Presidential rhetoric

This paper delves into the importance of an eclectic approach and conceptual fluency in enhancing students’ language learning in the Chinese context. The Chinese students observed by the author often reach a stagnation point in their advancement, wherein they produce grammatically correct language that lacks creative use of language, such as the effective use of metaphors. This paper argues that an eclectic approach focusing on conceptual fluency, which is frequently neglected in language classrooms, can improve students’ language beyond the grammatical “well-formedness” of sentences. Multiple studies have also confirmed the benefits of integrating conceptual fluency into language teaching. The paper culminates in cross-linguistic and categorization tasks designed to enhance metaphor awareness. Language teachers are encouraged to focus not only on grammar and communication but also on developing students’ metaphorical competence and conceptual fluency.

Presented research describes the character of message and techniques used in TV political advertising during the 2016 US presidential campaign. The results unambiguously indicate a steady increase in the use of negative ads during political campaign. Television commercials of Hilary Clinton and Donald Trump focused mostly on discrediting their political opponent. In addition, the content of negative ads more frequently referred to image characteristics than to issues. Prezentowane badania opisują styl przekazu i techniki użyte w telewizyjnych reklamach z amerykańskiej kampanii prezydenckiej z 2016 roku. Wyniki jednoznacznie wskazują na postępującą negatywizację przekazu kampanijnego. Zarówno Hilary Clinton, jak i Donald Trump skupili się w spotach głównie na dyskredytowaniu politycznego przeciwnika. Dodatkowo treści zawarte w negatywnych reklamach telewizyjnych częściej odnosiły się do kwestii wizerunkowych (image ads) aniżeli problemowych (issue ads).

In this essay, I argue that neoliberalism should be thought of ecologically.
Working from the ecological turn in rhetorical studies, I hold that ecology is
often used as a framework to describe how rhetorics interact, transform, and
alter one another. Understood in terms of interaction, transformation, and
alteration, neoliberalism fundamentally transforms (and is transformed by) the rhetorics and discourses with which it comes into contact. I demonstrate this process of transformation through the case of Bears Ears National Monument’s shrinking boundaries as they came into contact with the different neoliberal commitments of two presidents, Barack Obama and Donald Trump. Following the presidents’ different neoliberalisms, I show that both neoliberalism and the boundaries changed through interactions with factors in the monument’s dynamic ecology.

This study sought to look at usage of deixis in the 64 th Independence Day speech delivered by Nana Addo Danquah Akufo-Addo, the president of Ghana. The Qualitative method was employed with a focus on descriptive text analysis. Data was purposively selected, downloaded, and converted from pdf to word format. The study focused on how the three types of deixis; person, time, and place were used. Their occurrences, effects, and the possible reasons for their use. It was revealed that person deixis had the highest usage, followed by time deixis and place deixis. It was also revealed that the first-person pronouns (I, we, us, and our) had the highest exploitation. By the generous use of these pronouns as deictic elements, the speaker achieved the most desired effects required of a speech of this nature-call for unity, teamwork, sacrifice, and commitment of all, especially at a time when the country had been hardest hit by the covid-19 pandemic. Time and place deixis all occurred in both proximal and distal forms relative to the time and place of the speaker and deictic center. By proximal use, time, and place deixis created some form of closeness and engagement with the audience, the people of Ghana. Distal forms created distance in time, suggestive of the 'pastness' of the events that led to the actual independence struggle concerning the time of speaking. They also depicted the positioning of these events in relation to the speaker's current positioning as the deictic center. It also created some form of psychological distance between the speaker and the audience.

In an era marked by political apathy, rising extremism, and deepening democratic distrust, traditional campaign strategies rooted in rational persuasion and policy precision are losing their grip on the public imagination.

This essay proposes a bold shift: the strategic embrace of emotional politics-a form of political engagement that centers human feelings, lived experience, and collective emotional narratives as the foundation for political mobilization.
Far from advocating manipulation or sentimentality, this essay defends emotional politics as a necessary, ethical, and transformative tool to reconnect people with the political process. It argues that emotions such as fear, hope, pride, grief, and belonging are not peripheral to political behavior-they are central.
Drawing on examples from past campaigns, social movements, and psychological research, the essay reveals how emotional resonance, not data alone, drives voter behavior and builds lasting political communities. The essay offers a sophisticated campaign strategy grounded in emotional storytelling, affective listening, symbolic communication, and authenticity-tools that can humanize politics and reanimate democratic life. In doing so, it issues a call to political actors, organizers, and strategists: to stop speaking at voters and start feeling with them. By reclaiming the emotional terrain of politics-often ceded to demagogues and authoritarians-progressive and democratic movements can build campaigns that are not only electorally effective, but also morally grounded and profoundly human. Emotional politics is not a retreat from reason-it is the missing language of connection, solidarity, and renewal.

This article analyzes South Korea's conversion policy toward leftist political prisoners under the Park Chung-hee regime, particularly following the implementation of the Yushin Constitution in 1972. The policy, which evolved into a coercive and violent apparatus, required prisoners to submit written statements renouncing their ideological beliefs. These individuals, often held in special facilities segregated from the general prison population, were subjected to systemic efforts aimed at enforcing ideological conformity. Despite the absence of any immediate political threat, the state's emphasis on forced conversion stemmed from its desire to assert ideological superiority over North Korea. South Korea's policy of ideological conversion can be traced back to Japan's Public Order Preservation Law of 1925 and the Tennō system. Unlike Japan's emphasis on reform and reintegration, South Korea employed coercion and demanded complete ideological surrender. However, this approach failed to dismantle the ideological convictions or moral stance of the political prisoners, and in many cases, served only to reinforce them.

Kevin Fernlund offers a superb analysis of Lyndon Baines Johnson's western roots and President Johnson's expansive view of presidential leadership. Fernlund creates an insightful account of American political leadership, its potential and its limitations. Fernlund engages the reader with a readable prose and illuminating observations about the making of the man Lyndon and the government's role in developing western potential. President Johnson saw the west as a great desert lacking in infrastructure. In order to achieve its full potential, the government would have to redirect resources westward in order to exploit the land and favor the people. The iconic view of western independence needed government assistance. Johnson wasted little effort to make it happen. President Johnson expanded this template of government assisting those in need and applied it to Vietnam. The Vietnamese needed help and Johnson wasted no time coming to their assistance. Fernlund's analysis asserts that one of the greatest Senatorial leaders ever to grace the halls of Congress found himself in a tsunami oftrouble in Southeast Asia. One ofF ern lund's best traits is the care he takes in explaining the initial attractiveness ofLBJ's vision, and his sensitivity in describing the innate limitations ofLBJ's appeal. Undergraduates in particular would benefit considerably from Fern lund's treatment of the fragile nature of

لقد استطاعت الحكومات المستبدة عبر رسائلها المرئية والمقروءة والمسموعة صياغة عقول الجمهور والتأثير في أفكاره وتوجيه أفعاله، لكن العالم المعاصر شهد تحولاً حاسمًا ببزوغ ما يعرف بـ "ظاهرة الجماهير الغفيرة"، التي من الممكن أن تثور فجأة بعد أن أمضت أوقات طويلة تعاني من البؤس والمشقة، يفعلون ذلك في اللحظة الحاسمة أي نقطة الذروة، حينما يصبح من الأرجح أن مواصلة العيش في ظل النظام الموجود أكثر سوءًا من المخاطر الأكيدة للتمرد ومن تكلفته، ومن المؤكد أن يسود الاعتقاد آنذاك أن هناك فرصة معقولة للنجاح، وتحسين حياة عامة الناس. هكذا ثار العبيد على الأسياد، والمستعمرون على المستعمرين، والمظلومون والمقموعون على السلط الظالمة والقامعة، وهكذا ثار المِصْرَيون.⁣
⁣
أشرف صالح محمد سيد، "سلطة الْخِطَابِ فرس الرهان في ظاهرة الجماهير".- مجلة الجديد (ثقافية عربية جامعة تصدر من لندن).- العدد (12) يناير (كانون الثاني) 2016. ص18 - 20. ⁣

Publikacja poświecona jest jednej z najbardziej popularnych procedur marketingowych (tzw. triadzie marketingowej) i mozliwościom jej wykorzystania w praktyce politycznej, zarowno w trakcie prac analitycznych i diagnostycznych, jak i przy realizacji strategii politycznych/ wyborczych. Autorzy prezentują definicje i metody segmentacji, określają przydatnośc poszczegolnych typow kryteriow (m.in. politycznych, demograficznych, ekonomicznych, psychologicznych) w trakcie doboru grup docelowych kampanii politycznych oraz sposoby i zasady pozycjonowania ofert politycznych. Publikacja adresowana jest do badaczy i studentow zajmujących sie problematyką marketingu politycznego, ale takze do praktykow realizujących kampanie polityczne.

The thesis "The Party of the Expelled" in the Český Krumlov and Prachatice district 1970-1980 through the research of regional context deepens the knowledge of the process of establishment and legitimization of Normalization in the periphery of the Czech borderland. On the basis of archival materials, mainly from the District Committees of the Communist Party of Czechoslovakia (KSČ) in Český Krumlov and Prachatice and other sources within the Party hierarchy, it tries to map the course of the consolidation process and party purges in 1970. Compared to nationwide data, it attempts to capture the specifics of the Czechoslovakian periphery. The main task of the thesis is to analyze various fate of excluded members of the KSČ: the so-called "Party of the Expelled." The analysis focuses on their diverse life trajectories and ways of dealing with separation from the party collective, with special regard to the various loyalties that these people were tied to the party,...

We explore the impact that the digital presentation of arguments has upon audience participation and argument construction through the analysis of two posts each from two popular X (formally Twitter) partisan sites, Libs of TikTok and absolutely based. Using argument based and assumption-based posts, we subject both to a rhetorical and a computer assisted analysis. For the rhetorical analysis we use elements of theories of visual argument, enthymemes, and epideictic discourse. We couple this with an analysis using The Linguistic Inquiry and Word Count (LIWC-22) program, through which we look at seven elements: Word Count, Clout, Emotional Tone, Authenticity, Culture, Affect, and Social Behaviors. Our findings indicate strong differences in the ways that argument posts facilitated comments, but less so with assumption posts. Both left and right sites "argued" in similar fashion, although Libs of TikTok tended to express derision against "views, " whereas absolutely based tended to express derision against "people. " Neither group engaged in traditional forms of argument but instead enacted a base form of epideictic persuasion.

The emerging power of the Latino community has become a recurring reflection for most analyses of the United States of America over the last two decades. However, their presence on the media usually focuses on two factors: the increasing immigration of undocumented workers, mostly from Mexico, and their decisive condition as voters due to their presence in the so-called "swing" States, which provides specific power to the Hispanic population to choose the President, especially when they are as disputed as the 2012 general elections. Barack Obama, whose presidential rhetoric has been extensively studied, decided to change his immigration policies during his campaign and to adapt his speech accordingly. It is our aim to study his rhetoric and figurative language as a means of electoral persuasion by analyzing two of his most representative speeches specifically addressed to a Latino audience: "Remarks by the President at the National Association of Latino Elected and Appointed Officials Annual Conference" (2012) and "Remarks by the President on Comprehensive Immigration Reform" (2013) under those theoretical approaches of the Political Discourse Analysis, the Critical Discourse Analysis and the

The emerging power of the Latino community has become a recurring reflection for most analyses of the United States of America over the last two decades. However, their presence on the media usually focuses on two factors: the increasing immigration of undocumented workers, mostly from Mexico, and their decisive condition as voters due to their presence in the so-called "swing" States, which provides specific power to the Hispanic population to choose the President, especially when they are as disputed as the 2012 general elections. Barack Obama, whose presidential rhetoric has been extensively studied, decided to change his immigration policies during his campaign and to adapt his speech accordingly. It is our aim to study his rhetoric and figurative language as a means of electoral persuasion by analyzing two of his most representative speeches specifically addressed to a Latino audience: "Remarks by the President at the National Association of Latino Elected and Appointed Officials Annual Conference" (2012) and "Remarks by the President on Comprehensive Immigration Reform" (2013) under those theoretical approaches of the Political Discourse Analysis, the Critical Discourse Analysis and the

Visionary leaders have significantly shaped the trajectory of India's scientific and technological development, and none more influential than Dr APJ Abdul Kalam often referred to as the "Missile Man of India." This research paper explores Dr. Kalam's strategic influence on India's scientific progress and nation-building efforts, emphasizing how his leadership and innovative mindset integrated technological advancement with national development. By analyzing his contributions to India's defence, space research, education, and socioeconomic growth, this paper highlights Dr Kalam's pivotal role in aligning scientific innovation with the broader objectives of nationhood. The study concludes that Dr. Kalam's legacy endures in India's ongoing progress and aspirations, demonstrating the crucial interplay between visionary science and strategic governance in shaping a nation's future.

This essay examines Barack Obama's rhetoric during the 2008 presidential campaign. I argue that the use of metaphoric roads and landscapes in his speeches helped Obama to create a diverse political coalition by depicting the citizenry traveling together on a shared American journey. Such language also enabled Obama to bring together a range of policy objectives as stations along this common path. Obama's campaign logo enhanced this political imagery by presenting a dynamic scene with the stripes of the American lag suggesting movement over a hillside set against the backdrop of a rising sun. The essay analyzes Obama's use of these verbal and visual tropes in the context of similar rhetoric employed throughout the history of American public discourse from John Winthrop to Martin Luther King, Jr.

🌟 Ronald Reagan: The Unyielding Spirit of an American Icon 🌟
As we reflect on the legacy of Ronald Reagan, the 40th President of the United States, we unveil a journey marked by resilience, determination, and an unwavering commitment to the American spirit. Rising from humble beginnings in Tampico, Illinois, Reagan's life is a testament to the idea that with perseverance and faith, anyone can achieve greatness.
🚀 From Actor to Leader: Reagan's incredible journey started as a radio sports announcer and transitioned into a successful Hollywood career, where he honed his communication skills. These skills propelled him into politics, leading him to significant reforms as Governor of California in 1966. His focus on fiscal conservatism and minimizing government interference laid the groundwork for his future as a transformative President.
📈 Reaganomics and Economic Revival: Elected in 1980 during a time of economic turmoil, Reagan brought forth "Reaganomics," which prioritized tax cuts, deregulation, and a strong national defense. While critics argue these policies favored the wealthy, the economic growth that ensued and the millions of jobs created are undeniable achievements that continue to influence the conversation around economic policy today.
🌍 Diplomacy and the Cold War: Reagan's foreign policy was equally impactful. His steadfast opposition to communism and confrontational stance towards the Soviet Union shifted into a powerful commitment to diplomacy. The signing of the Intermediate-Range Nuclear Forces Treaty with Gorbachev in 1987 marked a pivotal moment in U.S. history, showcasing Reagan’s belief in the power of negotiation.
🎤 Cultural Icon: But Reagan's influence extends beyond policy—his charismatic communication inspired a resurgence of American optimism. The "Reagan Era" transformed societal attitudes, promoting traditional values and unifying a nation facing challenges. He became a symbol of hope, reminding us that together we can overcome adversity.
✨ A Lasting Legacy: Today, Reagan's legacy teaches us the importance of resilience, optimism, and faith in our dreams. He embodied the idea that leadership is about creating a shared vision and motivating others to unite for a common purpose. As we navigate a complex world, let’s draw inspiration from Reagan’s spirit and strive for a future that embraces hope, unity, and determination.
👇 Let's honor the legacy of this American icon by working towards a society that fosters inclusivity, optimism, and a shared responsibility for the well-being of all. Together, we can create a better tomorrow! ✨

Alegerile prezidențiale din Serbia, 2017 au adus în fața electoratului pe Luka Maksimovic, student la Comunicare în Belgrad, deghizat în bufon. Sub masca și  pseudonimul acestuia, Ljubisa Beli Preletacevic, bufonul a făcut ceea ce bufonii fac de când lumea: a cules bucurii si speranțeîn timp ce ironiza (amar) derapajele si corupția celorlalți candidați, cu precădere Aleksander Vucic. Articolul îi prezintă pe ambii candidați, insistând pe scheletele din CV-ul cu care Vucuc porneste la drum, schelete care au fost elementele cheie ale lui Ljubisa.

The period of 16th to 18th centuries has brought about significant changes in legal thought. In addition to looking for a system in conflicting Roman law and Canon law texts, late scholastics formulated the first general rules (regulae) that they derived from the Roman case law and which were to become the nucleus of current, predominantly systematic, approach to law in Europe – applying the rule prescribed by law, court practice or legal science onto the facts of the case via the so-called legal syllogism method. And although in the mid- 20th century there were also attempts to reinvigorate the casuistic approach to law known previously in the ancient Rome and in medieval moral theology (revived through Viehweg's topics or Perelman's new rhetoric), these efforts have ultimately not changed the prevailing way of legal thinking. However, current technological challenges as well as strongly perceived ambiguity of law, especially in the so-called hard cases (the most difficult ...

Growing identification by U.S. Latines with the Republican Party has been of interest since the 2020 presidential election, especially in South Texas. This article presents a rhetorical criticism of three Republican Latina candidates for Congress in the 2022 midterms. Utilizing Latine rhetorical criticism of their campaign ads, we identify the strategic deployment of conservative ethnic identity that disavows racialized identity through anti-immigrant rhetoric. Instead of moderating anti-immigration discourse, as has been suggested by observers on how to attract Latine voters, these candidates instead redirect the immigrant threat narrative towards other subgroups of Latines. Also key in the deployment of ethnic identity for right-wing appeals is the construction of a political persona that emphasizes traditional Latine gender roles in the service of political activism. Finally, there is a mystification of the underlying reasons for economic precarity that is nevertheless based on local histories of exploitation in South Texas.

This paper presents a comparative analysis of Donald Trump's 2025 Inauguration Speech using various political discourse methods. By applying frameworks such as Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA), Conversation Analysis (CA), Narrative Analysis, Genre Analysis, Pragmatic Discourse Analysis, Sociolinguistic Discourse Analysis, and other approaches, this study explores how language in political speeches reflects power structures, ideologies, and social dynamics. Through this multi-method analysis, the speech is examined for rhetorical strategies, audience engagement, narrative construction, and framing of national identity, all within the context of contemporary political discourse. The research also discusses the implications of Trump's speech for understanding the broader trends in political communication, as well as the influence of media, non-verbal cues, and multimodal elements. The paper concludes by highlighting future research directions, including the role of social media, non-verbal communication, and the evolution of political rhetoric in the digital age.

How combat veterans account for the actions they performed during their service, and the success or failure of the rhetorical choices they make during these accounts, have the utmost bearing not only on their own well-being but on their communities' characterizations of the military itself. By performing a qualitative analysis of the accounts in Inès Moldavsky's Naked Israel, I hope to begin to see if combat veterans who are accused of the most grievous kinds of wartime actions choose a unique set of image repair techniques. Quite apart from assessments of how guilt should be properly placed, we ought to have a notion of the typical ways in which those who are accused of genocide and other war crimes respond to those accusations. This paper is intended as a prelude to a larger data-driven assessment of image repair techniques among combat veterans who face accusations of war crimes and genocide.

Олександр Дем'янчук, доктор політичних наук, доцент, в.о. декана факультету соціальних наук і соціальних технологій, професор кафедри міжнародних відносин Данило Слюсаревський, студент магістерської програми «Політологія» Національний університет «Києво-Могилянська академія»

The question of when the government of the Republic of Chinaabandoned “Retaking the Mainland” has not been clearly answeredin previous studies. In this article, I attempt to address this byreexamining the transformation of Taiwan’s military strategy.I focus on the preparations for the “Retaking the Mainland” opera-tion, which have been studied extensively, and the efforts toincrease defensive capabilities as part of the “Taiwan Defense”operation, which has lesser scholarship. With respect to this periodof transformation of Taiwan’s military strategy, a now broadlyaccepted interpretation was laid out in the 2006 National DefenseReport. However, a different perspective was outlined in a 2013book jointly compiled by Taiwan’s Ministry of National Defense andAcademia Historia. The result is that, with respect to the historicalshift in military strategy, the official view of the Ministry of NationalDefense has become somewhat ambiguous. In this article,I advance an alternative view on this period by highlighting twopoints at which new policies were adopted. There was a move froma strategy of “Offensive Posture” that had been in place since 1949to a strategy of “Unity of the Offensive and Defensive,” in the Springof 1969. Subsequently, after the establishment of the “Guidelinesfor National Unification” in 1991, there was another shift, toa strategy of “Defensive Posture.” As I suggest, the ROC governmentabandoned the concept of using military force to “Retake theMainland” in 1991, when it moved to a strategy of “DefensivePosture.”

This paper uses a corpus rhetoric approach to analyze persuasive strategies in competitive debates. The examined strategies are based on inference markers and selected types of systemic means of persuasion. The study is twofold: the first part is the quantitative and qualitative analyses that characterize competitive debates compared to other persuasive discourses. The second part, the case study, shows the use of particular persuasive strategies related to inference markers and systemic means of persuasion in a specific rhetorical situation. As the quantitative analysis revealed, regardless of the debaters' experience level, competitive debates are highly saturated with analyzed persuasive strategies. The case study depicts the dynamics of the selected debate; moreover, it illustrates the methodological value of linking macro and micro perspectives in the study of competitive debates as a rhetorical genre and educational activity.

The idea of American exceptionalism has shaped American politics and captivated audiences for centuries. This study examines the global contexts in which U.S. presidents have invoked the idea of American exceptionalism when addressing foreign audiences since the end of World War II. Our results reveal: (a) differences in how U.S. presidents invoke American exceptionalism when speaking to a global audience (e.g. the United Nations) versus more localized, foreign audiences within individual states; (b) significant variation regarding which countries are more likely to be targets of American exceptionalism in U.S. presidential discourse; and (c) the profound impact that the end of the Cold War had on these dynamics. On September 20, 2016, U.S. president Barack Obama stood before the United Nations General Assembly for the last time as president. With the election looming at home, he spoke of a choice facing the global community. In particular, recognizing that the "forces of globalization that have made us interdependent have also exposed deep fault lines in the international order," Obama suggested that each country must now choose between embracing the American model of "open markets and accountable governance, of democracy and human rights and international law" or the more draconian model of "religious fundamentalism, the politics of ethnicity or tribe or sect, aggressive nationalism… [and] crude populism" (Obama 2016). To him, the choice was clear: My belief that governments serve the individual, and not the other way around, is shaped by America's story. Our nation began with a promise of freedom that applied only to the few. But because of our democratic Constitution, because of our Bill of Rights, because of our ideals, ordinary people were able to organize, and march, and protest, and ultimately, those ideals won out…I know that for most of human history, power has not been unipolar…America has been a rare superpower in human history insofar as it has been willing to think beyond narrow self-interest…we have strived, sometimes at great sacrifice, to align better our actions with our ideals. And as a consequence, I believe we have been a force for good.

Unlike her energetic predecessor, Eleanor Roosevelt, First Lady Bess Truman sought to remain outside the public spotlight. While Mrs. Roosevelt held weekly press conferences for women reporters, mrs. Truman held all press conferences somewhat under protest, and in absentia, with questions filtered through her social secretary. As she consequently became an unwilling party to the political communication process, reporters were forced to write stories that stressed the commonplace. With portrayal of Mrs. Truman left mainly to the press, she received more kindly treatment than she might have been expected to: instead of presenting her as noncooperative, reclusive, or even hostile, the press chose to deal with her performance in more positive terms, referring to her as independent and an individualist. Some editors found Mrs. Truman a welcome relief from Mrs. Roosevelt, and apparently without conscious design, her image was acceptable to the majority of Americans, who saw nothing wrong with a small-town matron being devoted to her husband and refusing to express her own ideas in public. (HTH)

The chapter of collective monograph is devoted to the analysis of discursive strategies and tactics of expressing the consolidation of Ukrainian society in the speeches of President of Ukraine Volodymyr Zelenskyy during the full-scale armed aggression of the Russian Federation against Ukraine. The analysis of discursive strategies and tactics is based on the materials published in the official telegram channel of the President of Ukraine Volodymyr Zelenskyy „Zelenskiy / Official” and in the official channel of the Office of the President of Ukraine „Office of the President”. The research covers the period from February 2022 to October 2023.
The study was conducted in the field of Critical Discourse Analysis, based on T. A. van Dijk’s sociocognitive paradigm. Three main discursive strategies for expressing the consolidation of Ukrainian society in countering the armed aggression of the Russian Federation are identified:
1. The strategy of expressing the unity of the Ukrainian people in the fight against the enemy.
2. The strategy of uniting the Ukrainian people and the authorities in the country.
3. The strategy of reflecting the solidarity and unity of the peoples of democratic countries with the people of Ukraine in countering the aggressor.
Each of those discursive strategies is realized in specific tactics of communication and influence on the audience, which provide for certain principles of using a system of means and techniques of communicative influence.
The study concludes that the implementation of these discursive strategies and tactics in Volodymyr Zelenskyy’s public speeches is a manifestation of the effective implementation of the state information policy aimed at maintaining the unity of the Ukrainian people. At the same time, it demonstrates the need for constant effective interaction between the authorities and civil society, rapid response to public demands, especially regarding reforms to strengthen the democratic foundations of socio-political life in Ukraine.

https://wuw.pl/data/include/cms/Doswiadczenie_wojny_Romaniuk_Svitlana_2024.pdf#page=222

Key words: Russia’s war against Ukraine, consolidation of Ukrainian society, President of Ukraine Volodymyr Zelenskyy, telegram channel, public speech, critical discourse analysis, discursive strategy, discursive tactics.

speechwriters, and campaigning vigorously. Thus, as a stump speaker, "Roosevelt appeared more robust than Hoover" (p. 127). To be sure, FDR's campaign was shameless in telling voters what it thought they wanted to hear, from promises of a balanced budget during an October gathering in Pittsburgh to weaving together two contradictory speeches on the tariff. Yet rather than denounce Roosevelt as a "chameleon on plaid," as Hoover did, Ritchie sees the origins of New Deal experimentation in FDR's reverses: "As president, he confounded his political opponents by adopting a varied and creative program of relief, recovery, and reform that appealed broadly to the electorate" (pp. 146, 209-10). What is fresh in this volume is its depiction of Hoover as a political animal as well as maladroit politician. Hoover, after all, "reasserted" his Republicanism in 1920, not just because of his midwestern "roots" but because the public had turned against the wartime Democratic administration in which he had served (p. 22). In 1928, he fought for the Republican nomination for president and then sold himself to the electorate through modern public relations techniques. As president, he was "frantic for a second term" and capable of chameleon-like changes of his own (p. 95). He compromised his principles by accepting some government-sponsored relief. Furthermore, Hoover retained on his ticket Vice President Charles W. Curtis, whom he despised, rather than remove him and ignite an intraparty battle. In 1932, the president named Benjamin Cardozo, a Jew, to the U.S. Supreme Court, partly to enhance his standing with voters in the Northeast. Also that year, Hoover waffled on Prohibition, an increasingly unpopular crusade that he earlier had praised as a "noble" experiment (p. 30). Such efforts failed to save Hoover from either the hard times in which he governed or his own flaws-aloofness, listless speaking, and an appearance of "ideological rigidity" (p. 208). The result, according to Ritchie, was a president who became a "bystander" to events rather than a shaper of them (p. 208). Ritchie has produced a splendid study, one that is accessible, well researched, judicious, enlightening-and relevant. In 2004, John F. Kerry, the Democratic nominee for president, resorted to one of his party's long-standing tactics, Hoover bashing, when he asserted that the administration of his Republican opponent, George W. Bush, was the first since Hoover's to experience a net loss of jobs. Yet just 7% of Americans that year could "connect" Hoover with the Great Depression (p. 208). Electing FDR allows readers to understand why Kerry, and many other Democrats before him, reached for such analogies and why 1932 proved such a pivotal and exciting election.

After all, every is made for and performed in front of an audience. From here, more than one or two specific requirements related to the thinking, structuring and realization of the political speech follow. The main task of the speechwriters is to work on the structure and argumentation, stylistic figures and psychological techniques of influence, as well as to guess the possible reactions, a consequence of the specific speech, and hence the potential issues that it will raise further. Speechwriters are "required" to turn a political position, idea and ideology into an impactful, effective and vivid political message. Political speech is an emanation of the whole. It is a combination of generalized generalizations and concentrated emphasis. The professional field of the person dealing with the speeches of politicians and heads of state requires constant improvement of literacy, compliance with the development of the language norm, and a deep knowledge of the living language and its connotations, as well as of the specific role and character of the one for whom they have intended the speeches.

الملخّص:
يهدف البحث إلى رصد الد ا رسات العربية الإج ا رئية في التحليل النقدي للخطاب باستثناء
الد ا رسات التي تخصصت ببلاغة الجمهور، وسبب هذا الاستثناء هو كثرة الد ا رسات المتخصصة
ببلاغة الجمهور بحيث يمكن أن تستقل ببحث خاص بها، زيادة على أنها د ا رسات اتبعت مسا ا ر
منهجيا واحدا متمثلا بطروحات الدكتور عماد عبد اللطيف. لذلك ارتأى البحث التقيد بالتحليل
العربي النقدي للخطاب في غير بلاغة الجمهور بتحليل تلك الد ا رسات وتفكيكها وبيان مالها وما
عليها.
وقد اقتضت طبيعة البحث أن يكون على فقرتين، أولاهما: الكشف عن ضوابط إج ا رءات
التحليل النقدي للخطاب، والأخرى: تحليل الد ا رسات العربية في هذا المجال ونقدها. وقد ختمنا
البحث بخاتمة بيّنا فيها أهم نتائج البحث فقائمة بالمصادر.
الكلمات المفتاحية: تحليل الخطاب- التحليل النقدي للخطاب- اللسانيات العربية.



Abstract:
The research aims to account for Arabic procedural studies in critical discourse analysis, excluding those concerned with audience rhetoric which has a large number of studies. In addition, such studies have followed the same methodology represented by Dr. Emad Abdul-Latif’s theories. Therefore, the research is limited to the Arabic critical discourse analysis other than audience rhetoric via analyzing and dismantling those studies and explaining their merits and demerits.
Thus, the research consists of two parts: examining the regulations of critical discourse analysis procedures and critically analyzing Arabic studies in this field. The research ends with some conclusions related to the most important results of the research.
Keywords: discourse analysis, critical discourse analysis, Arabic

Some Americans know the name Dulles, particularly if they fly in and out of Washington, DC's smaller airport. Historians of the United States know the name because of the controversaries surrounding the two brothers, John Foster and Allen. Under President Dwight D. Eisenhower, they served as Secretary of State and Director of the Central Intelligence Agency, respectively. Debates abound about their role in the administration, from how much power they wielded over military decisions to their influence on the performance of national and presidential religiosity. Did the two brothers run the administration, particularly after Eisenhower's heart attack and before Foster died? Were Eisenhower and Foster playing good-cop/bad-cop in the international sphere? While Dulles recommended "limited nuclear attacks" to contain communism in Asia, Eisenhower famously delivered his "Atoms for Peace" speech at the United Nations, asking all to lay down arms and use the atom for good. Was the inclusion of "In God We Trust" on paper money, "Under God" in the pledge of allegiance, pre-cabinet meeting prayer, and even Eisenhower's late-life baptism seeded by the Dulles's generational understanding of the inalienable link between the rhetoric of American politics and religion? With the CIA-led coups in Iran and Guatemala, did the brothers wield military power and dominate the strategy of the president for whom they worked? Yet the brothers had a sister, and she, too, was at the center of Europe's hotspots in wartime and Cold War. In 1917, Eleanor Lansing graduated from Bryn Mawr and promptly left

The Perot candidacy in 1992 is appropriately understood as an important extension of candidate-centered politics in U.S. presidential politics. Our purpose in this paper is to demonstrate a link between participation in the 1992 Perot campaign, and active involvement in U.S. House races in 1994. Our analysis takes into account two rival hypotheses in accounting for active participation in 1994 congressional campaigns: predispositions to participate in House campaigns, and mobilization effects linked to the compelling choice our respondents may have faced in 1994. We employ a panel design to impose aggressive controls, but we find a consistent significant effect on 1994 major-party activity of mobilization in the 1992 Perot campaign. Despite the strongly anti-party character of the Perot movement, and even in a sample of relatively independent, anti-party, and disaffected Perot activists, this "spillover" effect from one campaign to another is present, and leads us to question the degree to which candidate-centered politics undermines the long-term interests of the two major parties. * p < .01 ** p < .05

During the COVID-19 outbreak, diverse groups and organisations in South Africa played an important communicative role which, alongside the government, collectively mitigated the spread of the disease. A previous study that we undertook to assess government communication revealed that there were organisations, groups, and actors that addressed gaps in official messaging. In this article, we explore the ways in which these actors recognised gaps in government communication and stepped in both to draw attention to these gaps and to devise timely solutions. Seven representatives of four groupings were interviewed. The groups and actors were identified because the researchers became aware of their non-governmental communications efforts. Their insights were transcribed and thematically analysed. The findings showed that although the government, through its agencies and presidential addresses to the nation, made concerted efforts to provide relevant information to the entire population, these actors were quick to identify the communications lacunae and stepped in where there was lack of reach. They identified inadequacies such as: non-optimal use of communication channels, neglected languages, a lack of scientifically based information, and a lack of context-driven information. The findings highlight the complexity of the challenge of talking to a nation when the country’s communications landscape is complex, multilingual, and multifaceted.

Donald Trump ha stravinto. Il ceto medio impoverito, stufo di una politica che ha alimentato le disuguaglianze, lo ha votato proprio per i suoi atteggiamenti eversivi e antisistema. E lo hanno votato quote crescenti di neri, di ispanici, di giovani e perfino – nonostante i suoi insulti misogini – di donne. Trump non invertirà la tendenza, e anzi probabilmente la consoliderà, ma, intanto, la rabbia ha vinto e ha minato le basi stesse della democrazia americana.

دور البرامج الحوارية في فضائيات الاحزاب الاسلامية بترتيب اولويات الجمهور العراقي ازاء القضايا الوطنية
حسين امير عباس/ جامعة ميسان / كلية التربية الاساسية
عادل عبد الرزاق مصطاف/ جامعة بغداد / كلية الاعلام
المستخلص
يتناول هذا البحث دراسة طبيعة الدور الذي تؤديه البرامج الحوارية في فضائيات الاحزاب الاسلامية في بترتيب اولويات الجمهور العراقي ازاء القضايا الوطنية، ويهدف البحث الى معرفة اسباب تفضيل الجمهور للبرامج الحوارية في فضائيات الاحزاب الاسلامية، وكذلك الى معرفة ابرز القضايا الوطنية التي يتابعها الجمهور عير هذه البرامج، كما يهدف الى الكشف عن العوامل المؤثرة في تشكيل اولويات المبحوثين وبناء اتجاهاتهم نحو القضايا الوطنية.
واستعان الباحث بالمنهج المسحي الميداني، وبلغت العينة (600) مبحوث من سكان محافظة بغداد.
• ومن ابرز نتائج البحث:
1. اتضح أن حدود متابعة البرامج الحوارية في قناة العهد بلغت(66.83%)، وفي قناة الفرات بلغت (65.17%).
2. تبين ان القناتين في برنامجيهما تعملان على تقديم مقترحات لتعزيز القضايا الوطنية، ثم تقدمان وجهات نظر مختلفة وتعرفان بالقضايا الوطنية المطروحة.
3. اتضح ان ابرز العوامل المؤثرة في تشكيل اتجاهات الجمهور هي طبيعة القضايا التي تطرحها القناة والاساليب الإقناعية في التركيز على تلك القضايا.
الكلمات المفتاحية: (البرامج الحوارية، فضائيات الاحزاب الاسلامية، ترتيب الاولويات، التعرض، القضايا الوطنية).

"The Role of Talk Shows in Islamic Parties Satellite Channels in Prioritizing National Issues for the Iraqi Public Viewers "

Hussein Ameer Abass \  h.a.a@uomisan.edu.iq
Misan University \ College of Basic Education
https://orcid.org/0000-0002-9761-5698
Adel Abd-Alrazak Mostaf \  a.adel@uobaghdad.edu.iq
College of Mass Communication\  University of Baghdad
Abstract:
The Present research Delve in to the nature of the role that the Talk shows programs of  the Islamic parties satellite channels in shaping the priorities of the Iraqi viewers towards national issues. The research aims to understand the reasons for the audience's preference for Talk shows programs on Islamic satellite parties channels, as well as to identify the key national issues followed by the audience through these programs. In adulation, it aims to uncover the in fluential factors of the formation of priorities and attitudes towards national issues among the participants.
The researcher employed a field survey method, using a questionnaire method to achieve the research objectives. The sample size consisted of 600 participants from Baghdad province.
The Main results of the research are:
1) The viewership of Talk shows programs of viewers Al-Ahd Channel was 66.83%, while on Al-Furat Channel it was 65.17%.
2) Both channels in their programs present suggestions to enhance national issues, offer different perspectives.
3) The most influential factors in shaping audience attitudes are the nature of the issues discussed on the channels, persuasive techniques used to focus on these issues.
Keywords: Dialogical programs, Islamic parties satellite channels, prioritization, exposure, national issues.

Bu calisma gucler ayriligi ilkesi ve checks and balances sistemi olarak adlandirilan “control ve denge” mekanizma ilke veya uygulamalarinin American Federal Yonetim sistemi uzerine olan etkilerini analiz etmektedir. Belirtilen ilke ya da uygulamalar American Federal Yonetim sistemini karakterize eden en onemli etkenlerdir. Oyle ki bu sistemde yeni bir politikanin yeterli destegi bulmadan yururluge girmesi imkânsizdir ve hicbir yonetim organi Amerikan politik yasamina baskin olamadigi gibi kontrol edilmeyen bir guce de sahip degildir.

marked the fortieth anniversary of President Jimmy Carter's "Crisis of Confidence" speech, a catalyst for what became an often overlooked yet significant turning point in the nation's history. Carter's words were both poignant and pointed as he calmly, yet directly, addressed the nation's dependence on fossil fuels and engagement in narcissistic practices that led to a coveting of material goods. In an examination of the events that shaped this historical moment, this dissertation contends that, despite President Carter's attempt to steer America in a more environmentally and socially conscious direction, the nation instead acquiesced to Ronald Reagan's rhetoric of American exceptionalism. Carter's rhetoric, his ethos, and his leadership during the crisis provide exemplars for how we might navigate our current crisis of higher education within communication and the humanities. In Carter, we can find a glimmer of hope that v we might restore our confidence in civic leadership, public speaking, and political education, and influence college and university students to engage in meaningful, ethical work inside the political theater. vi DEDICATION This dissertation is dedicated to our nation's 49 th President, Jimmy Carter, for his confidence in American civic traditions, and for his ceaseless work on behalf of peace and human dignity throughout the world. The integrity and honesty with which he led can, hopefully, inspire educators and other civic leaders to follow his path. vii ACKNOWLEDGEMENT I would like to thank the many individuals who, in some way, helped me throughout this process. First, my appreciation goes out to the professors and students in the Department of Communication & Rhetorical Studies at Duquesne University, all of whom had a profound impact on my education as a PhD student. I offer a special thanks to Ms. Kati Sudnick and Dr. Sarah DeIuliis for their friendship and scholarly advice throughout these past four years, and also to Mrs. Rita McCaffrey for her seemingly daily help and calming presence during stressful times. To my dissertation committee: First, my thanks goes to Dr. Craig Maier for his guidance and coaching throughout this project. My knowledge and understanding of scholarship have increased profoundly, as have my knowledge and understanding of myself. To Dr. Ronald C. Arnett, I offer my deepest gratitude for your wisdom, patience, and life's perspectives. I can only hope to influence my students' lives in the same way that your teaching has influenced mine. To Dr. Janie Harden Fritz, I remain forever grateful for your faith in me, and for your help and counsel whenever I needed it. Were not for you, and for our meeting four years ago, none of this would be possible. Lastly, thank you to my entire family and to all of my friends for their ceaseless love and support as I traveled this journey. I especially thank Laura, Ethan, and Anthony for nourishing my strength and my faith during these past four years, and also for being my constant source of inspiration. viii

Nel confronto televisivo con Donald Trump, probabilmente destinato a restare unico, Kamala Harris ha mostrato grandi doti retoriche, ha giocato in attacco, ha eluso le domande imbarazzanti, ha ridicolizzato l’avversario mostrandone la debolezza e, soprattutto, ha ribaltato il tavolo presentandosi come “il nuovo” a fronte del “vecchio”. Resta da vedere quanto questo giocherà su quel 28% di elettori fino a ieri incerti sulla sua credibilità.