Public Address

As the Republican Party rides high in the public eye and as Hilary Clinton struggles to carry the only “mainstream” political banner in the 2016 presidential race, with Sanders on the Democratic left waiting to make his demands the questions everyone is asking now are: “How on earth did the whole thing fall apart? Where did the “mainstream” wheels go? Why are sparks flying from all four axels of the two post-grand old parties? What has brought the nation to this chaotic electoral penny dreadful expression of anxiety and rage?

School System and its media coverage as a process of re-covenanting. The author demonstrates that, by splitting the totem of the identity of Canada into a sinning chapter and an essential national character, members of the totem domain were able to sacrifice the totem of Canada, which had been polluted through violations of the beliefs in equality and human rights in the residential school system though the symbolic sacrifice of the leader and representative of the people, the Prime Minister. After sacrificing the totem of the sinning nation through the humiliation of the confession of sin and apology, the totem was regenerated to its unpolluted, ideal state. This apology process constitutes a narrative of re-covenanting in line with Abrahamic and more universal religious structures, reaffirming our commitment to the values of the apology. v To those who forgive.

By examining selected cartoons, the study attempts to investigate the impact of the multimodal pragmatic approach on the analysis of candidate prospects in the 24 American Presidential elections. In addition, such cartoons and clusters within cartoons are intended to be employed as an inference tool to predict presidential candidates' highest probability of winning and highest percentage of losing. There is a proposed multimodal pragmatic model that is detailed and simplified by the researcher constituting major components: type of data, clusters, a metainformation, contradictions and implicated conclusion. Such a suggested multimodal pragmatic model is derived from Barthes's (1977) and Pastra's (2008) models. Both Barthes's (1977) and Pastra's (2008) models are redundant, superfluous and sometimes confusing. In accordance with the clusters including verbal and visual content under study both Harris (the winner) and Trump (the loser) have the same percentage of clusters. To conclude, Harris, that has the lowest ratio of losing, is more fortunate than both Trump having the lowest percentage of winning and Biden having the highest percentage of losing in presidential race. Thus, the study has scrutinized the impact of the multimodal pragmatic approach on the analysis of candidate prospects in the 24 American Presidential elections. The researcher has also demonstrated that such cartoons and clusters within cartoons can be used as an inference tool to predict the likelihood of presidential candidates winning and losing.

Voices of a People’s History is the companion volume to Howard Zinn’s A People’s History of the United States. For Voices, Zinn and Anthony Arnove selected testimonies to living history—speeches, letters, poems, songs—left by the people who make history happen but who usually are left out of history books.

Zinn has written short introductions to the texts, which range in length from letters or poems of less than a page to entire speeches and essays that run several pages. Voices of a People’s History is a symphony of our nation’s original voices, rich in ideas and actions, the embodiment of the power of civil disobedience and dissent wherein lies our nation’s true spirit of defiance and resilience.

Here in their own words are Frederick Douglass, George Jackson, Chief Joseph, Martin Luther King Jr., Plough Jogger, Sacco and Vanzetti, Patti Smith, Bruce Springsteen, Mark Twain, Paul Robeson, Cesar Chavez, Leonard Peltier,  June Jordan, Walter Mosley, Ethel and Julius Rosenberg, Yolanda Huet-Vaughn, and Malcolm X, to name just a few of the hundreds of voices that appear in Voices of a People’s History of the United States, edited by Howard Zinn and Anthony Arnove.

[This essay first appeared on the LA Progressive website on August 14, 2025.]  Steven Pearlstein’s "Moral Capitalism: Why Fairness Won't Make Us Poor" was published last year, as was a book of essays also entitled "Moral Capitalism." Pearlstein writes that many of us have come to believe that our present-day U. S. capitalism has “run off the moral rails, offending our sense of fairness, eroding our sense of community, poisoning our politics, and rewarding values that easily degenerate into greed and indifference. . . . We seek a new, more moral capitalism.” In the Forward to the book of essays, we read that “most of us recognize that we should not divorce economic pursuits from moral considerations.” Part of the problem in regard to how we view capitalism is how we define it. There is a vast difference between the capitalism desired by Franklin Roosevelt and that of Donald Trump. The first is closer to the “moral capitalism” of the new books mentioned above; the second more like the hyper capitalism decried in his 2023 book "It’s OK to Be Angry About Capitalism" by Sen. Bernie Sanders.

In today's polarized discourse, a subtle yet powerful cognitive asymmetry favors the power of anecdotes over the rigor of statistical reasoning. This balance-or imbalance-is deeply political, shaping how we perceive authority, interpret data, and form narratives. At its ideological core, the Right echoes the structure of religion, while the Left leans toward science-each facing its own vulnerabilities. In the labyrinthine discourse of our contemporary age, where every utterance seems to fall into the gravitational pull of ideological allegiance, there exists a quiet but potent asymmetry-one that profoundly shapes our collective epistemology. It is the asymmetry between the seductive immediacy of anecdote and the austere authority of statistical reasoning. And though subtle, this asymmetry is not without consequence; it constitutes one of the foundational fault lines in the modern struggle over truth, meaning, and power. Anecdotes, with their visceral texture and narrative intimacy, appeal to our evolutionary instincts. They present lived experience in a form that is easily metabolized by our cognitive apparatus-stories with protagonists, crises, resolutions. Statistics, by contrast, demand abstraction. They require from us a kind of faith-not in numbers per se, but in the systems that produce them, the methodologies that undergird them, and the dispassionate logic that interprets them. Thus, in the contest between the personal and the systemic, the singular and the aggregate, the former often wins-not because it is truer, but because it is more human. Yet this cognitive preference is not ideologically neutral. Rather, it reveals itself as deeply political in both origin and consequence. Narratives, especially those built from anecdotal fragments, become powerful instruments of persuasion. They can reify prejudice, stir collective memory, and incite action. But they can also obscure systemic patterns and render invisible the structural forces that shape society. The political implications are immense: anecdotal thinking often leads to policies driven by emotion, by moral panic, or by symbolic gesture-rather than by empirical understanding. At the heart of this dynamic lies a deeper philosophical cleavage: the metaphysical inclinations of the Right and the Left. The contemporary Right, especially in its populist expressions, mirrors the architecture of traditional religion. It seeks certainty in tradition, authority in myth, and moral clarity in absolutes. This affinity for religious structure allows for a narrative style that is often resistant to empirical disruption. Anecdotes, in this framework, serve as parables-microcosmic truths that reinforce a larger metaphysical worldview. The

In the wake of the recent mid-term elections, this book makes interesting reading. David Farber's overall argument here, as emphasised by the title, is that conservatism as a recognisable political movement, ranging from Robert Taft in the 1930s through to George W. Bush in the 2000s, has entered a period of decline. This could be a strong dose of (academic, liberal) wishful thinking, or, possibly, the author is on to something, but the American voter hasn't realised it yet.The crucial point is of course the rise and fall of American conservatism, as if this movement, originating essentially in opposition to the New Deal, is now largely spent. In the conclusion the author comments: "As I write these last sentences, the conservative political movement, some seventy years in the making, is in disarray, waiting for new champions or, perhaps, simply changing circumstances" (261). But the book is in no way made obsolete by recent Republican successes. On the contrary, it puts things in a new perspective.

The following written dialogue began as an intergenerational conversation, hosted by the lesbian feminist literary journal Sinister Wisdom, about Mairead Sullivan's book Lesbian Death: Desire and Danger between Feminist and Queer, and continued over a series of Zoom conversations in the spring of 2024. We discuss what the term lesbian means to

Adaption of the new technology is a prerequisite for the business's survival and to meet the quality standard. The public address system is widely used in all areas of living; it helps the host speaker to easily disperse the desired messages. This study aimed to develop a wireless digital broadcasting with voice alarm and text-to-speech (TTS) feature that can wirelessly transmit audio signals from the main campus to its satellite campus over long distances. Also, the prototype has a TTS feature that can offer high-quality and stable speech. The main campus is the Colegio de San Antonio de Padua (CSAP) located at Guinsay, Danao City Cebu, Philippines with a satellite campus at Brangay Suba, Danao City, with a distance of not less than four kilometers and not greater than five kilometers from the main campus. The researcher used the descriptive developmental method of research as the systematic study of designing, developing, and evaluating programs that must meet the criteria of internal consistency and effectiveness. The rapid prototyping model was used during the system development while the criteria in McCall's Factor Model were used to test the system according to its usability, applicability, and efficiency.

This paper presents an original method of intention detection that can open a new direction of research in voice-based affective computing. A deep learning approach was used to detect the consistency between real and expressed intentions of a speaker (or the inconsistency, that is related to deceiving – or manipulative – intention), as reflected in their voice. The labeling and triangulation of results imply a qualitative research method, critical discourse analysis, and require expert evaluation. The method was implemented in a software platform integrated with the neural network programming frame. The deep learning architecture selected is based on similar models used by the authors in affective computing applications. The experimental research applied the proposed method for a famous historical case: US President Richard Nixon’s audio speeches from the ‘Watergate affair’. A labeled data base of 2758 files (2 seconds audio fragments) was generated, based on publicly available voic...

This essay examines Barack Obama's rhetoric during the 2008 presidential campaign. I argue that the use of metaphoric roads and landscapes in his speeches helped Obama to create a diverse political coalition by depicting the citizenry traveling together on a shared American journey. Such language also enabled Obama to bring together a range of policy objectives as stations along this common path. Obama's campaign logo enhanced this political imagery by presenting a dynamic scene with the stripes of the American lag suggesting movement over a hillside set against the backdrop of a rising sun. The essay analyzes Obama's use of these verbal and visual tropes in the context of similar rhetoric employed throughout the history of American public discourse from John Winthrop to Martin Luther King, Jr.

🌟 Ronald Reagan: The Unyielding Spirit of an American Icon 🌟
As we reflect on the legacy of Ronald Reagan, the 40th President of the United States, we unveil a journey marked by resilience, determination, and an unwavering commitment to the American spirit. Rising from humble beginnings in Tampico, Illinois, Reagan's life is a testament to the idea that with perseverance and faith, anyone can achieve greatness.
🚀 From Actor to Leader: Reagan's incredible journey started as a radio sports announcer and transitioned into a successful Hollywood career, where he honed his communication skills. These skills propelled him into politics, leading him to significant reforms as Governor of California in 1966. His focus on fiscal conservatism and minimizing government interference laid the groundwork for his future as a transformative President.
📈 Reaganomics and Economic Revival: Elected in 1980 during a time of economic turmoil, Reagan brought forth "Reaganomics," which prioritized tax cuts, deregulation, and a strong national defense. While critics argue these policies favored the wealthy, the economic growth that ensued and the millions of jobs created are undeniable achievements that continue to influence the conversation around economic policy today.
🌍 Diplomacy and the Cold War: Reagan's foreign policy was equally impactful. His steadfast opposition to communism and confrontational stance towards the Soviet Union shifted into a powerful commitment to diplomacy. The signing of the Intermediate-Range Nuclear Forces Treaty with Gorbachev in 1987 marked a pivotal moment in U.S. history, showcasing Reagan’s belief in the power of negotiation.
🎤 Cultural Icon: But Reagan's influence extends beyond policy—his charismatic communication inspired a resurgence of American optimism. The "Reagan Era" transformed societal attitudes, promoting traditional values and unifying a nation facing challenges. He became a symbol of hope, reminding us that together we can overcome adversity.
✨ A Lasting Legacy: Today, Reagan's legacy teaches us the importance of resilience, optimism, and faith in our dreams. He embodied the idea that leadership is about creating a shared vision and motivating others to unite for a common purpose. As we navigate a complex world, let’s draw inspiration from Reagan’s spirit and strive for a future that embraces hope, unity, and determination.
👇 Let's honor the legacy of this American icon by working towards a society that fosters inclusivity, optimism, and a shared responsibility for the well-being of all. Together, we can create a better tomorrow! ✨

Much of the debate in Republican circles for the last several election cycles has been about how Republican presidents always disappoint in office, never stand strongly enough for conservative principles and compromise too much with Democrats. It is debatable whether a Republican president who really stood firmly for principle and refused to compromise could govern at all, let alone effectively. But there is no question that all the Republican presidents of the postwar era were far more liberal than the Republican base, especially today’s Republican base. Insofar as history is a guide, the next Republican president will also probably disappoint.

Martin Luther King Jr. once declared, “Injustice anywhere is a threat to justice everywhere.” His vision of a just and inclusive world transcends time and geography.  Each year, MLK Day -Martin Luther King Jr. Day- is celebrated in America on the third Monday of January, a time to reflect on his ideals and take action to realize his dream. As Sri Lanka embarks on a transformative journey under the presidency of Anura Kumara Dissanayake (AKD), and his government's 'Clean Sri Lanka Project', this article examines how MLK's principles provide valuable guidance for building a just and equitable society in the pearl nation of the Indian Ocean.

How combat veterans account for the actions they performed during their service, and the success or failure of the rhetorical choices they make during these accounts, have the utmost bearing not only on their own well-being but on their communities' characterizations of the military itself. By performing a qualitative analysis of the accounts in Inès Moldavsky's Naked Israel, I hope to begin to see if combat veterans who are accused of the most grievous kinds of wartime actions choose a unique set of image repair techniques. Quite apart from assessments of how guilt should be properly placed, we ought to have a notion of the typical ways in which those who are accused of genocide and other war crimes respond to those accusations. This paper is intended as a prelude to a larger data-driven assessment of image repair techniques among combat veterans who face accusations of war crimes and genocide.

This study analyzes the linguistic patterns and rhetorical strategies employed in the 2024 U.S. presidential debates from the exchanges between Donald Trump, Joe Biden, and Kamala Harris. This paper examines debate transcripts to find underlying themes and communication styles using Natural Language Processing (NLP) advanced techniques, including an n-gram analysis, sentiment analysis, and lexical diversity measurements. The methodology combines a quantitative text analysis with qualitative interpretation through the Jaccard similarity coefficient, the Type–Token Ratio, and the Measure of Textual Lexical Diversity. The empirical results reveal distinct linguistic profiles for each candidate: Trump consistently employed emotionally charged language with high sentiment volatility, while Biden and Harris demonstrated more measured approaches with higher lexical diversity. Finally, this research contributes to the understanding of political discourse in high-stakes debates through NLP and can offer information on the evolution of the communication strategies of the presidential candidates of any country with this regime.

This paper conducts a contrastive critical discourse analysis to examine the role of repetition in selected speeches delivered by Robert F. Kennedy (RFK) and Martin Luther King Jr. (MLK) against social injustice. The study aims to examine repetition as a rhetorical and linguistic device through a contrastive lens, presenting its divergent usage and impact on framing these significant speeches. Along with this, the study tries to highlight the underpinning ideologies through the used types of repetition. By adopting Cockcroft and Cockcroft’s (2014) framework and by following a mixed method of research analysis, the study has found that RFK’s speeches employ certain types of repetition, namely, random repletion, initial repetition, stop-and-start, and full circle so that to emphasise key points, ideas, actions in order to make the speeches memorable and give them variety as well as to impact emotions. Concerning MLK’s speeches, the study has found that repetition, through its various types, is used to emphasise and to ensure key messages about social injustice and allow the audience to reinforce these messages. The study has also revealed that types of repetition are interrelated and could be used interchangeably; thus, a repeated phrase of initial repetition could be repeated in random, stop-and-start, full-circle types. It has been identified that repetition is a powerful device in uncovering ideology, by repeating certain words, phrases, ideologies become apparent. Accordingly, RFK’s ideologies are: social justice, liberalism and democracy, resistance and humanitarianism, while, MLK’s ideologies are: progress and change, non-violence and justice, civil rights and racial equality.

Throughout the years of my project, I am indebted to the expertise and encouragement of many people. I am most fortunate to have Rebecca L. Davis as my dissertation advisor. Rebecca has been the kindest and intellectually most generous mentor, and I am proud to be her first advisee. My dissertation committee members

The Perot candidacy in 1992 is appropriately understood as an important extension of candidate-centered politics in U.S. presidential politics. Our purpose in this paper is to demonstrate a link between participation in the 1992 Perot campaign, and active involvement in U.S. House races in 1994. Our analysis takes into account two rival hypotheses in accounting for active participation in 1994 congressional campaigns: predispositions to participate in House campaigns, and mobilization effects linked to the compelling choice our respondents may have faced in 1994. We employ a panel design to impose aggressive controls, but we find a consistent significant effect on 1994 major-party activity of mobilization in the 1992 Perot campaign. Despite the strongly anti-party character of the Perot movement, and even in a sample of relatively independent, anti-party, and disaffected Perot activists, this "spillover" effect from one campaign to another is present, and leads us to question the degree to which candidate-centered politics undermines the long-term interests of the two major parties. * p < .01 ** p < .05

This study compares the inaugural and resignation speeches of Boris Yeltsin, the first democratically elected president of the Russian Federation. It responds to the present call for interdisciplinary research on presidential politics in Russian post-Soviet history. The aim of this comparison is to link the speeches to their historical context by showing how textual similarities or differences may contribute to our understanding of the political environment in Russian post-1991 history. To this end, the study examined the rhetorical situation in the English transcripts of Yeltsin's speeches following a brief historical discussion of his presidency. Within the framework of this study, the rhetorical situation consists of circumstances and the historical context that affect the speech and speaker. In this process, the study identified and compared five components which were audience, purpose, topic, speaker and context. Emphasis was given to the historical context behind these speeches and how Yeltsin's utterances were historically significant. Following a discussion of similarities and differences between these texts, the comparison concluded that Yeltsin's speeches corresponded rhetorically to the historical context in which they were delivered and therefore reflected the trajectory of Russian democracy from 1991 to 1999. Furthermore, the comparison suggested that Boris Yeltsin viewed this trajectory as progress rather than process. In the end, the article discussed how these conclusions could be relevant to presidential politics in contemporary Russian history.

marked the fortieth anniversary of President Jimmy Carter's "Crisis of Confidence" speech, a catalyst for what became an often overlooked yet significant turning point in the nation's history. Carter's words were both poignant and pointed as he calmly, yet directly, addressed the nation's dependence on fossil fuels and engagement in narcissistic practices that led to a coveting of material goods. In an examination of the events that shaped this historical moment, this dissertation contends that, despite President Carter's attempt to steer America in a more environmentally and socially conscious direction, the nation instead acquiesced to Ronald Reagan's rhetoric of American exceptionalism. Carter's rhetoric, his ethos, and his leadership during the crisis provide exemplars for how we might navigate our current crisis of higher education within communication and the humanities. In Carter, we can find a glimmer of hope that v we might restore our confidence in civic leadership, public speaking, and political education, and influence college and university students to engage in meaningful, ethical work inside the political theater. vi DEDICATION This dissertation is dedicated to our nation's 49 th President, Jimmy Carter, for his confidence in American civic traditions, and for his ceaseless work on behalf of peace and human dignity throughout the world. The integrity and honesty with which he led can, hopefully, inspire educators and other civic leaders to follow his path. vii ACKNOWLEDGEMENT I would like to thank the many individuals who, in some way, helped me throughout this process. First, my appreciation goes out to the professors and students in the Department of Communication & Rhetorical Studies at Duquesne University, all of whom had a profound impact on my education as a PhD student. I offer a special thanks to Ms. Kati Sudnick and Dr. Sarah DeIuliis for their friendship and scholarly advice throughout these past four years, and also to Mrs. Rita McCaffrey for her seemingly daily help and calming presence during stressful times. To my dissertation committee: First, my thanks goes to Dr. Craig Maier for his guidance and coaching throughout this project. My knowledge and understanding of scholarship have increased profoundly, as have my knowledge and understanding of myself. To Dr. Ronald C. Arnett, I offer my deepest gratitude for your wisdom, patience, and life's perspectives. I can only hope to influence my students' lives in the same way that your teaching has influenced mine. To Dr. Janie Harden Fritz, I remain forever grateful for your faith in me, and for your help and counsel whenever I needed it. Were not for you, and for our meeting four years ago, none of this would be possible. Lastly, thank you to my entire family and to all of my friends for their ceaseless love and support as I traveled this journey. I especially thank Laura, Ethan, and Anthony for nourishing my strength and my faith during these past four years, and also for being my constant source of inspiration. viii

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Much of the unease felt by the working and lower-middle class about “the economy” stems from frustration over the end of many pandemic-era cash transfers and stimulus checks, which were initiated by both the Trump and Biden administrations. These transfers and the forced savings due to the lockdowns allowed some families to pay credit card debt and even increase their savings, which for many are now depleted again.

This research explores the intersection of U.S. politics and gender marginalization, examining how political structures and policies affect women's rights and gender equality. It analyzes historical and contemporary examples of systemic inequality, highlighting the impact of legislation and political representation on marginalized genders. Using a critical framework, the study assesses the implications of political decisions on gender equity, advocating for reforms that promote social justice and inclusion. By addressing the roots of gender marginalization within U.S. political systems, this paper contributes to the ongoing discourse on gender equality and political representation.

Why should we bring rhetoric, or the art of persuasion, into our accounts of Bhimrao Ambedkar and his philosophy? This short article shows how important it is to consider Ambedkar as a thoughtful and powerful rhetor, adjusting his ideas to his specific audiences and his audiences to his ideas. Original post: https://www.roundtableindia.co.in/why-bring-rhetoric-into-our-stories-about-ambedkar/

With thanks to Aneesh Manangath Manu Bazzano Jane doesn't like J. K. Rowling. Harry Potter is a gripping story, but there is one major flaw, she says. Despite the protagonist's appeal as an orphan who discovers magic powers and so forth, his fate is predetermined. In my story, my client continues, the main character, a girl, is

Universities face unique challenges when publicly (a)mending their complex histories, particularly around histories of racial exclusion and violence. We suggest that higher education institutions may use polyvocal expressions of public memory that blur epideictic and apologetic rhetorics, yet retain boundaries that serve institutional interests. We assess the case study of the memorial service for Dr. AutherineLucy Foster at The University of Alabama in March 2022 through the lens of Corporate Responsibility to Race (CRR), drawing four implications that generate insights into the ways complex institutional voice balances risk. We seek to demonstrate how a critical public relations framework, infused with critical rhetorical approaches to public memory, holds value for a productive examination of attempts to amend hurtful pasts.

[This essay first appeared on the LA Progressive website on 7/10/2024.] With a presidential election coming up in less than four months, we once again find ourselves at a crossroad. Will we continue to recover from our recent Covid epidemic or will we retreat further into the unreal world of Donald Trump, the world of climate change being a hoax, the 2020 election being “stolen” from him, and of authoritarian, white, Christian rule being the ideal? For much of our history we have thought of ourselves as an “exceptional” country. But like many other nations, we have our plusses and minuses. As much as we revere George Washington and Thomas Jefferson and admire their noble qualities, they were also slave owners. And from the very beginnings of our history, Whites were taking land away from Native Americans, and for over two centuries these practices continued. This “double-edged sword” continued throughout our history. We had Lincoln, Frederick Douglass, the Progressives, Franklin Roosevelt,  Martin Luther King, Jr., and the Civil Rights legislation of the 1960s, but also--in addition to slavery and the treatment of Native Americans--the Ku Klux Klan, southern segregation (all the way up to the 1960s), and George Wallace darkened the pages of our history We also had our earlier prejudices against certain types of immigrants. Abroad we also had our ignoble days or years. And we have been at crossroads before. Think back to the 1860 election. Lincoln’s chief rival was the pro-slavery Kentuckian John C. Breckinridge, who won nine southern states. If he had bested Lincoln, slavery would not have ended when it did. But on that occasion, to use Lincoln’s phrase just months after his election, “the better angels of our nature” triumphed. Will they do likewise in November 2024?

art of the implicit charge of this task force is to call the presidency to its ethical obligations, most particularly with respect to its rhetorical activities. And yet as any observer of the ongoing four-year cycles of presidential campaigning has come to see, American political discourse is saturated with candidate rhetoric designed to display "character" and surrogate rhetoric designed to cast doubt on the character of rival candidates. Talk radio often excoriates the character of political opponents as a premise and primary subject of political conversation. We distract ourselves with indignation, yet have trouble finding a purchase for reflective ethical inquiry and mutually respectful policy debate. In some 318 TASK FORCE REPORTS CHARACTER AS RHETORICAL PROOF Ethics, and the perceived enactment of ethics in the performed character of the speaker, form part of the "proof" of any discourse, from the audience's point of view. This form of proof Aristotle called ethos. 2 To ethos (the depicted character of the speaker or implied author), contemporary rhetorical theory has added concerns with how texts represent not only their authors but also their listeners and readers (second persona; implied audience); and how the text represents other human agents. 3 Listeners do and should assess the ethical character of a speaker as part of the speaker's general argument; the rhetorical text itself is a guide, though in the age of ghostwriting not always a reliable guide to presidential ethos. 4 Assessments of presidential ethics properly include a consideration of how the president depicts not only himself or herself but also other human agents. ETHICS OF COMMUNICATION IMPLIED BY RHETORIC ITSELF The act of engaging in rhetoric, as speaker or listener, implies ethical obligations for both. Karl Wallace wrote that "communication carries its ethics within itself," by which he meant that "public address of any kind is inseparable from the values which permeate a free and democratic community." 5 Wallace argued that in a democratic society, speakers have an implicit obligation to meet certain ethical standards-they should be well informed on the subjects they address and should acknowledge legitimate opposing views; they should be fair and accurate and should help their listeners to arrive at fair judgments by cultivating the "habit of justice"; they should reveal the sources of their motives, information, and opinion; they should make themselves publicly accountable and should prefer public to private motivations; they should "acknowledge and respect diversity of argument and opinion"; they should respect dissent. 6 Employing Wallace's sense of the implicit ethical rules of democratic rhetoric, Christopher Lyle Johnstone argues that Ronald Reagan's 1984 campaign rhetoric was deficient in meeting "the procedural standards of intelligent public deliberation and judgment." 7 He has bequeathed us a vision of the political process in which the values and forms of democratic decision-making have been replaced by activities and expectations geared more to entertainment than ETHICAL RESPONSIBILITIES 319

Although Reinhold Niebuhr's account of democracy aims to protect marginalized communities by restraining sin through the diffusion of power, the conceptions of sin and love that inform his political theology have anti-democratic consequences for members of these communities. I address this inconsistency by revisiting his underdeveloped idea of mutual love and clarifying his account of sin. Mutual love occupies crucial terrain between agape and justice for Niebuhr, and therefore enables moral agents to achieve democratic goals. Given the nature and importance of mutual love, I clarify Niebuhr's account of sin by making his position on ''self-love'' more moderate than it often appears.

'll just quickly mention here at the beginning that my casual play on Yeats's famous line "that is no country for old men" is less arbitrary than it would at first appear. Not only does the poem "Sailing to Byzantium" involve a kind of pilgrimage that we might compare to the journey of many poor and middling classes to Pennsylvania in the eighteenth century, but Yeats's status as an Irish poet-and poet of Irish liberation-is appropriate to the background of early capitalism and settler colonialism in Pennsylvania, as we'll see. So on that note, I'll

It was obvious from the tone and content that President Biden’s speech, delivered at the D-Day 80th anniversary commemoration in Normandy, was patterned on — and deliberately echoed — President Reagan’s iconic  D-Day 40th anniversary speech.  While President Biden’s speechwriter does not compare to President Reagan’s speechwriter, Peggy Noonan, and few presidents match President Reagan’s ability to deliver a speech, President Biden's speech was one that touched on America's foundational vision of liberty and of our history of  standing up to tyrants who threaten human rights and hard-won freedoms. (download to read more)