing, criminology, psychology, sociology, and gender-based research. We identify gaps in jurisdictional coverage and understandings of the rates, prevalence, and nature of PPDFV. The importance of intersectional and critical research, which considers the impacts on PPDFV of gender, race, and sexuality, is also signposted.

La memoria de los pueblos que sufrieron violencia estatal masiva está secuestrada, yse recupera costosamente mediante fragmentos de relatos inconexos y recuerdos confusos, navegando sin rumbo entre testigos amnésicxs y transterradxs, amenazas mudas, fantasmas de desaparecidxs y documentos huérfanos. Hablar de memoria nos sitúa en un diálogo constante entre el pasado y el presente, como un reflejo en el agua o un eco que nos dice quiénes fuimos, quiénes somos y quiénes queremos ser como humanidad.
Este infame y desolador contexto nos remite a las reflexiones de Adorno sobre la paradoja que se produce entre la inconmensurabilidad del sufrimiento de víctimas inocentes en un plan de deshumanización y exterminio planificado, y el deber ético implícito en el arte y la
literatura de evitar el olvido. Desde este posicionamiento, en este monográfico hemos querido poner el foco en un conjunto de voces de activistas y/o artistas que se desafilian de los legados de sus parientes victimarios y se adscriben a un movimiento social de elevado significado político y ético comprometido con el “nunca más”. Este movimiento de descendientes de perpetradores, surgido en Argentina en 2017 y que se autodenomina “Historias Desobedientes: Familiares de genocidas por la Memoria, la Verdad y la Justicia”, se nos presenta como un logro de las luchas promovidas por las víctimas y sus herederxs, activistas de la memoria y organizaciones
de derechos humanos.

Über 70 Millionen Kriegstote haben der Erste und der Zweite Weltkrieg gefordert. Eine schier unvorstellbare Zahl, die den einzelnen Menschen, sein individuelles Schicksal nicht erkennbar macht. Je größer der zeitliche Abstand, je weniger Zeitzeugen uns berichten können, desto drängender wird die Frage, wie wir die Erinnerung an die Schrecken des 20. Jahrhunderts wach halten können. An welchen Orten sind die Folgen von Krieg und Gewaltherrschaft dokumentiert? Wie können wir diese Erfahrungen den nachwachsenden Generationen in angemessener Weise vermitteln?

El artículo se propone dimensionar, describir y
analizar desde una perspectiva sociológica el fenómeno del
suicidio en personal de las Fuerzas Federales de Argentina en el
período 2016-2023. El análisis repara en tres dimensiones de
los suicidios policiales: características de estos fenómenos,
narrativas sobre los factores de riesgo policial y sobre las
circunstancias precipitantes. El estudio integra diversas
estrategias, fuentes y temporalidades: repone y conceptualiza
información difundida por instancias gubernamentales,
reconstruye el punto de vista de los actores a partir de
entrevistas en profundidad e incorpora un conjunto de
materiales diversos, como normativa, notas en prensa y datos
estadísticos. El artículo constituye un primer acercamiento a la
temática que habilita un mayor conocimiento sobre el
volumen y las características del suicidio policial. Además, los
elementos presentes en el análisis evidencian que los suicidios
constituyen muertes difíciles de procesar institucionalmente en
parte porque los actores problematizan dos dimensiones, la
laboral y la personal, que la institución intenta constantemente
mantener unidas.

A discussion of Zimbardo's seminal work, which deals with an analysis of the Stanford Prison Experiment, but also takes a comprehensive look at other social psychological findings. All of this leads to the realisation that, as opposed to personality and character traits, situational, social and systemic circumstances (3S) are the factors that drive people to commit crimes; individuals can exhibit different personalities and characters under different circumstances. This also applies to rescuers and helpers.

This implies a shift in criminology. These 3S factors must be examined first before considering the characteristics of individuals and their dispositions.
Zimbardo's insights provoke resistance because people do not like to abandon the belief that good people with strong characters are immune to committing crimes.

This study examines the role of Baltic German settlers in Litzmannstadt as both beneficiaries and enforcers of Nazi expropriation policies, focusing on five case studies. By analysing official files, letters, diaries, and memoirs, it reconstructs five cases’ personal trajectories within Nazi administrative and economic structures, exploring how they (un)consciously contributed to the Final Solution—a fact they later evaded acknowledging.
In an interdisciplinary approach bridging history and psychology, this research integrates microhistorical analysis to uncover silences, omissions, and selective remembering in post-war narratives. Rational Choice Theory provides insight into the settlers’ pragmatic calculations under Nazi rule, while memory studies expose strategies of self-exoneration, reframing complicity through displacement and victimhood. The findings challenge the perception of Baltic Germans as passive actors, revealing their active participation in racial expropriation and genocide, even when framed as a bureaucratic or economic necessity.
By combining historical and psychological perspectives, this study contributes to debates on collaboration, bureaucratic complicity, and the legacy of Nazi occupation. It underscores the fragility of moral boundaries under totalitarian rule and highlights the mechanisms through which individuals became complicit in state crimes. The practical implications serve as a reminder that administrative structures and ideological conditioning can facilitate atrocities—a warning that remains relevant today.

Abstract

This article offers a renewed historiographical interpretation of the Special Project—Operation Hatuk Gordz (commonly known as "Nemesis")—as the de facto implementation of the death sentences issued by the Ottoman Courts-Martial against the principal architects of the Armenian Genocide, namely the leaders of the Committee of Union and Progress. This reinterpretation is grounded in newly uncovered archival sources, most notably the personal archive of Aaron Sachaklian, a recently identified member of the Special Project, as well as other corroborated historical materials. The article critically reassesses the Special Project through the framework of the list of perpetrators adopted during the Ninth General Assembly of the Armenian Revolutionary Federation (ARF Dashnaktsutyun), held between September 28 and November 2, 1919, as well as other contemporary documents identifying Young Turk officials complicit in the genocide. The study also examines the preparatory efforts surrounding Soghomon Tehlirian’s legal defence, with particular focus on the establishment and operations of the Special Fund (Hatuk Gumar) instituted by the ARF to underwrite the mission. A comparative analysis of the trials of Soghomon Tehlirian and Misak Torlakyan reveals significant parallels in the legal arguments and defence strategies employed in both cases.

This Handbook is intended to support the efforts of facilitators and other professionals who are interested in hosting a Collective Healing Circle
(CHC) Programme in their local community, as part of the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization’s (UNESCO) Collective
Healing Initiative.

The intellectual insights underpinning the CHC Programme proposed in this Handbook are drawn from contemporary research on historical
atrocities, such as the transatlantic trade of enslaved Africans, colonialisation, and mass killing and violent displacement of Indigenous peoples, as well as the legacies of dehumanisation, such as
racism and structural injustice.

The practical ideas for implementing the CHC Programme featured throughout the Handbook are inspired by existing proven approaches
of similar programmes, and those which have emerged from a one-year pilot of the Programme in five countries (Kenya, Nigeria, the UK, the USA
and Colombia) on four continents.

The UNESCO Collective Healing Initiative is a global initiative to address the legacies of dehumanisation and to confront contemporary
racism and discrimination, supported by the Guerrand-Hermès Foundation for Peace (GHFP) since 2018. It is part of the UNESCO Routes of Enslaved Peoples programme. From the start, the initiative involved research aimed at understanding what constitutes wounding and healing in the contexts of transatlantic trade and enslavement of Africans and structural injustice.

The Initiative’s strategic aims include (1) deepening our understanding of the harm of dehumanisation in its multiple dimensions; (2) exploring and integrating holistic approaches to, and practices of, resilience and collective healing with communities impacted by structural injustice; (3) nurturing women and youth changemakers to play a key part in facilitating collective healing, just societies and communal well-being; and (4) engaging stakeholders in knowledge co-creation and collaborative policy-making.

The analytical study of patterns of domestic violence shows that it can happen in any context, be it social or cultural, affecting people of different genders, ages and classes. Evidence-based intervention planning indicates the relevance of a multidisciplinary study, which includes psychological support for those attacked, early identification of signs of violence and holding offenders accountable. Awareness and education plans in schools, underserved areas and workplaces are essential to prevent domestic violence from occurring, spreading respectful and healthy relationships. Furthermore, cooperation between social assistance, health services and justice is essential to provide effective and complete support. The implementation of public policies that ensure accessible and appropriate resources for victims and the execution of continuous research to qualify the efficiency and effectiveness of actions are also fundamental to combating domestic violence.

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The aim of this study is to examine the predictive role of early maladaptive schemas (EMSs) in both experiencing and perpetrating intimate partner violence (IPV) in romantic relationships. EMSs are enduring cognitive-affective patterns formed in early life through interactions with primary caregivers. They consist of memories, emotions, and bodily sensations, shaping how individuals perceive themselves and their relationships. A total of 220 adults (aged 18 and above) participated in the study. Regression analyses revealed that the schemas of social isolation/insecurity and approval-seeking positively predicted exposure to IPV through hostile withdrawal. Conversely, the failure schema negatively predicted exposure to control, while dependence/incompetence predicted lower exposure to domination/ intimidation. In terms of perpetration, emotional deprivation and defectiveness schemas were positive predictors of violence through humiliation. Social isolation and approval-seeking also predicted perpetration through hostile withdrawal, while failure schema was a negative predictor. Additionally, vulnerability to harm was positively associated with control, and dependence/ incompetence predicted domination/intimidation. These findings underscore the importance of schema therapy in conceptualizing emotional violence not only as an external behavior but also as a reflection of internalized schemas. Addressing these schemas in therapy may help prevent relational violence and promote more secure and adaptive interpersonal functioning.

The objective of this article is to present a panoramic image of the sociology of genocides, from its origins to the present. The fundamental thesis defended is that the sociology of genocide would be today reaching a level of maturity that makes it an increasingly thriving and already well-established subdiscipline. Combining the obedience paradigm with the permission paradigm seems a promising option for future research. The assumption that there are two concepts of genocide, the legal concept of genocide and the sociological concept of genocide, allows us to broaden the cases to be considered and to include, in a very primary way, cases of political violence and colonial cases.

Current literatures from Central and Eastern Europe are marked by a boom of documentary fiction portraying involvement in twentieth-century mass violence and totalitarianisms. Radka Denemarková' s 2006 Peníze od Hitlera (Money from Hitler, 2009) and Elfriede Jelinek' s 2022 Angabe der Person (Indication/Ostentation of the Person) outline complicity with Nazi occupation, Stalinist terror, or other forms of mass violence among contemporaries and descendants. Since understanding the past serves requirements of the present, this boom prompts the question: why the interest in past complicities now? What the texts contribute to understanding the legacy of mass violence is that these acts are no punctual events, and that the present is implicated in the aftermaths of violence in ways that are prone to make commemoration complicit with it. Denemarková and Jelinek outline instances of the transmission and normalisation of distinctions and terms used to justify mass violence and totalitarian terror across generations and ideological faultlines into the neoliberal present. Both suggest that viewing different manifestations of violence as unrelated is a prominent form of denial that in fact fosters continuities that perpetuate violence. The article reads the literary texts in dialogue with social science approaches to the societal circulation of ideological language to demonstrate that key dynamics enabling continuities of justificatory discourse are a type of conformity with peer pressure and instrumentalisation of ideological language for personal gain.

In this introduction to a special issue of the Journal of Perpetrator Research on the theme of Complicit Testimonies, I make the case for discussion of testimonies authored by complicit parties. This introduction seeks to set out this rationale in detail, first describing the shared lineage of testimony and trauma studies, as well as the ways in which existing research has linked testimony to particular subject positions, before describing some of the consequences – and attendant problems – with doing so. On this basis, it then makes the case for examining testimony in
the light of complicity, before introducing the articles and giving an overview of some of the insights these provide.

This article analyzes two feature films dealing with the collaboration of Lithuanians in the Holocaust. Purple Smoke Izaokas (2019) represent a step forward along the road of national reckoning with the legacy of perpetration, challenging received narratives of national victimhood and heroism. The ethics of representing the subjective position of the perpetrator are demanding, requiring a degree of empathy to develop
understanding, but stopping short of identification. While Purple Smoke enables considerable empathy for the perpetrator, it focalizes history from the perspective of the victim. Izaokas, on the other hand, creates a moral hazard by dramatizing history from the perspective of the perpetrator, and make the Holocaust into a foil for Lithuanian suffering under the Soviets.

Captive Red Army soldiers made up the majority of victims of Nazi Germany’s starvation policy against Soviet civilians and other non-combatants and thus constituted the largest single victim group of the German war of annihilation against the Soviet Union. Indeed, Soviet prisoners of war were the largest victim group of all National Socialist annihilation policies after the European Jews. Before the launch of Operation Barbarossa, it was clear to the Wehrmacht planning departments on exactly what scale they could expect to capture Soviet troops. Yet, they neglected to make the necessary preparations for feeding and sheltering the captured soldiers, who were viewed by the economic staffs and the military leadership alike as direct competitors of German troops and the German home front for precious food supplies. The number of extra mouths to feed was incompatible with German war aims. The obvious limitations on their freedom of movement and the relative ease with which large numbers could be segregated and their rations controlled were crucial factors in the death of over 3 million Soviet POWs, the vast majority directly or indirectly as a result of deliberate policies of neglect, undernourishment, and starvation while in the ‘care’ of the Wehrmacht. The most reliable figures for the mortality of Soviet POWs in German captivity reveal that up to 3.3 million died from a total of just over 5.7 million captured between June 1941 and February 1945 — a proportion of almost 58 percent. Of these, 2 million were already dead by the beginning of February 1942. In English, there is still neither a single monograph nor a single edited volume dedicated to the subject. This article now provides the first detailed stand-alone synthesis in that language addressing the whole period from 1941 to 1945.

Az eredetileg Internátus címmel 2017-ben megjelent felkavaró regény a Majdan, az Oroszország elleni ukrán ellenállás és megmozdulás 2014-es véres napjairól íródott. Külön érdekesség, hogy a könyv a csernovici Meridián Kiadónál jelent meg. Ez a viszonylag új, kortárs irodalmi kiadó Paul Celan híres esszéjéről kapta a nevét. A román avantgárd és szürrealista irodalom kifordított metaforái, az írás és a nyelv radikális megújítása és feltalálása volt Celan 1960-as évekbeli, németül írt esszéjének a témája. Gondolatai a második világháború és a holokauszt kontextusában születtek, és radikális választ adtak az irodalom folytathatóságára. Zsadan regénye annyiban kapcsolódik ehhez földrajzilag, hogy az őáltala írottak mondhatni szintén a celani meridiánon, a "senkiföldjén" játszódnak: egy végletekig kizsigerelt, aláaknázott, militarizált városban bolyonganak A diákotthon hősei. A város nem konkrét, hanem metaforikus. Se ideje, se konkrét tere nincs az elbeszélésnek. Ukrajna a Szovjetunión belül már Celan költészetének idejében is különleges és tragikus státuszt töltött be, ahonnan ő 1948-ban elmenekült Bukarestbe. Az európai holokauszt és a háború utáni szovjet-ukrán munkatáborok dehumanizált földrajzát jelentette a "senkiföld". Ide kapcsolódik Herta Müller Lélegzethinta (2009) című Nobel-díjas regénye, mely szintén az "ukrán" sztyeppén játszódik. Müller több esszéjében kapcsolódik Celan műveihez és radikális nyelvfelfogásához, a dehumanizált emberi élet ábrázolhatóságát kereste, azt, miként éli túl a lakosság a táborokat. Hogyan írható/beszélhető el a háború? Mi az író feladata háború idején? Egy abszurdig vitt lecsupaszított nyelv feltalálása (Celan). A disztópia nyomasztó városrajza, időn és téren kívüli létben bolyongó antihős (Zsadan). A diákotthon-mint annyi háborús toposz az irodalomban-a túlélés részleteire kérdez rá, a civil lakosságot szólaltatja meg, és egy iskolát választ színhelyül. Lokális, ugyanakkor egyetemes az emberi kiszolgáltatottság: a válság idejében az etikai dimenzió felfüggesztődik, az emberi viszonyok megtörnek, a tűrőképesség pedig kitágul. A háborút elkerülni akaró ember (antihős) háborús cselekvővé válik, ez a regényben konkrétan azt jelenti, hogy senki nem tudja kivonni magát, mert a háború a civil lakosság élettereibe ért. Ugyanakkor nincs meg a konkrét belépési küszöb: senki nem mondott igent a harcra. Zsadan regénye úgy

This article explores the crucial role of body language in the victim selection process by violent predators, challenging the misconception that such attacks are random or purely opportunistic. Drawing upon psychological studies, criminological research, and over thirty years of experience in threat assessment and violence prevention, the author demonstrates how subtle non-verbal cues, such as gait, posture, facial expression, and vocal tone, can influence a predator’s perception of vulnerability. The piece highlights how predators make strategic decisions based on efficiency and control, often avoiding those who project confidence and awareness. By decoding the hidden language of non-verbal communication, individuals can consciously alter their projected demeanour to reduce perceived vulnerability. Practical strategies for becoming a “hard target” are presented, along with real-life scenarios illustrating how small behavioral shifts can deter aggression. This article serves as both an educational resource and a call to action, emphasising that situational awareness and intentional body language can empower individuals and enhance personal safety.

Understanding Peace Holistically: From the Spiritual to the Political argues that spiritually rooted and morally oriented peacefulness is relevant to the socio-economic–political structures that provide the conditions for a culture of peace. As the authors build up a theory of peace from the spiritual to the relational and communal towards the socio-political, this book also identifies key principles that characterise international and institutional processes that nurture peace. The holistic conception of peace developed in this book may guide and inspire individuals, institutions, and international organisations with regards to how to make peace.

La presente investigación pretende analizar
cómo han sido representadas las mujeres que participaron en la DINA y CNI, teniendo en cuenta que fueron organismos asociados como un espacio netamente masculino al estar relacionados con las Fuerzas Armadas. Para esto, se han fijado los objetivos específicos de
examinar, en primera instancia, cómo fue la incorporación femenina a estos organismos teniendo en cuenta los discursos conservadores del régimen entorno a las mujeres que les asignaba roles de género específicos en la sociedad que la dictadura quería construir.
Asimismo, se pretende identificar cómo a través de CEMA-Chile se canalizaron estas ideas para diferenciar entre buenas y malas mujeres, y de qué forma son representadas tanto en la prensa, como en testimonios de las víctimas. Por último, se examinarán cómo las civiles que pasaron por estas agencias han representado sus experiencias a través de la creación o participación de fuentes testimoniales, con el fin de analizar sus discursos y la relación que guardan con las ideas del régimen en cuanto a la dualidad bueno-malo que se proyectó entorno a la figura de la mujer.

Los diálogos interdisciplinares entre la historia política, la historia ambiental y la historia de la ciencia y la técnica han experimentado un auge notable durante los últimos años. En este contexto, la investigación sobre los ingenieros como grupo profesional clave en la construcción material del Estado ha abordado las dimensiones políticas y materiales de su trabajo, especialmente durante el franquismo. Sin embargo, estas investigaciones han prestado escasa atención al papel de los ingenieros en la organización del trabajo forzado. Desde la perspectiva de los Perpetrator Studies, la organización del trabajo forzado puede interpretarse como una forma de perpetración de violencia en la que los ingenieros desempeñaron un papel clave. Mediante este enfoque, el presente artículo analiza la trayectoria del general del arma de Ingenieros Juan Petrirena Aurrecoechea (1885-1956), jefe del Servicio de Colonias Penitenciarias Militarizadas desde 1939 y responsable de la Jefatura de Ingenieros de las obras de fortificación de la Organización Defensiva de los Pirineos entre 1945 y 1951.

u 5 ¿Quién ha sido? Perpetradores, política y poesía después del 11-M Mi proyecto actual de investigación se centra en las representaciones de la violencia, la solidaridad y la memoria en la poesía española reciente, y en su intersección con la otredad étnica, sexual, de género, lingüística y religiosa, así como la globalización, la tecnología de la comunicación y los nacionalismos. En concreto, analizo la respuesta a los atentados terroristas de los trenes de cercanías de la clase trabajadora que tuvieron lugar el 11 de marzo de 2004 (conocidos en España como el 11-M). Este acontecimiento, que ocurrió días antes de las elecciones generales, puso de relieve las fuerzas culturales que subyacen en las nociones de identidad nacional, la transformación económica, el papel de los medios de comunicación y el contrato social en la España actual. Esta tensión se pudo comprobar en las grandes manifestaciones contra el neoliberalismo, la alianza de España con Estados Unidos en la "guerra contra el terrorismo" y el terrorismo vasco en los primeros días después de los atentados. Tras estas protestas populares hubo investigaciones policiales, batallas legales, y la creación de archivos y memoriales culturales. Mi estudio gira en torno a los textos poéticos dejados en los altares espontáneos erigidos en los lugares donde tuvieron lugar los atentados, publicados en libros, periódicos y antologías, incorporados a los monumentos, depositados en el Archivo del Duelo y/o publicados en blogs y otros foros electrónicos. Hay, literalmente, miles de estos textos poéticos, incluyendo poemas originales y libros escritos por reconocidos poetas de la Península y Latinoamérica, entre otros lugares; una novela escrita por un poeta estadounidense (Leaving the Atocha Station, de Ben Lerner), poemas de los dolientes, poesía de ocasión, canciones y oraciones, y textos de niños. Estos textos sirven como una especie de prisma que resalta narrativas contrapuestas acerca de identidades, géneros, naciones, tecnología y modernidades que se remontan a la Guerra Civil y que

24 Nisan Soykırımı'nın yıldönümü dolayısıyla Brüksel’de anma etkinliğini  düzenleyen Belçika Ermeniler Komitesi ile Avrupa Ermeni Federasyonu başkanlarına gönderdiğimiz mesaj ve Belçika Sosyalist Partisi’nin anma mesajına Türk lobisinin tepkisi

Intimate partner violence (IPV) is a serious and complex social issue with potentially fatal consequences. Beginning in the 1990s, specialized domestic violence courts gained prevalence throughout several jurisdictions in Canada as a mechanism to address victims’ needs (i.e. safety, support, participation and empowerment) while, largely by the use of therapeutic jurisprudential tenets, increasing offender accountability. The Battlefords Domestic Violence Treatment Option (BDVTO) began holding biweekly docket court on April 10, 2003. This study presents the lived experiences of three female survivors who volunteered to share their standpoint, regarding their involvement with the BDVTO Court. Through the survivors’ detailed first-hand testimonies, obtained through qualitative, semi-structured interviews, this study explores whether the BDVTO Court is achieving its stipulated goal of meeting victims’ needs. A feminist standpoint theory was utilized as the epistemological position throu...

On 13 September 1941, a new law carrying the death penalty was introduced by the General Government administration in German-occupied Poland. The law stated that "Jews who leave the Jewish residential district unauthorised are subject to the death penalty." 2 As a result, the legal sphere in the General Government was instrumentalised in support of the murder of European Jewry in what I would describe as a "Holocaust by trial." On 27 March 1942, a 16-year-old homeless Jewish girl from Warsaw, Chaja Kerszberg, was sentenced to three years in prison by the Special Court of the General Government for leaving the "Jewish residential district without a permit." 3 The

This article provides an initial overview of the German female staff who were employed in German courts across the General Government during the Nazi occupation of Poland, through the prism of twenty-four women and their personnal files. At the onset of the occupation, the occupiers quickly established a dense network of legal institutions with the purpose, as this article argues, to establish a sense of “law and order” and normalcy within all
spheres of society. With a focus on the Special Courts and German Courts across all five respective districts, this article traces the demographic, personal, and professional background of these German women. It inquires why they were transferred to the General Government and eventually returned to the Reich as late as in the summer of 1944, when the German legal institutions were evacuated. In a further step, their careers and lives throughout the occupation are outlined, through which networks among the German administrative staff become visible. This prism is especially insightful since the German legal sphere in the General Government was a male-dominated work field. However, these women played a decisive role in maintaining and operating the German prosecution of defendants of all ethnic backgrounds. In this way, this article explores the extent to which the female staff can be considered as perpetrators similar to their male counterparts, or what Hannah Arendt coined as “desk murderers”.

A háromszög-séma meglehetősen gyakori a modern ír irodalomban, ezen belül Joyce egyes művei (például „A holtak” című novella) mellett G. B. Shaw és J. M. Synge drámáiban is megtalálható. Leggyakrabban két férfi és egy nő alkotja a szerelmi és egyúttal hatalmi háromszöget. Vagy a patriarchátus szellemében a két férfialany tárgyiasítja a nőt, kétpólusúvá alakítva a hármas dinamikát, miközben erősíti a két férfi közti kapcsolatot (Pygmalion, A völgy árnyéka), vagy a nő követel magának ágenciát, hogy szubjektumként válasszon szerelmet és sorsot (Deirdre, a bánat leánya). Olyan, háromszögekkel is lehet találkozni, amelyekben két nő és egy férfi alkotja a sémát. Utóbbi a ritkább változat, amikor is a szerző egy konkrét férfi helyett több férfi nagyobb csoportját helyezi a háromszög egyik sarkába (Warrenné mestersége), majd a patriarchátus rögzített szerepeinek kritikájaként két nőt a másik két sarokba, megint csak kétpólusúvá alakítva a hárompólusú kapcsolatrendszert.

Delving into the dark realms of sexual violence, this study navigates the intricate web of sociopsychological factors that propel individuals to commit heinous acts. Focused on alleged perpetrators, the research spans two years, dissecting 302 cases of alleged perpetrators. Key findings expose a disconcerting surge in sex offenses, urging a deeper understanding and targeted prevention. Revelations include offenders predominantly aged 21-30 and victims falling within the vulnerable 11-20 age group. Unearthing motives such as invalid consensual intercourse and forcible rape, this study underscores the urgent need for preventative measures. This study's design involves a meticulous examination of alleged perpetrators, extending beyond conventional boundaries to encompass familial and psychological dimensions. Findings emphasize the intricate dance between offenders and victims, often within known circles. In a bid to curb the rising tide, this study proposes a multifaceted approach, advocating for formal psychoanalysis of accused individuals and addressing root causes. Recognizing the pivotal role of education, employment and awareness, the research calls for societal introspection and proactive measures to reshape attitudes towards female sexuality. This study serves as a clarion call, urging stakeholders to unite in the fight against sexual violence. It illuminates the path toward a safer, more informed society, where shadows are dispelled, and the cycle of aggression is broken.

A romantika és a holokauszt kapcsolatát a kritikusok általában a traumaelméletek kontextusában tárgyalják, és a tanúvallomás és a reprezentáció problémájával kötik össze (Hartman, Guyer). Timár Andrea Posztholokauszt Coleridge: Arendt, Coleridge és a francia forradalom című tanulmánya azonban S. T. Coleridge (1772–1834) és Hannah Arendt (1906–1975) politikai filozófiája között teremt kapcsolatot közös antiszentimentalizmusukra összpontosítva, amelyet mindketten egy példa nélküli történelmi válságra adott válasznak tekintenek. A szerző azt állítja, hogy Coleridge és Arendt a francia forradalmi terrorról adott látlelete egyaránt szorosan összefonódik Rousseau-kritikájukkal, s különösképpen azzal a kritikával, amellyel a Rousseau-féle „részvét” vagy az „együttérzés” egalitariánus (mindenkit egyenlővé tevő) jellegét illetik. Arendt holokauszt utáni antiszentimentalizmusa tehát egyrészt a francia forradalmi terrorra adott válaszához kapcsolódik, másrészt azon konzervatív, 19. századi brit reakciók visszhangjának tűnik, amelyek a forradalmi fanatizmust (számos 20. századi gondolkodót megelőzve) „érzelmi fertőzésként” értelmezték.

The German legal theory is of crucial importance for understanding the continental legal tradition to which most of the continent's legal systems belong. The continental legal tradition reaches far beyond Europe influencing the development of legal systems of countries on other continents. Having in mind the reach history of the German legal theory in reviving and rethinking the old Roman law that lies in the foundations of the contemporary continental legal tradition, researching it is a very important task for all lawyers, theorists and practitioners that work in legal systems belonging to the continental legal tradition. However, the German legal theory beside its bright side has also a very dark past during the rule of the national-socialist terror regime in Germany from 1933 till 1945. The terror regime was underpinned by legal perversion to which creation, unfortunately, many leading legal theorists contributed. After the end of the Second World War, as in many other areas of living, also in the legal science ruled a "vow of silence". During the sixties od the 20 th century this "vow of silence" was interrupted by an ambitious and brave young lawyer Bernd Rüthers who revealed the intellectual crimes of the leading German legal theorists during that period in his habilitation thesis. The focus of this paper is on the intellectual work of Bernd Rüthers in researching the dark side of the German legal theory and the influence his research had on initiating a broader debate of this issue among German lawyers, but also historians during the eighties of the 20 th century. That debate helped the process of "dealing with the past" in the German society that was necessary not only to understand the dark past, but also not to let the dark past repeat in the future.

En este artículo analizo El soldado que no fue, un documental chileno que se acerca al pasado dictatorial desde el ámbito de las Fuerzas Armadas, a través de sus actores secundarios, dando así visibilidad a las zonas grises del régimen. El documental aborda el caso de los jóvenes que fueron llamados a cumplir con el servicio militar obligatorio el mismo año del golpe. Aunque eran el último eslabón en la cadena de mando, al cumplir con sus funciones sostenían, de algún modo, el andamiaje del sistema
autoritario y represivo. Al dar cabida a estos nuevos actores, el documental presenta interrogantes sobre la responsabilidad y la complicidad en situaciones de crueldad en el ejército dictatorial, que inevitablemente
cuestionan la institución armada del presente e interrogan tanto las posibilidades del nunca más en Chile como el concepto de ciudadano forjado en democracia.

Los setenta siguen siendo un terreno minado en la Argentina. Nada deja esto tan en evidencia como la discusión sobre las responsabilidades por el ciclo de violencia política y sobre el número de desaparecidos, un tema que vuelve una y otra vez y divide, de un lado, a quienes sostienen posiciones abiertamente negacionistas y, del otro, a quienes enarbolan el símbolo de los 30 000.
¿Cómo salir del laberinto por arriba, sin alimentar tabúes que suelen retornar de la peor manera, si no es a partir de un trabajo serio, sostenido en datos?
Con un interrogante central como guía –qué sabía la sociedad sobre la represión clandestina en los años posteriores al golpe de Estado–, y basándose en la revisión de archivos, testimonios y documentos, Emilio Crenzel reconstruye cómo los familiares de desaparecidos, los organismos de derechos humanos, los exiliados y las organizaciones armadas elaboraron, de manera paulatina, un saber sobre el sistema de desaparición. Y analiza las miradas, muchas veces en tensión entre sí, sobre los responsables, el paradero de las víctimas, las estrategias para contabilizarlas y su destino final. Así, muestra que incluso en el universo de los denunciantes había interpretaciones divergentes, en parte porque la magnitud del horror dificultaba asumir lo que estaba pasando.
Con un enfoque riguroso y profundamente sensible, este libro imprescindible apuesta a decirnos que pensar los 30 000 implica volver a “contarlos” en más de un sentido: para explicar de dónde sale la cifra pero, sobre todo, para afrontar con fundamentos certeros las preguntas más incómodas. Y para reconocer lo que todavía ignoramos sobre los propios desaparecidos, los sobrevivientes y los perpetradores.

The practice of mandatory recourse to linguistic experts’ opinions
in cases pertaining to racial, ethnic, and other types of hatred and
hostility, has caused the vast development of different approaches to
the analysis of the texts. During last ten years, numerous methods for
identifying “verbal extremism” have been recommended. It has been
suggested that the evolution of Russian legal linguistics has not yet
resulted in a “common theoretical basis for linguistic investigation in
court that is shared by all experts”. The current status of the proposed
approach to studying texts in order to identify “hostility and hate” demonstrates both the difficulty of establishing a general theoretical basis
for forensic linguistics as a whole and the contradictions that arise in
applying the numerous methodologies that exist in Russian science
for studying “extremist” texts.

Western literature provides an array of information regarding resilience within at-risk youth. Resilience research within non-Western contexts, and more specifically with exploited youth, is more limited. Despite exploitation, some youth develop a hardy ability to overcome adversity, allowing them more mastery over their environments and even increased psychological steadfastness. This project involved exploring the protective factors of resilience and psychological functioning in Cambodian youth, specifically a group of 24 survivors of sexual trafficking and another group of 24 rural youth without reported exploitation. The ages of participants ranged from J 3 to 22 years, with the average age being 15.62 years [standard deviation (SD=2.68)]. Results indicated resilience constructs (mastery and relatedness) correlated with psychological functioning (anxiety and depression), as expected. The sense of relatedness was moderately associated with age. Also, as predicted, the trafficked young women demonstrated more resilience and less pathology. Consistent with previous research, earlier trauma is believed to inoculate survivors of trauma against further stress, mobilize them to better confront adversity and reduce psychological disruptions. Understanding these issues can help in understanding the relationship between resilience factors and psychological functioning as we!! as the strengths of many trauma survivors. Their strengths are particularly useful for developing effective treatment protocols for traumatized youth from non-Western backgrounds.

También en Madrid he podido conocer y charlar con Joan Enric Garcés, el asesor de Allende, y con Manolo Foncillas, un militante socialista exiliado tras el golpe de Estado . En Chile he de agradecer, de modo muy especial, a un número importante de militantes socialistas y familiares de las víctimas que tuvieron la deferencia de contarme sus experiencias, algunas de ellas muy dolorosas .