Political communication

Political parties of Indonesia today have created their own websites in which the patterns of the use of ICT (Information and Communication Technology) by political parties are much affected by the political and media system (Anstead and Chadwick, 2010; Ward and Gibson, 2010). What are the patterns of Indonesian political parties in utilizing websites for their political communications?  The political culture, digital divides, and media system have shaped the practices of websites and social media of political practices. In the previous environment of media, citizens were disconnected from the membership of Indonesian political parties. New media, instead of giving more ways to let netizens engage and participate in political parties’ activities, treats netizens, once again, merely as passive parties’ message consumers. In other words, political parties are re-disconnected from their constituents after its first disconnection: the massive use of television for political campaign and...

This article argues that the current explosion of right-wing national-populism is intricately connected to shifting perceptions of globalization in the world. I contend that a return to the once dominant but now frequently criticized ideational approach to the study of populism as ideology or discourse can provide insightful, if incomplete, explanations of the current populist moment. After a brief opening overview of some influential conceptual perspectives on populism, the article offers an appraisal of some major criticisms leveled against the ideological paradigm by advocates of competing approaches. I argue that the widespread portrayal of populism as a "thin-centered" ideology does not capture the ideational constellation of what I call antiglobalist populism. The currently dominant strain is reflected most prominently in "Trumpism" and similar European manifestations. To make my case, I apply the qualitative method of morphological discourse analysis (mda) to key 2016 campaign speeches delivered by then presidential candidate Donald J. Trump and to related public remarks presented by British national-populist leader Nigel Farage on American soil. The research findings presented in this article suggest that globalization-related concepts have moved to the core and adjacent symbolic environment of antiglobalist populism. Thus, the general assumption of a "thin" conceptual core of national-populism no longer holds because its morphology has been significantly enriched. Bringing ideology back into populism studies serves the much-needed rehabilitation of a valuable perspective that has been written off too prematurely by many populism scholars.

The study of political polarization has undergone significant conceptual and methodological evolution, progressing from early emphases on ideological divides toward a more complex understanding that incorporates affective, identity-based, digital, and cross-national dimensions. This shift reflects the growing recognition that polarization is not merely a divergence of policy preferences, but a multifaceted phenomenon shaped by emotional, social, technological, and epistemic processes. In this review, we provide an elaboration of the various ways to approach the study of political polarization. This task may be daunting, but a well-organized, comprehensive and interdisciplinary overview is surely necessary. We begin by elaborating different types of political polarization, moving from an early focus on ideological divides to multidimensional constructs. Then, we shift to an overview of key disciplinary concepts and theoretical approaches for examining political polarization. At the heart of this review, we elaborate the various methodologies and methods for studying polarization, including quantitative, Open Peer Review Approval Status AWAITING PEER REVIEW Any reports and responses or comments on the article can be found at the end of the article.

Introduction
S’il y a un mot qui a été le plus galvaudé en cette fin et début
de siècle, c’est bien le mot communication. Dans l’administration
aujourd’hui, il est de coutume d’entendre justifier tout échec d’un
programme gouvernemental par un problème de communication :
c’est un problème de communication, Il n’y a pas eu de
communication sur tel ou tel sujet, on ne communique pas chez
nous, etc.
La communication publique, l’expression est suffisamment
évocatrice, de prime abord pour signifier les acteurs et/ou les
utilisateurs de ce couloir de la communication des organisations.
Mais à toucher du doigt sa pratique, l’on note illico la difficulté
qu’il y a pour les agents publics chargés de la mettre en œuvre de
cerner les angles professionnels de cette spécialité de la
communication des organisations. En effet, les responsables des
institutions publiques sensés être les plus aguerris à s’exprimer sur
la question restent encore dans une inculture quant à faire
comprendre ce concept aux profanes et à lui trouver une
justification évidente.
Pourtant, le défi est grand et les enjeux énormes puisqu’il s’agit
de mettre en lumière les activités des institutions publiques aux
citoyens qui en ont besoin car étant les principaux bénéficiaires
des actions que mènent ces institutions. C’est aussi un devoir du
côté des premiers et un droit pour les seconds. L’information, plus
que ce dont nous parlons ici, est devenue un produit qui se
consomme chaque jour. Mais lorsqu’elle provient d’un ministère
ou d’une collectivité décentralisée ou encore d’une institution
publique ou parapublique, il s’agit d’un droit pour les récepteurs
(les citoyens) à partir du moment où tout ce que l’on fait dans ces
institutions est en faveur de l’intérêt général.
Aussi est-il question, et l’enjeu devient plus grand, d’un
échange entre les pouvoirs publics et la population pour qui on
travaille. Faciliter la compréhension et l’acceptation par les
publics des lois, des décisions et de la réglementation en relation
avec l’action publique apparaît très important tant en interne qu’en
externe, puisqu’il faut vulgariser les missions et les construire,

A political speech seems to be the last holdout for oral communication that does not use digital presentation tools, such as Power-Point, Keynote, or Prezi. At least it used to be. When President Barack Obama delivered his State of the Union (SOTU) speeches, the White House offered so-called "Enhanced" versions of the speeches online. Here, the television images of President Obama delivering the speech were accompanied by pictures, graphs, and tables. These speeches contain particularly interesting instances of information design because they combine the rhetoric and epistemology of visuality with the rhetoric and epistemology of traditional political oratory. I explore this change in political communication and demonstrate how the online Enhanced SOTU is a hybrid genre using visuals to create a rhetoric of reification and reality, which seems not to argue but to establish facts. Thus, the Enhanced SOTU is an example of the scientification of politics and the politization of science. It also illustrates the trend of fragmentation of political communication, and the dispersing of the traditional discrete political speech into different parts for different audiences The SOTU as a Rhetorical Genre The use of digital presentation technologies has changed our ways of communicating since they were first introduced in the mid-1980s. 1 Such technologies are ubiquitous in business, education, and research. However, one kind of oral communication appears to have escaped the grip of electronic slides: political speechmaking. 2 Strangely, one of the most eloquent and traditional orators of our time, President Barack Obama, chose to accompany his online version of the SOTU addresses with slides. President Obama delivered a traditional speech to Congress, speaking from a prepared manuscript, and the communication staff added visuals, such as imagery, figures, numbers, and graphs, to the online video

Los 'memesʼ se han convertido en una fuente de entretenimiento, información, denuncia y en aliados de la sociedad civil que emiten, comparten y hace circular la crítica política. En México, el sexenio presidencial de Enrique Peña Nieto (EPN) estuvo plagado de sucesos mediáticos que lo han hecho transitar, como figura política, del enaltecimiento y mediatización a su total detrimento y ridiculización mediante los memes. Se presenta una propuesta de análisis de discurso multimodal en memes de epn difundidos en páginas de Facebook durante el proceso electoral mexicano, entre el inicio de las campañas presidenciales y la toma de poder del nuevo presidente. Como resultado del análisis, se clasificaron memes por su origen en: lingüísticos hegemónicos y visuales hegemónicos. Por su contenido, se clasificaron en: meme noticia, meme del ridículo, meme insulto y meme despedida. Se concluye que los memes referidos registran las expresiones de distintas clases sociales sobre los errores de ...

A pandemia do COVID-19 criou uma crise de saúde pública que impôs o chamado isolamento social e transformações nos formatos de negócios e práticas da vida social. Pesquisas tradicionais que exigiam o contato pessoal tiveram que rever estratégias, principalmente no campo das Ciências Sociais. O presente artigo visa propor uma reflexão sobre como as categorias do método de análise espacial de Milton Santos (1996)
podem contribuir nos estudos de comunicação digital, baseando-se no case “Mapeamento do Ecossistema XR no Brasil”, que explorou o uso das redes sociais na chamada e-Infrastructure, para mapear as características do ecossistema XR no país.

Electronic media creating political awareness among people in city D.G Khan because in Dera Ghazi Khan City there is lack of re-creational places. The researcher finds out the awareness level of people and their political participation regarding politics and news channels/talk shows. News, Talk Shows/current affairs are helpful in changing the behavior of the people, political views, political scenario and political development. Usually most of the people were watching news and talk shows on cable TV. Most of the respondents said that news channels affect on society. In this research most of the respondents said that news channels help people to understand political issues and news channels are credible source of information. Electronic media should be used to create a positive political awareness among the people of the area by showing them such programs which are based on reality in society, through it social integration and the goal of national solidarity can be achieved. "The population of present study consisted of all the male and female have education above intermediate, aged 20-40 years and living in D.G.Khan city.

This study proposes and tests a novel theoretical mechanism to explain increased self-disclosure intimacy in text-based computer-mediated communication (CMC) versus face-to-face (FtF) interactions. On the basis of joint effects of perception intensification processes in CMC and the disclosure reciprocity norm, the authors predict a perception-behavior intensification effect, according to which people perceive partners’ initial disclosures as more intimate in CMC than FtF and, consequently, reciprocate with more intimate disclosures of their own. An experiment compares disclosure reciprocity in text-based CMC and FtF conversations, in which participants interacted with a confederate who made either intimate or nonintimate disclosures across the two communication media. The utterances generated by the participants are coded for disclosure frequency and intimacy. Consistent with the proposed perception-behavior intensification effect, CMC participants perceive the confederate’s disclos...

This article presents an analysis of the citizens' engagement with the 2013 Czech Parliamentary Elections campaign on Facebook. While many studies primarily focus on the intensity and forms of adoption of social networks by political actors in campaign communication, we attempt to explore both political parties' use of Facebook as well as the extent and ways of citizen participation on the online election campaign. The empirical base for this study consists of all communication archived over the course of three weeks (before and after the elections) on the Facebook profiles of ten most important Czech political parties. Using quantitative content analysis, we first present an overview of the dynamics and intensity of users' engagement with the campaign, illustrating that some of the small as well as populist parties have managed to mobilize significantly larger part of Facebook population than more established parties. Following that descriptive part, we first turn to the analysis of the actual content of communication, examining primarily the tone of users' comments, and than we move on to a more in-depth, qualitative examination of communication on the profiles of two selected political parties which were very successful in their online mobilization. The results indicate that most party profiles have displayed a rather surprising level of heterogeneity, allowing for dissenting voices to be displayed in what is generally seen as a heavily managed communication environment.

The book Framing and Opinion in Political Practice examines how political communication shapes public perception, opinion, and behavior. It explores the theoretical foundations of framing, agenda-setting, and public opinion formation, emphasizing the role of traditional and digital media in influencing political attitudes. Students analyze rhetorical strategies, identity framing, polarization, and propaganda, while considering ethical dimensions such as transparency and accountability. The book also investigates campaign strategies, leadership branding, and the impact of interest groups on policy. Through case studies, applied analysis, and student projects, participants develop critical skills to evaluate political messaging, understand media influence, and assess the ethical implications of communication in contemporary political practice.

Political communication strategy is the spearhead of the success of an individual or organizational goal. Likewise, what happened in the elections in Salatiga, especially the PKB faction. The PKB faction prepares its strategy, even the legislative candidates themselves have different strategies but with the same goal, namely winning seats at the DPRD government level. In addition, the implementation of the political communication strategy itself must also be considered so that there is no overlap between the strategy and its implementation. The research aims to explore the success of the political communication strategy carried out by four legislative members from the PKB faction and to gain insight into political communication, especially political communication strategies. In this study, researchers used a qualitative method by taking a sample of the PKB faction with information on the four legislative members who won the 2019 election in Salatiga City. The information obtained co...

The lack of representation of women in Aceh parliament, indicates that women were left behind in every decision-making related to the development of the Aceh region. Though women are the largest group in this area. This paper intends to examine the political communication of women legislative members in Aceh by focusing on: opportunities and challenges for Acehnese women in the public sphere. This study uses qualitative research methods with a case study approach. The results of the study show that with the legalization of the Law no. 12, 2003 on the Public Election and Law on the Aceh Government no. 11, 2006, women engagement in public sphere as the legislative members becomes possible. The challenges for Acehnese women to be present in the public sphere as members of the legislature are: stereotyping of women involved in politics, patriarchal culture that is still thick, women\u27s political communication competence is low, thus raising doubts for voters, awareness of women to be ...

“Polarización sentimental. Consideraciones ciudadanas tras las elecciones” (2025) en Conjeturas Sociológicas, 38 (13), Universidad de El Salvador, pp. 199-235.
ISSN: 2313-013X.

RESUMEN

Estamos en tiempos donde las emociones irrumpen oficialmente en la política, en una época que se apela a la polarización afectiva, en un momento donde prevalecen discursos exaltados y prácticas contradictorias en el mundo. Este texto presenta y debate en torno a la polarización política, ideológica, afectiva y sentimental. Además, presenta el estudio de caso de las emociones hacia las candidaturas presidenciales en México en 2024, a través de entrevistas sobre el tema,que expresan la mirada y el sentir ciudadano. Las entrevistas se aplicaron en septiembre tras las elecciones en la Ciudad de México, ello con objeto, de ejercitar imaginarios sociales, memorias colectivas recientes, experiencias y expectativas sentimentales personales y colectivas en torno al tema. Con ello se esboza el panorama de sentimientos a través de la declaración emocional tras la contienda electoral, acompañada de argumentos y reflexiones; lo cual dibuja ya de un modo quizás más tranquilo y realista, aunque sin desconocer el sentir, las percepciones emocionales dirigidas hacia las candidatas y el candidato. En conclusión, hay esperanza y seguridad entre el electorado de la candidata ganadora  Claudia  Sheinbaum,  ante  el  enojo,  miedo  y  tristeza  del  electorado  de  las candidaturas opositoras.

How did the "invisible quartet" composed of Jacques Pilhan, Gérard Colé, Jacques Anfossi, and Jean-Luc Aubert transform French political communication between 1981 and 1998, creating a new dramaturgy of power based on the scarcity of speech, mastery of symbols, and the institutionalization of presidential silence as an instrument of authority? And to what extent did this communicational revolution redefine the relationship between media, reality, and political power, prefiguring contemporary challenges of the digital era?

BEWARING EN ONTSLUITING VAN MULTIMEDIALE DATA IN VLAANDEREN ... WERKPAKKET 5: Architectuur digitale bewaring en ontsluiting DEELTAAK 5.3: Aanbevelingen doelgroepscenario's ... Eva Van Passel, Stijn Bannier en Gert Nulens ... MET MEDEWERKING VAN DE ...

Heggert and Flowers (2019) offer important insights into how social media provides students with important opportunities to engage in meaningful civic engagement and political activism. They argue that students are more politically active than some recent studies would have us believe because they are utilizing social media platforms, methods not accounted for by traditional measures. They further argue that if students are to alter the foundational causes of injustice, educators should adopt a critical pedagogical framework in teaching students to use social media as a means of becoming activists. I agree with the authors’ main arguments but take issue with their suggestion that activism should be separated from notions of disobedience. On the contrary, I argue that activism that has as its fundamental goal to get at the roots of injustice must include civil disobedience. Educating for social justice, then, ought to include teaching students the history, theory, and techniques of c...

In the American political process, news discourse concerning public policy issues is carefully constructed. This occurs in part because both politicians and interest groups take an increasingly proactive approach to amplify their views of what an issue is about. However, news media also play an active role in framing public policy issues. Thus, in this article, news discourse is conceived as a sociocognitive process involving all three players: sources, journalists, and audience members operating in the universe of shared culture and on the basis of socially defined roles. Framing analysis is presented as a constructivist approach to examine news discourse with the primary focus on conceptualizing news texts into empirically operationalizable dimensions-syntactical, script, thematic, and rhetorical structures-so that evidence of the news media's framing of issues in news texts may be gathered. This is considered an initial step toward analyzing the news discourse process as a whole. Finally, an extended empirical example is provided to illustrate the applications of this conceptual framework of news texts. Keywords News, issue discourse, discourse analysis, framing analysts Much of the recent research in political communication deals with one or more of the following three questions. First, how do the news media "set the frame in which citizens discuss public events" (Tuchman, 1978, p. ix) and consequently "narrow the available political alternatives" (p. 156)? Second, how do politicians and advocacy groups actively "court" the media to polish their images and frame debates over public policies (see )? Third, how do audiences process news information actively and construct meanings using their preexisting cognitive representations (e.g., ? One nagging problem for research in these areas has been how to convincingly link news texts to both production and consumption processes . This article presents a framing analysis approach to this problem. The basic idea is to view news texts as a system of organized signifying elements that both

As the Indian state of Gujarat prepares to go to polls in December, most commentators agree that the chief minister Narendra Modi and his BJP party will be voted back to power yet again. Dr Neera Chandhoke argues that the electoral performance of the BJP government is based on a Hindu majoritarian political pact that sustains itself by excluding and marginalising the Muslim community. This exclusion, and its relationship with the majoritarian political pact, can best be understood by looking at the plight of victims of the 2002 pogrom and the resettlement colonies in Ahmedabad that they continue to inhabit. (Dr Chandhoke’s working paper, “Some Reflections on the Notion of an ‘Inclusive Political Pact’: A Perspective from Ahmedabad”, has been summarised here by Praveen Priyadarshi).

The most outstanding feature of the theoretical construction of urban systems, as well as of the practical way in which each city council tried to operationalise it, is the notion of political unity. Throughout the 15th century, this notion greatly contributed to structure consistent political action at the council level, notably in the city of Cuenca, transcending the immediate aims pursued by the political elite to affect, or intending to affect, the community at large. Unity ensured peace within the body politic, promoting amity and civic love, and, with them, social harmony and economic prosperity; the civic amity shared by citizens, which translates into concord or political amity, is not so much a theoretical musing as a practical way to forward everyone’s interests. In general, actions undertaken to establish and preserve unity constantly updated policies that sought the commonwealth, whose effects – real and discursive – could be felt across the whole community, contributing to a peaceful and ordered political society while legitimising the authority of the ruling class. From this perspective, the notion of unity and the sociopolitical practices connected to it not only represented a desired ideal, but amounted to a government manifesto that consciously guided the policies of the dominant group. The paper considers how the regimiento’s decisions, agreements, and measures tended to incorporate these references, whose presence in their discourse contributed to legitimise them and the actions of the government. In this way, the pro-unity policies adopted by the regimiento were conceived as mechanisms to promote these decisions, agreements, and measures in their communication with the urban political community and, when necessary, other agencies (that is, nobility, Crown, and Church). The instrumentalization of these notions and practices by the agencies and actors responsible for their manipulation cannot be fully understood if they are not regarded as part of a process of political communication, which in most instances happened through channels that were open to the whole community. The article stresses the importance of considering the analysis of these concepts and practices from this perspective.

Political order represents much more than the basic structure of domination operating within a given political entity. It is built upon the interaction of the various political bodies that comprise it, in accordance with what political-constitutional practice establishes in each case, and it is grounded in the communication that necessarily accompanies it. As demonstrated by the studies included in this volume, communication encompasses an extensive array of functions, procedures, agents, channels and instruments, as well as purposes or aims. Communicating the political order, therefore, entails much more than merely declaring and imposing a particular model of order. The contributions included in this volume are the result of the research project Más allá de la palabra. Comunicación y discurso políticos en la Castilla Trastámara (1367-1504) / Beyond the Word. Political Communication and Discourse in Trastámara Castile (1367-1504). PID2021-125571NB-I00, funded by MICIU/AEI /10.13039/501100011033 and FEDER, UE.

Interest groups depend on visibility for political influence and organizational growth. The current hybrid media landscape presents both opportunities and constraints for visibility and influence. For organized interests, if, when and how to use established media involves a continuous evaluation of different media strategies, as well as evaluations of how to best combine media and non-media platforms for efficient, multi-platform advocacy campaigns. Through qualitative interviews with 39 health interest organizations, representing a broad spectrum of group types, resources and access to decision-makers, this study analyses evaluations of the perceived gains and risks associated with media strategies. Although all interviewees value media visibility, their actual access to the established news media varies significantly. In the current media landscape, which is characterized by hyper-competition and hybridity, we find that it is primarily the well-resourced organizations, with storytelling expertise, which gain and prioritize visibility in the established media. Other organizations, independent of other group characteristics, seek visibility by increasingly becoming networked content distributors to bypass established media and target specific publics to promote organizational aims.

Political ideas of political process based on the dynamics of one's gait in politics. A dynamic political process is experienced by a political figure in a certain period of time. The container used as a medium for delivering ideas to political goal is a political party. Ideology as the basic foundation of the movement of political parties is a core part of ideas and that are born of political figures in them. The Chairperson has a considerable contribution in each party's decision-making process, and can be said as a media to legitimate the community in an effort to obtain the most votes for political parties in the General Election. This research focuses on the dynamics political movements of Hary Tanoesoedibjo and Perindo Party in Democracy year 2013-2019. The research method used is a qualitative type of biography by conducting in-depth interviews to find out the history of HT especially in the political field. Case studies and literature studies on the biography of HT are also used as data sharpening and comparison with the results of interviews. Research data is using purposive sampling, namely by directly interviewing the main informants, namely Hary Tanoesoedibjo and other secondary informants supporting the HT trust figures in the political field as well as several other informants involved in his life process. The researcher also made a direct observation of the Perindo Party political campaign process that HT did in Central Java. The system of identifying data analysis results based on time after time biography of political figures. The results of this study indicate that HT political ideas consists of three things, namely political economy, social politics, and cultural politics. This was obtained by HT, because of his background as a businessman who focused on improving the lower class economy and reducing poverty. In accordance with Aristotle's Theory of Political Thought regarding human political personality, and zoon politicon that HT wants to fulfill its ideals as a political being.

Com a abertura do ano eleitoral, reaparecem armadilhas conhecidas. Entre elas, a narrativa da polarização como ameaça à democracia e ao desenvolvimento do país, como obstáculo à renovação de lideranças e à emergência de ideias novas. Volta também a sugestão de que estaríamos enredados em alternativas aquém do eleitor, como se as opções progressistas em disputa fossem antigas e ultrapassadas, apegadas a concepções de igualdade, liberdade e justiça consideradas inadequadas ao individualismo contemporâneo. Planta-se, mais uma vez, a promessa de uma saída fora do conflito, uma espécie de solução mágica que reaparece como isca para reencenar o apelo a uma alternativa redentora capaz de substituir o desperdício do voto no "menos pior".

The rapid digitalization of Nepali politics has prompted a shift in communication strategies, with many political actors adopting high-frequency posting to maximize visibility. This study investigates the relationship between posting volume ("Velocity") and audience reception ("Quality") among 42 prominent Nepali politicians on Twitter (X) from January 2023 to the present. Utilizing a weighted engagement model where retweets and replies are valued higher than likes based on a calculated 1:10 scarcity ratio the research segments politicians into High, Medium, and Low tiers to isolate the variable of existing popularity. Contrary to the "flooding the zone" hypothesis, the findings reveal a "Quality Trap" for established political figures. Pearson correlation analysis demonstrates a significant negative correlation (r=−0.51) for "Rising Star" politicians (Medium Tier), indicating that increased posting frequency dilutes average engagement and triggers audience fatigue. For elite leaders (High Tier), no significant correlation was found (r=−0.17), suggesting their audience is saturated and unresponsive to volume. A positive correlation (r=+0.28) was observed only among Low Tier micro-influencers, for whom frequency serves as a necessary discovery mechanism. These results challenge the efficacy of high-volume digital strategies in Nepal, concluding that while frequency aids initial visibility, established influence relies heavily on content curation over quantity.

This study aimed to explore the effect of political communication, figures in political parties, political costs, and government support on public trust, which have implications for the intention to choose political parties. This research focuses on the voters of national and local political parties in Aceh using explanatory research and qualitative research models. Data were collected using a closed questionnaire with a 5-category Likert scale. Samples were collected using a proportional random technique, and data were analyzed using SEM (Structural Equation Modeling) analysis with the help of AMOS 22 software. The study's results prove that political communication, figures in political parties, political costs, and government support significantly affect public trust. Furthermore, public trust significantly affects the intention to choose a political party. Therefore, with the special conditions in Aceh, where local parties are more dominant than national parties, it is important to build political communication, figures in political parties, political costs, and good government support to increase public trust and affect the intention to vote for political parties.

Gnal sena onra fl-okkazjoni ton-Notte Bianco, I-Ufficcju tal-Prim Ministru qiegned jorganizzo esebizzjoni fil-Berga to' Kastilja bil-kolla borozzjoni snina to' Heritage Malta. Heritage Malta hija responsabbli mill-kollezzjoni nazzjonali Ii tigbor fiha dak kollu Ii japportjeni lillpoplu Malti u Gnawdxi. Waqt Ii hija obbligato Ii llomm fl-anjor kundizzjoni possibli I-kollezzjoni nazzjonali, minn zmien gnal zmien Heritage Malta takkwista oggetti Ii jkunu fis-suq u Ii jkunu to' importanzo gnall-patrimonju to' pajjizna . L -esebizzjoni to' din is-sena titrotta wnud millakkwisti ricenti Ii Heritage Malta gnamlet biex tkompli tkabbor iI-kollezzjoni nazzjonali. Down I-akkwisti jvorjaw f'nafna generi to' ortifatti Ii kollha jidnlu fid-diversi kollezzjonijiet talmuzewijiet Ii tamministro Heritage Malta. FI-istess nin Heritage Malta tneggeg individwi biex jirregalaw kollezzjonijiet privati lill-istat Malti biex b'hekk iI-poplu Malti u Gnawdxi jkun jist6 japprezza anjor il-patrimonju nazzjonali. bdl~ .. ¢" I •• l,"fIle. lid .... 11. I"., <llfl Tncisjoni ta' c:Karlu " (Muzew Nazzjonali tal-Gwerra) InCizjoni minn fuq ir-ramm Ii turi lill-Imperatur tas-Sagru Imperu Ruman, Karlu V. Karlu V wiret territorji estensivi fl-Ewropa minn tlett dinastiji kbar Ii kienu jmexxu I-Ewropa to' dak iz-zmien. Konsegwenza to' dan Karlu V spicca jankem fuq il-Punent, ic-centru un-nona to' isfel tal-Ewropa. Dan apparti I-konkwisti Ii saru fi zmienu fil-kontinent il-gdid tal-Amerika. Din id-dominanza fl-Ewropa wasslet biex Karlu V donal fi gwerra ma ' Franza. Minn nona I-onra bnala d-difensur tad-dinja Nisranija, Karlu V donal fi gwerer fuq nona mal-Imperu Ottoman, kawza tal-firxa tal-Izlam u fuq in-nona I-onra mal-Princpijiet Germanizi, kawza tal-firxa tal-Protestantizmu. Karlu V kien ukoll I-Imperatur Ii fl-1530 gnadda lill-gzejjer Maltin flimkien ma ' Tripli lill-Ordni to' San Gwann. Karlu V kien offra Iii Malta gnall-ewwel darba lill-Ordni fl-1524 wara Ii I-Kavallieri to' San Gwann kienu tkeccew minn Rodi mill-Ottomani. Fil-verita Karlu ried jenles minn Malta peress Ii gnalih kienet art b la valur. Gnall-bidu I-Ordni ma tantx kellhom interess Ii jiendu iii Malta peress Ii Karlu kien gnamlilhom certi kundizzjonijiet, ewlenija fosthom dik Ii ma' Malta riedu jiendu wkoll Iii Tripli. L-Ordni izda eventwalment bagntet delegazzjoni biex tistudja I-qagnda to' Malta u tagnmel rapport. L-istudju wasal gnall-konkluzjoni Ii Malta ma kenitx tajba gnall-Ordni. Ma kelliex fortifikazzjonijiet tajbin. Ma tantx kienet toffri prodotti agrikoli. Kellha nuqqas to' ilma u kel lha wkoll nuqqas to ' injam biex jibnu x-xwieni. Ma dan kollu meta gnaddew iktar snin u baqgnet mingnajr bazi permanenti, I-Ordni biddlet iI-nsieb dwar Malta u fit-23 to' Marzu 1530, f'Kastelfranko, qrib ii-belt Taljana to' Bologna, Karlu V iffirma I-gnoti to' Malta flimkien ma' Tripli, lill-Ordni to' San Gwann.lI-popolazzjoni tal-gzejjer Maltin f' dan iz-zmien kienet to' madwar 12,000 persuna . L-ewwel Gran Mastru tal-Ordni to' San Gwann f'Malta kien Philippe de Villiers de L'lsle-Adam. Karlu V abdika to' 56 sena wara Ii kien ilu Imperatur gnal 34 sena snan. Mar jgnix f'monasteru fejn miet sentejn biss wara kawza tal-malarja. Huwa kien mizzewweg lill-kugina tiegnu Isabella u kellhom sitt itfal. FI-istess nin kellu erba t'itfal illegittimi.

In February 2024, the Superior Electoral Court of Brazil met in session to determine rules and regulations to guide the municipal elections of the country in October of 2024. Among the topics debated, the leading one was the deliberations on illicit acts in electoral advertisements in digital media, concerning the use of artificial intelligence, ensuing in regulations on the use of technology in developing, producing and distribution of political advertisements in digital forms such as: audio, video or audiovisual media. The article will discuss the deliberations of the Superior Electoral Court, which based its decisions on current legislation in the European Union and in the 2023 general elections in Argentina, regarding production aided by artificial intelligence for electoral campaigns. Argentina’s general election of 2023 was paramount and now a base of a regional case regarding the use of artificial intelligence will be debated in light of reflections on media and technology from authors such as Santaella (2023), Simon (2022), Chagas (2017) e Bucci (2024).

This article considers the double meaning of 'spook' as both ghost and spy. Building on but moving beyond the hauntological or spectral turn in the recent humanities, the article explores this double meaning of 'spook' and what it might tell us about security politics. In so doing, the article moves through a diverse range of topics: from Hamlet to Bentham, from undercover cops to the anxieties of security intellectuals, and from moles to the ghostly powers of police, the article lays bare the haunted nature of contemporary security.

Este artículo analiza el fenómeno de la influencia digital en Colombia, tomando como caso de estudio al streamer Westcol. Se explora cómo el capital social y la capacidad de movilización de los creadores de contenido de primer nivel podrían traducirse en capital político electoral. A través de un enfoque académico, se examina el papel de las juventudes en la reconfiguración de la democracia participativa y la posibilidad de que figuras ajenas a la política tradicional superen en intención de voto a candidatos convencionales mediante el uso estratégico de plataformas de streaming.

Het effect van FttH op het inkomen per capita en de productiviteit is onbetwist positief. Deze bevindingen zijn ontleend aan dertien wetenschappelijke artikelen over de socio-economische impact van breedband/fiber to the home (FttH). Nieuwe applicaties als IPTV, telemedicine, e-commerce, online onderwijs en sociaal georienteerde netwerken komen zonder investeringen in snel breedband minder goed van de grond. Verder blijkt de beschikbaarheid van FttH als positieve vestigingsfactor; of anders gezegd, het ontbreken van snelle internetverbindingen maakt het lokale vestigingsklimaat voor zowel consumenten als bedrijven minder aantrekkelijk. Nederland neemt een leidende positie in voor wat betreft de penetratiegraad van breedbandaansluitingen per hoofd van de bevolking, maar loopt achter met snel breedband. De glasvezelinfrastructuur wordt in de besproken literatuur frequent vergeleken met de klassieke infrastructuur (wegen, spoor, electriciteit), bij de aanleg waarvan de overheid vaak ee...

Tarihimizde Tanzimatla birlikte önem kazanan gazete tüm dünyada olduğu gibi Osmanlı’da da önemli olmuştur. Edebiyat tarihlerinden de bilindiği üzere Osmanlı döneminde ilk özel gazete teşebbüsü Agah Efendi’nin Şinasi ile birlikte çıkarmış olduğu Tercümân-ı Ahvâl ile başlar. Bunun akabininde Şinasî’nin tek başına çıkardığı Tasvîr-i Efkâr adlı gazete de Osmanlı basını için oldukça önemlidir.
Bu çalışmada Rahime YAVUZ GERENTEPE tarafından hazırlanan OSMANLI BASININDA İLK YILLAR CERÎDE-İ HAVÂDİS (1845-1846) GAZETENİN YAZILARI VE HABERLERİNİN DEĞERLENDİRİLMESİ başlıklı kitabın değerlendirilmesi yapılacaktır. Giriş, üç ana bölüm, sonuç ve değerlendirme ve eklerden oluşan kitabın Türk basın tarihi açısından önemine vurgu yapılacaktır.

Сборник по результатам XL заочной научной конференции International Research Journal. За достоверность сведений, изложенных в статьях, ответственность несут авторы. Журнал имеет свободный доступ, это означает, что статьи можно читать, загружать, копировать, распространять, печатать и ссылаться на их полные тексты с указанием авторства без каких либо ограничений. Тип лицензии CC поддерживаемый журналом: Attribution 4.0 International (CC BY 4.0). Номер свидетельства о регистрации в Федеральной Службе по надзору в сфере связи, информационных технологий и массовых коммуникаций: ПИ № ФС 77 -51217.

Siyasal katılım sağlamak ve bu hususlara ilgi duymak demokrasinin işletilebilmesi açısından çok önemlidir. Ancak özellikle 1980 darbesi sonrası süreçte yaşanan olaylar toplumu ciddi anlamda bu tür bir yaklaşımdan uzaklaştırmıştır. Üniversite öğrencileri ise yakın zamanda ülkenin yönetimini devralacak bir pozisyonda iken siyasete ilgisiz olmaları, katılım sağlamamaları ülkenin geleceği açısından zararlı sonuçlar yaratabilir. Bu çalışma "üniversite öğrencilerinin siyasete olan ilgi ve yaklaşımlarını ortaya çıkarmayı" amaçlamaktadır. Bu çerçevede öğrencilere demografik durumlarını ve siyasi ilgi ve yaklaşımlarını tespit edebilmek için toplamda 10 soru ve 27 önerme yöneltilmiştir. Aksaray Üniversitesi Ortaköy MYO öğrencileri örneklemi dikkate alınarak gerçekleştirilen bu çalışmada online olarak uygulanan ankete 208 kişi katılmıştır. Elde edilen verilerin IBM SPSS (23.versiyon) istatistik programında dağılımları (frequencies, descriptives gibi) ortaya konulmuş, öğrencilerin mevcut katılım durumları üzerinden yorumlar yapılmış ve çapraz tablolar (crasstabs) aracılığıyla da veriler kullanılarak yorumlanmıştır. Mevcut bulgulara dayalı olarak "kadın, yaşı büyük olan, sosyal programlarda okuyan, geliri az olan, büyük yerlerde ikamet eden, siyasi kitaplar okuyan, ailesi siyasete daha ilgili olan, haberleri takip eden, oy kullanmaya istekli olan ve hakkını arayan" öğrencilerin siyasete daha ilgili olduğu sonucuna ulaşılmıştır.

Türkiye'nin son 20 yılda attığı adımlar ülkenin ideolojik anlamda ve hedefler yönünden bir değişime uğradığını göstermektedir. Üniversite öğrencileri, ne yaptıkları ve ne yapacakları ile bu ülkenin geleceğine yön vereceklerdir. Bu anlamda öğrencilerin doğru yöntemlerle yol yürümeleri ve doğru hedeflere odaklanmaları ülkenin geleceği açısından önemlidir. Bu çerçevede bu çalışma üniversite öğrencilerinin ideoloji ve ülkülere dair algılarının ölçülmesini, bu iki unsura mevcut bağlılık durumlarının tespitini yapmayı ve bu şekilde ülkenin geleceğinin planlanmasına katkı sağlamayı amaçlamaktadır. Bunun için öğrencilere demografik durumlarını tespit etmeye dönük 5, öğrencilik durumlarını tespit etmeye dönük 10, ülke hassasiyetlerini tespit etmeye dönük 10, ideolojik bağlılıklarını tespit etmek için 9 ve ülkülere ilişkin bağlılıklarını tespit etmek için 9 kapalı uçlu soru/önerme yöneltilmiştir, Buna ilaveten öğrencilerin yakın oldukları ülkü ve ideolojiyi tespit etmeye dönük olarak 2 açık uçlu soruya yer verilmiştir. Aksaray Üniversitesi Ortaköy Meslek Yüksekokulu öğrencileri örneği üzerinden gerçekleştirilen bu çalışmada online olarak uygulanan bir anketle 215 kişiye ulaşılmıştır. IBM SPSS (29.versiyon) istatistik programı aracılığıyla "elde edilen verilerin dağılımları (frequencies, descriptives gibi) ortaya konulmuş", "öğrencilerin önermelere katılım durumları değerlendirilmiş" ve veriler "çapraz tablolar (crasstabs) üzerinde gösterilerek yorumlanmış"tır. İncelenen bulgulara dayalı olarak "sosyal programlarda okuyan, 25 yaş üzeri olan ve ekonomik durumu daha iyi olan öğrencilerin ideoloji ve ülkü bağlılıklarının daha fazla olduğu" ve "kadın öğrencilerin ideolojilere erkeklerin ise ülkülere daha çok bağlılıkları bulunduğu" sonucuna ulaşılmıştır.

Türkiye’nin son 20 yılda attığı adımlar ülkenin ideolojik anlamda ve hedefler yönünden bir değişime uğradığını göstermektedir. Üniversite öğrencileri, ne yaptıkları ve ne yapacakları ile bu ülkenin geleceğine yön vereceklerdir. Bu anlamda öğrencilerin doğru yöntemlerle yol yürümeleri ve doğru hedeflere odaklanmaları ülkenin geleceği açısından önemlidir. Bu çerçevede bu çalışma üniversite öğrencilerinin ideoloji ve ülkülere dair algılarının ölçülmesini, bu iki unsura mevcut bağlılık durumlarının tespitini yapmayı ve bu şekilde ülkenin geleceğinin planlanmasına katkı sağlamayı amaçlamaktadır. Bunun için öğrencilere demografik durumlarını tespit etmeye dönük 5, öğrencilik durumlarını tespit etmeye dönük 10, ülke hassasiyetlerini tespit etmeye dönük 10, ideolojik bağlılıklarını tespit etmek için 9 ve ülkülere ilişkin bağlılıklarını tespit etmek için 9 kapalı uçlu soru/önerme yöneltilmiştir, Buna ilaveten öğrencilerin yakın oldukları ülkü ve ideolojiyi tespit etmeye dönük olarak 2 açık u...

A facilidade de conectar pessoas faz das redes sociais da internet, especialmente o Facebook, um importante espaço de reencontro de pessoas e de individuais e coletivas. É o que se observa em grupos de interesse formados na rede social, tal como o denominado REENCONTRO editado em Florianópolis durante o século XX. A partir da propagação do grupo na internet, seus integrantes compartilham vivências profissionais e memórias pessoais e organiza encontros presenciais. Introdução O espaço da internet, caracterizado pela virtualidade, velocidade, transitoriedade de um eterno presente fugaz e sem permanência, pode ser também espaço de memória. Nova forma de sociabilidade, as redes permitem interação pessoal instantânea e constante com pessoas de qualquer lugar, a qualquer hora. Embora não se encontrem registros do que havia antes, do que já passou, pois já superado pelo que veio partir da interatividade dos usuários conectados em redes sociais e, dentro delas, unidos em comunidades com interesses momentamente, a memória ativada em redes sociais pode propiciar o estabelecimento ou reatamento de vínculos. na rede social Facebook * O trabalho contou com recursos do CNPq (Projeto

The book addresses what is political in critical theory and which aspects, arguments or notions of critical theory maintain political significance for the 20th and the 21st centuries. The collection of essays comprises itself of a series of clear and critical perspectives that analyze the extent to which critical theory relates political argument to modern societies and, thereby, exerts a critique of the multiple social and political phenomena of late modernity. The contributors focus on a multiplicity of universal phenomena such as globalization, multiple crises, late capitalism and the social role of the sciences, and posit some novel criticism of the contemporary social sphere, as it is situated within the wider system of global capitalism. They also present a plurivalent critique that links arguments in Marxism and Freud to all three generations of critical theory.

O artigo “Jornalismo e democracia formal em período eleitoral a partir de reflexões de quatro jornalistas” analisa como a imprensa brasileira tratou a relação entre jornalismo e democracia durante as eleições presidenciais de 2022, a partir de 27 textos opinativos de Flávia Oliveira, Fernando Brito, Jânio de Freitas e Luis Nassif. Os autores questionam a ideia amplamente difundida de que jornalismo e democracia formal seriam mutuamente dependentes, mostrando que, na prática, a imprensa pouco se compromete com uma democracia que enfrente desigualdades estruturais. No texto, “não nos guiamos [...] por perspectivas que lidam com as relações entre comunicação e política a partir de pressupostos como processos deliberativos, mídia e esfera pública”, buscando evidenciar as fraturas democráticas e as “políticas da inimizade” (Mbembe) que atravessam tanto o sistema político quanto o próprio jornalismo. O estudo conclui que a democracia formal, tal como praticada, convive com racismo, misoginia, LGBTQIAPN+fobia e outras formas de desumanização, e que o jornalismo, longe de superá-las, frequentemente reproduz essas lógicas ao não assumir compromisso efetivo com a pluralidade humana.

Through three case studies of online political activism on Facebook, this article conceptualizes the deployment of issue publics on Facebook. We argue that issue publics on Facebook come into being through a specific set of double articulations of code and politics that link and reshape informational processes, communicational constraints and possibilities, and political practices in different and sometimes contradictory ways. Using Maurizio Lazzarato's exploration of immaterial labour ( ), we demonstrate the need to further understand the networking of publics and their issues by considering how online platforms provide the material, communicational, and social means for a public to exist and therefore define the parameters for assembling issues and publics and circumscribe a horizon of political agency.