Peace and Reconciliation

Education is widely acknowledged as a central mechanism for shaping individuals' values, identities, and capacities for civic engagement. In contexts of violent conflict and postconflict reconstruction, education has a dual potential: it can either contribute to peace by promoting tolerance, social cohesion, and nonviolent conflict-resolution skills, or it can exacerbate divisions when curricula, access, and institutions are instrumentalised for exclusionary or partisan ends. This paper provides a comprehensive examination of the role of education in peacebuilding. It synthesizes conceptual frameworks, empirical findings, and illustrative case studies to identify pathways by which formal and non-formal education contribute to prevention, mitigation, and recovery from violent conflict. The analysis highlights peace education curricula, teacher training, equitable access, psychosocial support, and community engagement as core domains. The paper also addresses structural and political challenges-inequities, curricular biases, resource constraints, and securitized schooling-and offers policy recommendations for practitioners and policymakers dedicated to harnessing education's transformative potential for sustainable peace.

This essay presents a providential framework for reconciliation in the context of global tribulation and spiritual awakening. Anchored in six contemporary portents-including the proclamation of the Second Coming, geopolitical crises, and the persecution of spiritual leaders-it introduces Five Pillars for Reconciliation as a universal roadmap for healing: Radical Forgiveness, Truthful Witness, Spiritual Centering, Embrace of Complexity, and Covenantal Action. Drawing from Unification Thought, quantum theory, and historical analysis, the author outlines five personal tasks undertaken over decades, ranging from literary diplomacy in Korea to the development of a Unified Field Theory integrating consciousness and spirit. The essay culminates in a reflection on the hidden conditions for Heaven-and-Earth reconciliation: the restoration of the first-wife/second-wife lien and the heartistic healing of the Archangel Lucifer.

Dr. Abdurahman Baadiyow’s work highlights the forgotten legacy of Sheikh Said Muqdishawi (Said of Mogadishu), a 14th-century Somali scholar and traveler. Born in Mogadishu in 1301, Said traveled across the Indian Ocean, spreading Somali intellectual and Islamic traditions to places like Mecca, India, and China. Despite his significant impact, Said's story has been overshadowed by more famous explorers like Ibn Battuta. Baadiyow’s work aims to reclaim Said’s legacy, restore Somalia’s historical contributions to global knowledge, and inspire future generations of Somalis to reconnect with their rich cultural heritage.

The Southwest State of Somalia’s inaugural Peace and Culture Week, held in September 2025, served as a transformative event promoting peace, cultural identity, and social development. The week featured a blend of cultural performances, educational exhibitions, and initiatives focused on preserving the Maay language and fostering peacebuilding. Highlighting contributions from various sectors, the event aimed to unite the Somali people in their pursuit of a peaceful, prosperous future. This initiative has set a model for other regions, encouraging them to adopt similar peace-focused celebrations and deepen national unity.

يظل التاريخ الصومالي في العصور الوسطى مهمشًا في السرديات العالمية، رغم أن مدنه الساحلية كانت مراكز للتجارة والفكر والدين، حيث التقت طرق الجزيرة العربية وفارس والهند وأفريقيا. في هذا السياق برز الشيخ سعيد المقدشاوي (1301–1365) كعالم ورحالة ودبلوماسي صومالي جسّد مكانة القرن الأفريقي كجسر حضاري.

The Flame Unveiled explores humanity’s eternal covenant with the Creator through the symbols of flame, light, and creation. Drawing upon universal wisdom across sacred traditions, the book reveals God as the One beyond names, yet present in every breath, every element, and every act of love. It teaches that humanity was designed as both steward and mirror of creation—earth, water, air, fire, and memory woven together with Spirit. The text emphasizes the balance of masculine and feminine energies, the sacred role of stewardship in caring for creation, and the mystery of life’s cycle of unity, separation, reunion, and return. Through visions, teachings, and the “Flame’s Voice,” the work calls readers to awaken from forgetfulness, honor the covenant of love, and restore harmony with God, one another, and the earth. Ultimately, it unveils a vision of divine presence in all things, where death itself is not destruction but return and renewal in the Eternal Flame.

Perhaps now, after centuries of silence, it is time to lift Sheikh Said of Mogadishu’s name from the shadows—to speak it aloud with reverence and pride, and to restore his rightful place in the story of our world. Sheikh Said was more than a forgotten traveler; he was a bridge between continents, a scholar of the seas, a spiritual guide whose footsteps traced the waves connecting Africa, the Middle East, South Asia, and beyond.

In the corridors of time, history is never silent-it whispers, it screams, and it is contested in both shadow and light. Writing the past is not merely the recording of events; it is a battle for identity, a struggle over memory, and a fight for the soul of a nation. Some stories shine like torches, celebrated and immortalized, while others are buried in silence by hands that fear the truths they carry. To hold the pen of history is, at its core, to wield a sword: determining who is remembered as a hero and who is condemned as a traitor,

In response to the TRC, Global Affairs Canada (GAC) has made its own commitment to reconciliation with its Action Plan on Reconciliation with Indigenous Peoples, 2021–2025, which seeks to “guide the department’s efforts to advance the rights, perspectives and prosperity of Indigenous peoples in Canada and around the world over a 4-year period". While ostensibly a transformative document, couched in terms of “partnership with Indigenous peoples,” we argue that the Action Plan ultimately seeks to accommodate Indigenous peoples into GAC’s existing foreign policy framework, rather than remaking it along nation-to-nation lines as would be effectively necessitated by a program of reconciliation. As such, we contend that GAC’s efforts toward achieving reconciliation will not produce the envisioned transformative change and, instead, continue to frame Indigenous peoples as domestic contributors to a Canadian foreign policy agenda.

لا يُفتَح تاريخ الصومال ككتاب قديم يعلوه الغبار، بل ينفجر كعاصفة تلوح في الأفق، حيًّا بهتافات المقاومة ونبض شعبٍ أبى أن يُكسَر. بين عامي 1948 و1950، وفي عواصم بعيدة تحت أضواء الثريّات الخافتة، تقاسمت القوى الأجنبية مصير الصومال كما يتقاسم التجار الغنائم، يتجادلون في ما إذا كان ينبغي إعادته إلى قبضة إيطاليا، وهمساتهم تتقطّر خيانةً كأنّ البلاد ليست سوى قطعة من إمبراطورية بالية أُلقيت جانبًا. لكن بعيدًا عن تلك القاعات المخملية، كانت شوارع مقديشو ترتجف تحت وقع أقدام الآلاف، وترتفع الرايات، وتدوي الأصوات كأمواجٍ هائجة، وفي قاعة الأمم المتحدة اخترق تصويتٌ يتيم متحدٍّ جدار الصمت، محطّمًا مخططات الأقوياء.

The story of Somalia does not open like a dusty record book—it bursts forth like a storm on the horizon, alive with cries of resistance and the heartbeat of a people who would not be broken. Between 1948 and 1950, in distant capitals under the dim glow of chandeliers, foreign powers weighed Somalia’s fate like traders over spoils, debating whether to return it to Italy’s grasp, their whispers dripping with betrayal as though the nation were nothing more than a discarded piece of empire.

This treatise outlines the dynamic of tension between spiritual idealism and social consequence within religious movements, using the Unification Church as a contemporary case study. Drawing on biblical precedent and modern parallels, it examines how devotion to a charismatic leader or divine mission can lead to both profound transformation and unintended collateral damage-particularly within families and communities. At the same time, we must weigh the costs over against the unquestionable values of fomenting peace, mutual understanding, and reconciliation.

Ethiopia, a nation steeped in imperial history, ancient civilizations, and anti-colonial heroism, remains one of Africa's most complex and conflict-ridden societies. Despite being a symbol of African pride and independence-never colonized during the scramble for Africa-it is paradoxically trapped in a seemingly endless cycle of political instability, civil war, and internal fragmentation. Since the fall of Emperor Haile Selassie in 1974, Ethiopia has witnessed military dictatorship, ethno nationalist insurgencies, and today, an alarming trend of ethnic-based warfare and regional disintegration This article seeks to explore the root causes of Ethiopia's chronic political crises and civil wars, arguing that the country's unique form of ethnic federalism, historical grievances, authoritarian tendencies, and regional geopolitical pressures have collectively created a selfperpetuating vortex of violence.

1 Dans deux textes désormais fameux 1 , Joan Scott défend l'idée que l'histoire féministe doit rompre avec deux tendances problématiques. Sur le plan épistémologique, elle doit en finir avec l'empirisme, la tendance à supposer que la vérité de l'histoire se dévoile à travers l'expérience vécue des gens du passé, et que l'historien•ne peut accéder à cette expérience perdue en faisant, dans son présent, l'expérience des archives 2 au sens le plus large du terme 3 , à savoir tout ensemble constitué de traces. Il s'agit en somme de renoncer à ce « sentiment naïf, mais profond, de déchirer un voile, de traverser l'opacité du savoir et d'accéder, comme après un long voyage incertain, à l'essentiel des êtres et des choses 4 ». Cette épistémologie naïve, puisqu'elle pose une vérité ultime à laquelle donnerait directement accès une forme d'expérience, s'articulerait aisément à une seconde tendance problématique, un essentialisme qui caractériserait tant le marxisme que le féminisme radical. Ceux-ci auraient tendance à poser, comme vérité ultime de l'ensemble des phénomènes historiques, l'antagonisme entre deux groupes bourgeois et prolétaires, hommes et femmesdotés d'une réalité objective (d'une essence) : les positions occupées dans les rapports de production, les attributs biologiques. C'est pourquoi Scott invite l'histoire féministe à s'emparer d'autres ressources théoriques et méthodologiques : celles de la déconstruction 5 . Il s'agit, contre l'essentialisme, d'envisager les groupes comme des constructions discursives plutôt qu'inscrites dans l'économie ou la biologie ; et contre l'empirisme, d'adopter un rapport critique aux archives, désormais envisagées comme des fragments d'opérations de L'expérience collective des archives GLAD!, 11 | 2021

انهيار الدولة القومية الصومالية في عام 1991، والحرب الأهلية الطويلة الأمد، والتحديات في إعادة تأسيس الدولة كانت محيرة للغاية. التحليلات الأكاديمية المبكرة اقترحت أن الصومال كانت حالة فريدة في إفريقيا، حيث أن السكان كانوا متحدين بواسطة لغة مشتركة، والإسلام، والتراث الثقافي المشترك. هذه العوامل أوحت بأن المهمة الرئيسية للصومال كانت ببساطة تطوير مؤسسات الدولة. كتاب ديفيد لايتن وسعيد شيخ سمتر، "الصومال: أمة في بحث عن دولة"، نظّر في التحدي الصعب المتمثل في إقامة الدولة في الصومال.  بناءً على عنوانهم، تدعي أطروحة هذا الكتاب أن إنشاء دولة الصومال يعتمد على عدة عوامل، أبرزها القيادة الاستثنائية. يجب أن يكون هذا النوع من القيادة قادرًا على تحويل المشهد السياسي المجزأ في البلاد وتوجيهها نحو بناء الدولة الفعّال. يجب أن توحد القيادة الاستثنائية النخب السياسية المختلفة وتعزز المصالحة والوحدة بينما تضع رؤية مشتركة لمستقبل الأمة.

Sri Lanka, Asia’s oldest democracy, has a long history of electoral participation and constitutional governance. While liberal democracy is not foreign to the nation, it is currently undergoing a process of localisation and transformation driven by the active agency of its people. Beyond traditional balloting, citizens are increasingly demanding justice, equity, and a sociopolitical system that values life. Amidst this evolving democratic landscape, the Church is called to recognize signs of God's reign and embrace a more prophetic role. Though a minority, it has the potential to offer courageous leadership and inspire deeper societal renewal through Gospel witness.

The Party of Justice and Solidarity was established and inaugurated on May 14, 2025, in Mogadishu, bringing together the current president, Hasan Sheikh Mohamoud; his prime minister, Hamza Abdi Barre; the leadership of the federal parliament; federal government ministers; senior government officials; and some presidents of Federal Member States, including Hirshabelle Ali Abdullahi Gudlaawe, the president of Galmudug Ahmed Abdi Qoor- Qoor, and the president of South West Abdiaziz Hassan Mohamed Laftaggareen, whose terms of office and constitutional mandates had all previously expired.

This paper explores whether Somalia is following in Afghanistan's footsteps-marked by protracted conflict, external dependency, and institutional fragility. Despite decades of international aid and military support, Somalia remains besieged by terrorism, political fragmentation, and donor fatigue. Drawing parallels with Afghanistan, the study examines how clan-based governance, fractured security forces, and overreliance on foreign interventions hinder sustainable state-building. It argues that without internal reform and genuine local ownership of security and governance, Somalia risks a similar unraveling. The paper concludes with strategic recommendations for reimagining Somalia's future beyond failed templates.

The purpose of this research is to investigate the effect of mediation in the realization of re-reintegration shame in union violations under the jurisdiction of the government penal organization. The method of this research is an experimental type with a control group. The sample of the study includes 52 union offenders with high-selling and fraud violations in two groups, the witness and the control group, after completing the investigation or process through a questionnaire that contains 47 items in six dependent variables, namely shame, acceptability and stigmatization, belonging and togetherness. Continuity, criminal associates, adherence to moral values, expectation of shame and pressure analysis were evaluated and measured, and then the data were analyzed using SPSS and Excell software and descriptive statistical tests and one-way multivariate covariance analysis. And then the data were analyzed using SPSS and Excell software and descriptive statistical tests and one-way multivariate covariance analysis.
The results of the one-way multivariate covariance analysis showed that there is a significant difference between the average scores of the test group and the control group at the confidence level of 0.95 (p<0.05).
Keywords: Reintegration shaming  Mediation  Occupational Malfeasance  fraud  extortion

This article is interested in aid preferences, or what people desire in terms of aid, in a post-conflict and post peace accord context. When examining post-conflict preferences around peace thirty years after the war in Bosnia and Herzegovina, we observe less of an emphasis on transitional justice or security-related needs and more concrete demands for traditional development-related needs such as infrastructure, jobs, improvement of public spaces and business. Using extensive and systematically collected community-generated data, we show a widespread diversity of needs and priorities related to peace depending on people's gender, age, ethnicity or nationality and location. This diversity points to the need for peace programming that is multi-modal, flexible, and able to recognize different timelines. This is significant in that Bosnia and Herzegovina has experienced very substantial international peace support and reconciliation assistance over the past three decades, but citizens are anxious to move on and return to 'normal.' The research suggests a fatigue with post-conflict contexts being perennially linked to a 'post-war' or 'post-conflict' status and thus serves as a guide for future international support decades after war has ended.

After a decade of armed and political struggle, a coalition of Islamist and Marxist movements managed to overthrow the Pahlavi dynasty in what is called, in the Islamic regime's version of modern Iranian history, the Islamic Revolution. Like any of its other aspects, the 1979 Revolution had even its name carefully altered by simply omitting its Marxist and Leninist aspectsin favour of Ruhollah Khomeini's pro-Islamic movement and Hezbollah ideology. Unfortunately, this alteration did not only limit the revolution's name; it cost the lives of hundreds of thousands of Iranians and destroyed the livelihoods of millions more, freezing them in time for decades, grieving for their lost children or waiting for at least some information on the whereabouts of their graves. Thousands are still missing, and tens of thousands more stories remain untold regarding the fates of those who were arrested in the first decades of the revolution. The crimes of the Islamic regime in Iran are, of course, not limited to the first decade, but this study's focus is on transitional justice, so its scope will be restricted to the revolution's immediate aftermathfrom February 1979 to December 1988. In this limited study, the author attempts to shed light on some of the most dreadful realities that can be learned from the Islamic Revolution in Iran and the dark and bloody reign of the Ayatollahs in the last four decades in Iran in the context of transitional justice (TJ) and human rights.

The purpose and dream of God our Heavenly Parent and Creator through the long history of the universe and human history has been to realize the Kingdom of Heaven on Earth, where God can dwell in oneness with human beings centered on the True Parents. However, foundational background work was carried on in order to enable the final consummation, opening the gates to the Kingdom of Heaven through the Entrance Ceremony conducted by Holy Mother Han (Han Hakja, Mother of Peace) on April 13, 2025 in Gapyeong, South Korea. This article details some of that background foundational work done in order to restore sexual purity, to unite East and West, reconcile and heal the Archangel Satan, and unite Heaven and Earth.

Introduction
Mea Culpa : Le Voyage de la Rédemption
La rédemption est un voyage, une quête intérieure, une aventure de transformation personnelle. Ce livre, Mea Culpa : Le Voyage de la Rédemption, est né d'une profonde conviction : il est possible de changer, de se réinventer, de se libérer de nos erreurs passées pour nous élever vers une version meilleure de nous-mêmes.
Il y a des moments dans la vie où l'on se confronte à la réalité de nos erreurs, où l'on réalise l'ampleur de la douleur que nous avons infligée à ceux que nous aimons, à ceux qui nous entourent, parfois même à nous-mêmes. Ces instants peuvent être accablants, les remords écrasants, mais ils peuvent aussi devenir des tremplins vers une nouvelle forme de vie. La rédemption n’est pas une fin, mais un processus de guérison, de croissance et d’acceptation. C'est dans la reconnaissance de nos fautes, dans la sincérité de nos regrets, que nous trouvons la clé pour avancer.
Pourquoi ce titre, Mea Culpa ?
Le terme Mea Culpa, qui signifie littéralement « par ma faute », est un acte d’humilité, un moment de confession qui ouvre la voie à la guérison. C’est un mot lourd de sens, chargé de vérité. Dire Mea Culpa, c’est accepter de regarder en face nos erreurs sans les dissimuler, c’est faire un pas vers le pardon – d’abord envers soi-même, puis envers les autres. Ce livre est donc une invitation à ce voyage, à cette quête de rédemption qui commence par l'acceptation de nos torts, mais qui ne s’arrête pas là. Il nous pousse à transformer nos blessures en forces et à offrir au monde une version plus authentique et plus apaisée de nous-mêmes.
Un voyage nécessaire, mais difficile
Dans ces pages, je vous invite à traverser avec moi le chemin de la rédemption. Ce chemin n’est pas simple, il est pavé de doutes, de remises en question, de moments de faiblesse et de confrontation à nos propres démons. Mais c’est un voyage nécessaire. Parce qu'il nous permet de grandir, de nous libérer des poids du passé et de nous réconcilier avec ceux que nous avons blessés.
Les pages qui suivent ne sont pas un guide pour devenir parfait, mais un cheminement pour apprendre à mieux nous connaître, à reconnaître nos erreurs, à réparer ce qui peut l'être et à nous réinventer à travers l’amour, le pardon, la sincérité et l’humilité. Ce n’est pas un voyage qui se termine dans une destination figée, mais un processus continu, au fil des étapes, de nos actions et de nos choix.
Une invitation à se réinventer
Chacun d’entre nous a ses propres combats intérieurs, ses propres blessures et ses propres fardeaux. Mais la beauté de la rédemption réside dans le fait que, même si notre passé est parfois lourd, il ne définit pas nécessairement notre futur. Nous avons toujours la possibilité de changer, de nous améliorer, de créer un avenir plus lumineux, plus authentique et plus empreint d'amour.

Given the political efforts that brought peace to Afghanistan, this research aims to examine Pakistan's role in Afghan peace and reconciliation post-2001 and provide an understanding of the roots of the conflict in Afghanistan. By employing a qualitative research design, the present study is conducted on descriptive discourse analysis. The results of the study identify both internal and external roots of the conflict that exists in Afghanistan, the role of external stakeholders being stronger, compared to economic and social factors along with personal, psychological and identity dimensions. Although the relationship between Pakistan and Afghanistan has been more or less uneasy, the road to peace in Afghanistan always runs through Pakistan; and a safe Pakistan guarantees a safe future for Afghanistan. Decreasing conflict and bringing reconciliation in Afghanistan was never an easy path for Pakistan, as Pakistan missed proportionately the required will, capacity, and public support to counter the peace and reconciliation efforts in Afghanistan.

The Hearts of Flesh-Not Stone project’s transdisciplinary activities focused principally upon whether “experiencing the suffering of the other” (ESO) enhances willingness to reconcile (WtR). This report presents an analysis of three ESO field trips employing intervention methods to enhance WtR in intergroup relations in the Palestinian Israeli context. Study participants were Palestinians from the West Bank and Jerusalem and the three interventions (labeled: PalESO_1,2,3) were educational experiences that included 6-day field trips to Poland or Germany with visits to memorial sites of historical Jewish suffering. This element was central: intervention participants visited specific geographical locations and museums that memorialized the tragedies of World War II and the Nazi crimes of the Holocaust.

A criminology literature in recent decades shows that some accepted concepts in criminology have faced extensive theoretical and conceptual changes. Deterrence is one of the most important concepts that has been placed in the evolution of criminology concepts and various theories in criminology have been formed around it. In this research, using the library-analytical method, deterrence in the theory of situational action and defiance has been discussed and compared with the theory of deterrence. The findings of the research showed that although in the theory of deterrence, all people are always choosing between criminal and non-criminal options and are therefore subject to the effect of deterrence, but in the theory of situational action, only people who have an average moral level use cost-benefit analysis and therefore they are subject to deterrence. In the theory of defiance, unlike the theories of deterrence and situational action, the mechanism of deterrence affects people through shame. Therefore, punishment can only have a deterrent effect if the person is embarrassed as a result of the criminal reaction. Of course, in the theory of defiance, in addition to shame, the existence of strong social ties and the legitimacy of the factor imposing a criminal reaction are also effective on deterrence. In the end, it can be said that the theories of situational action and defiance have rejected the generality of the deterrent effect on all people. Also, in the theory of defiance, shame has been introduced as the basis of deterrence instead of cost-benefit analysis.

Transformative justice in the late 1990s, was introduced as a new approach to justice that seeks to transform unjust structures to eradicate structural causes of crime. Because crime is often the result of injustice, domination, and inequality, and as long as the structural causes of crime persist, the crime will remain. Transformative justice pursues this goal mainly by linking restorative justice to social justice movements. Because restorative justice provides desirable opportunities for personal and social changes by facilitating dialogue and social networking. Through this dialogue, members of the community, on the one hand, learn about themselves and seek positive personal changes. On the other hand, they will gain a better understanding of their community and the changes that are needed in it and will unite for structural transformations. The present study by descriptive-analytical methodology, explained the philosophical-social, legal, and criminological foundations of this idea and some practical examples of it.

Following the genocide in Rwanda that killed one million people, the Rwandan government turned to Gacaca courts, which are rooted in the culture of all the people of Rwanda, in order to expedite the prosecution of those involved in this humanitarian catastrophe and reduce the prison population. In order to adapt these courts to the conditions of the crimes committed, the Rwandan government made several changes in these courts, which according to many, changed its traditional and informal nature and brought it closer to the criminal courts. This intermediate mechanism, in addition to having gains and advantages as an alternative judicial response, has also caused concern and criticism from a human rights perspective. The present article examines this intermediate mechanism and its positive and negative aspects from a human rights perspective.

The political history of Somalia, from 1960 to 2023, unfolds across four distinct eras, i.e. democratic multi-party system, authoritarian military regime, political vacuum and national fragmentation, and clan-based selection/election; each marks a significant period in the country's political landscape. Each period has its characters and common denominator. The first era, from 1960 to 1969, witnessed the initiation of a democratic multi-party system, a unique phase in Somalia's contemporary history. Despite its brevity in the broader historical context, this phase holds profound significance in shaping Somalia's political mentality and has left an indelible mark on the Somali mindset. This paper delves into the political dynamics of this initial era, with a particular focus on the drawbacks that emerged and influenced its trajectory. The paper emphasizes the importance of recognizing and addressing these drawbacks within their historical context. The findings contribute to a nuanced understanding of Somalia's political evolution, offering valuable insights for formulating effective reforms to establish a resilient and inclusive political system in the future.

I began writing this paper in the days after the Hamas massacre of Israelis and taking of hostages on October 7, 2023, and as Israel began its horrifying bombardment of Gaza. I continued writing through the following year. I wrote in an attempt to orient, and colleagues, students and family were reaching out to me. The paper discusses the history of the Israel-Palestine conflict, and touches on dynamics of violent conflict and collective trauma and accountability. I especially look through the lens of considering our part as members of the international community, at a distance — whether we are clicking on the news, in conversations with family, or are journalists, diplomats, negotiators, or facilitators. My interest is in how we cultivate our personal and collective awareness to not inadvertently feed polarization, divisiveness and violence, and to support finding a way forward.  I write as a human being, as a psychotherapist, a conflict resolution facilitator and as a Jew, the daughter of holocaust survivors. I grew up in the United States, live in the UK, co-founded Process Work UK, and CFOR, and work internationally, including facilitating over many years in large forums in the Balkans and in Rwanda, among communities grappling with violent conflict and finding a way forward.

C'est toujours une joie de découvrir l'existence d'un réseau transnational. Dans ce cas précis, il s'agit d'un réseau de spécialistes en France et Outre-Manche travaillant sur l'histoire politique et institutionnelle des femmes britanniques. Ils ont produit un livre de qualité : en plus de l'éditrice du volume, les auteurs comptent Pat Thane,

In the complex landscape of post-conflict societies, the role of cooperatives in promoting community cohesion and peacebuilding remains underexplored. This paper seeks to address this gap by examining the transformative potential of cooperatives in Bosnia and Herzegovina. Drawing on ethnographic research conducted within a cooperative setting in Bosnia, this study explores how cooperative enterprises contribute to the process of democratization and reconciliation in a context characterized by nationalism and ethnic tensions.

By employing a multidisciplinary approach that combines insights from political science, sociology, and peace studies, this paper delves into the intricate interplay between nationalism, ethnicity, and cooperative dynamics. It investigates how cooperatives serve as spaces of encounter and cooperation among individuals from diverse ethnic backgrounds, fostering dialogue, trust, and social capital. Furthermore, the paper examines the extent to which cooperatives empower marginalized communities, promote economic resilience, and mitigate the root causes of conflict.

Through a nuanced analysis of case studies and qualitative data, this paper offers valuable insights into the potential of cooperative models to transcend ethnic divisions and contribute to the consolidation of democratic norms and institutions. By shedding light on the grassroots initiatives that drive social change and reconciliation, this study contributes to broader debates on nationalism, democratization, and peacebuilding in post-conflict settings.

Bosnia and Herzegovina, a society marked by a tumultuous past,
continues to face persistent challenges related to institutional and
administrative issues. This situation also reflects in a smallscale perspective when observed social cohesion and economic
development aspects. The ethnic conflict culminating in
the Bosnian War (1992-1995) left deep scars, resulting in the
fragmentation and segregation of its communities [3]. The
war devastated infrastructure, destabilized the economy, and
exacerbated ethnic tensions, creating an environment where
reconciliation and sustainable development are issues harder to
address. Post-conflict societies like Bosnia and Herzegovina
face significant hurdles in rebuilding social cohesion and trust,
essential components for long-term peace and stability.
In this context, cooperatives - an autonomous association of
persons united voluntarily to meet their common economic, social,
and cultural needs and aspirations through a jointly owned and
democratically controlled enterprise, emerge as a local agent
that can offer a bottom-up approach in order to contribute to
peacebuilding and social reconstruction. Usually remembered in
moments of crisis, cooperatives are organized by their principles
of equality, solidarity, and democracy. Despite the challenges
faced by cooperatives, whether through co-optation by the private
market or due to their state-oriented nature in countries that
experienced the Soviet regime, cooperatives have demonstrated
relevant assets in several cases around the world by contributing
to economic development and social cohesion.

Like their counterparts in other countries beset with internal conflicts
if not outright civil war, South African
theatermakers during the apartheid era found in classical tragedy scenarios
for representing the struggle against the brutality of an authoritarian
state but in post-apartheid South Africa the stakes have changed.. The persistence of inequity and injustice perpetuated by new rulers,
even if they were former victims, prompts a skeptical revaluation of the
official narrative in which the African National Congress (ANC) claims
the moral high ground of a national hero. As the wealth gap increases,
poverty remains entrenched, and death stalks the country in the shape
of AIDS, assaults on women and children, and criminal violence out of
all proportion to the value of property being stolen, the epic narrative
of national liberation and the victory of justice over oppression have
been cast into doubt. Many local theatermakers have used satire to indict the
corruption, impunity, and indifference of the newly powerful. Audiences
Others have turned to dark farce:. But the legacy of death by AIDS, crime or
malign neglect, which has marred the epic narrative that the ANC still
calls the “national democratic revolution” and shadowed the posture of
leaders calling for national unity in the face of deepening disenchantment
and outright suffering, demands the unflinching portrayal of the harm
perpetuated by its agents, in what should be called the tragedy of the commoner. This article looks at adaptations of tragedy from Fugard's Orestes to Farber's Molora that cast a critical eye on the state of the nation and its commoners struggling against rulers

THYPOSTATIC UNION IS HARDLY INVOKED in Catholic social ethics, unlike the more arcane doctrine of the Trinity, which appears more popular for both the Church and public theologians. Yet, from the doctrine of the hypostatic union, humans can recognize that God encounters humans and beckons them on towards full reconciliation without destroying what defines them as humans. Rather, God unites them with himself. That “mode of being” should be Christians’ critical contribution to the public as inspired by their distinctive ethics. Accordingly, Catholic Social Teaching/Thought needs to acknowledge the promise of the “hypostatic union” as a more viable theological analogue in the Church’s theology of reconciliation.

This research explores the critical role of media in peacebuilding and reconciliation in Somalia, a country that has endured prolonged conflict and political instability. The study begins by highlighting the significant influence media holds in shaping public discourse and its potential to foster dialogue and unity in post-conflict settings. However, it also notes that the effectiveness of Somali media in contributing to peace and reconciliation is not well understood. The primary objective of this research is to evaluate the role of media in promoting peace and reconciliation, identify the challenges it faces, and propose actionable recommendations. The research adopts a mixed-methods approach, combining both quantitative data from structured questionnaires distributed to 424 participants and qualitative insights from in-depth interviews with 30 key informants, including media practitioners and regulatory bodies. Content analysis of media outputs was also conducted to assess how peacebuilding and conflict are portrayed in Somali media. The study's findings reveal a highly fragmented media environment in Somalia, characterized by political interference, safety concerns, and limited resources. Quantitative data analysis, including inferential tests, shows no significant relationship between current media practices and peacebuilding outcomes. The qualitative data further corroborates these findings, revealing that media practitioners often lack conflict-sensitive reporting skills, face external pressures, and operate in an environment where sensationalism overrides responsible journalism. The research concludes that while Somali media has the potential to be a powerful tool for peacebuilding, there are significant challenges to overcome. Recommendations include targeted training for journalists on conflict-sensitive reporting, enhancing journalist safety, and developing comprehensive media policies. The study also acknowledges its limitations, particularly the challenging security environment, which restricted data collection in some conflict-affected areas. This research provides valuable insights into the role of media in peacebuilding in Somalia and offers practical recommendations for improving the media's contribution to sustainable peace and reconciliation.

El resumen es una presentacion abreviada y precisa (la NTC 1486 de 2008 recomienda En la decada pasada, cientos de desmovilizados llegan a la ciudad de Bogota a iniciar su proceso de reintegracion a la sociedad a partir de los acuerdos establecidos con el estado colombiano en el marco de la Justicia Transicional. Estos deben interiorizar los elementos necesarios que establece el estado para lograr el “perfil Reintegrado”, el cual garantizara la permanencia en la sociedad. En este proceso de socializacion se evidencia las mayores dificultades pues el ex combatiente entra en conflicto con las disposiciones a socializar. El presente estudio pretende comprender la relacion que establece el sujeto con el estado en el campo de la reintegracion, en el que a partir de su Trayectoria social construyo imaginarios sociales de Estado y de ciudadania. Para ello fue necesario asumir los contextos sociales, politicos y familiares en los que se construyeron los sujetos, antes, durante y posterior a...

In the late 19th and early 20th centuries, as European powers expanded in the Horn of Africa, Islamic scholars emerged as leaders in the Somali resistance, a period known as the "Era of the Sheikhs." Sheikh Hassan Barsane (1852–1927), a key figure from the Salihiyah Sufi order, advocated armed resistance against Italian, British, French, and Ethiopian invaders, while others pursued non-violent methods.

Barsane is particularly remembered for his opposition to Ethiopian incursions and Italian rule, rallying forces for Jihad to defend Somali territory. His legacy highlights the intersection of faith, culture, and politics in Somalia's anti-colonial struggle. After studying in Makkah, he became a significant promoter of the Salihiyah movement, which combined spiritual and political activism.

Despite limited historical records, Barsane's resistance to Ethiopian invasions in 1905 and Italian fascism in the 1920s exemplifies Somali resilience. His defiance led to his capture and death in prison in 1926, yet his legacy endures as a symbol of the fight against oppression. This article examines his life, resistance, and lasting impact on Somali identity, emphasizing the need for further research into this critical chapter of history.

The main objective of this article was to re-read Francis Imbuga's selected plays: The Successor, Game of Silence and Betrayal in the City, on the way they interrogate the 21 st C Kenya sociopolitical system. The article used primary data gathered from the three selected Imbuga's plays while the secondary data were obtained from the University of Dar es salaam main library and online library. This study is qualitative in nature. The data for the study were obtained through close reading and were analysed by classifying them into themes. By using new-historicism theory, it was revealed that the three Imbuga's plays interrogates the 21 st C Kenyan socio political situation in different ways by revealing socio-political issues like corruption, betrayal and poor leadership, oppression and suppression, cruelty against women, conflicts, disunity, disillusionment and poor power succession. The article concludes that Imbuga's literary works are timeless because they endlessly reflect the real socio-political situation of Kenya. This fact makes literature to be considered as a tool for social change.

في يوليو 1945، أي بعد شهرين فقط من انتهاء الحرب العالمية الثانية في أوروبا، قاد الشيخ بشير انتفاضة ضد السلطات البريطانية في محمية الصومال البريطانية السابقة، مستهدفًا مدينتي بورعو وعيرغابو          في الشمال. كانت هذه الثورة جزءًا مهمًا من النضال الأوسع ضد الاستعمار الأوروبي  في البلاد وعكست التأثير المستمر للعلماء في قيادة المقاومة ضد الاستعمار، وبالطبع، شكل هذ التاثير أساسا متينا في المقاومة المسلحة التي قادها السيد محمد عبد الله حسن في بداية القرن العشرين. وبالإضافة إلى ذلك، كانت ثورة الشيخ بشير امتدادا على تمردات أخرى قائمة في المنطقة والبلاد ومثلت جزءًا من نمط أوسع من المقاومة الصومالية للقوى الاستعمارية  التي تعود إلى أوائل القرن التاسع عشر

This article provides an overview of ten key narratives in Somalia's trajectory of historical development. These narratives include Somalia's rich ancient history, its early maritime trade networks, and the significant influence of Islam on Somali society. It also examines the disruption caused by colonial powers, the role of Somali nationalism in shaping the modern state. It discusses the collapse of the Somali state as well as the efforts to rebuild it in 2000, focusing on clan-based power-sharing and the adoption of Islam as a legal framework. Additionally, it addresses the challenges of political culture in state rebuilding under federalism, the rise of political clannism and extremism like Al-Shabaab. It delves into Ethiopia's recent policies towards Somaliland and their impact on Somali sovereignty. The article concludes by highlighting the resilience of Somali society despite state weaknesses and external pressures, offering a comprehensive understanding of Somalia's complex historical trajectory and contemporary issues.

This article examines Augustine’s just war reflections and highlights its significance to contemporary discussions on war, violence, peace, and justice. To demonstrate this, the article first analyzes some of Augustine’s insights on war, justice, and peace, and how some classical influences significantly contributed to his reflection on these subjects. Second, by examining James Turner Johnson’s reception, interpretation, and expansion of the just war theory (JWT), especially in light of contemporary discussions, the article shows how this ancient thought remains ever new. While indicating the attendant ambiguity that surrounds the JWT, the article argues that the JWT still holds much relevance, especially when it is critically re-engaged in the light of the present day debate on nonviolence and just peace.

Background and purpose: The officers of the border guard command of the whole country, in the capacity of bailiffs, as the executive arms of the judicial system, play a fundamental role in the process of filing a judicial case.The purpose of this research is the pathology of the judicial case in the border guard command of Gilan province.
Method: The current research is applied in terms of purpose and qualitative descriptive in terms of the nature and method of data collection. The statistical population of this research includes all judicial cases filed in the Border Guard Command of Gilan province, and the sample size, according to the theoretical saturation process, includes all problematic and returned cases from the judicial authorities. The tool for data collection was the use of the technique of scanning judicial documents and cases. The obtained data were analyzed using the content analysis technique and main and subcategories were extracted.
Findings: The obtained findings show that the harms of filing judicial cases in the Border Guard Command of Gilan Province have three main structural, process and contextual dimensions and twelve sub-components including; Problems and obstacles, professional approach, paying attention to the issue of participation and companionship, intelligentization, precision in planning and implementation, managerial conflict, lack of specialist staff, lack and inadequacy of equipment appropriate to the mission, focus on employee training, existence of legal loopholes and confrontation Judicial negligence is the inadequacy of legal support for police performance, control and supervision.
Conclusion: The results of the research showed that in order to reduce the delay of proceedings and the return of cases for re-examination, it is better to develop and implement training programs (legal-judicial) for judicial officers using experienced professors, separation of border and law enforcement missions in border guard units, appointing a border judge. In the prosecutor's offices of border and maritime cities, in order to master the issues of smuggling, illegal traffic, shooting in the border strip, etc., revision and development of deterrent laws for the perpetrators of border and maritime crimes, connecting the Faraja administrative system with the judiciary (prosecutors and courts) up to the level Checkpoints should be put on the agenda in order to speed up the receipt and sending of cases and judicial orders and the sending of a representative by the judicial authority during tense sentences.

Intoduction: I have been blessed to work with, walk with, and courageously engage in conversation and practice of projects, and social interventions that are designed to address issues of diversity inclusion, reconciliation and transformation. My learning and practice in the field of youth work, development, theology, political science, reconciliation studies, and organisational leadership, provides me with an interdisciplinary approach and dynamism in the way I view, assess, and then engage in practical design and implementation. I am grateful for the people, mentors, and participants who I have engaged over the last 3 decades in the continued pursuit of building inclusive and beloved community, where the reconciliation mindset or framework is applied.

The collection of reflections that are pulled together come the years of 2009 to 2016. These personal reflections are offered from the learning of a practitioner who is learning, and committed to learning anew, and sharing the learnings. I am hopeful that my personal and professional reflections, will provide a reflective resource for those who have interest. It is my hope that these reflections which vary in length and style, will allow readers to delve more deeply into the socially constructed divides that continue to plague our everyday world.

These reflections are drawn from a process of journaling that assists me personally, in calming the storms of my mind, heart and soul. I observe the social injustices and complexities of our everyday world, and I am conflicted. To bring peace reflecting and writing helps me in the field of my work, witness and service. Perhaps these reflections will provide others an opportunity to reflect, and consider their personal, professional and community roles in bringing about a more equitable future for our everyday world.

Can we imagine reflective people who invest in building communities of practice who are intentionally inclusive, and practical in their service of themselves, others and their environment, which may result in more expressions of beloved community?

These reflections are aimed and purposed to have more people considering what the Lord requires of us, and that is to act justly, love, mercy and walk humbly with God!

لفهم تاريخ انتشار الإسلام في منطقة القرن الأفريقي، من المهم إدراك العمل العظيم الذي  قام به العلماء، ومعظمهم ينتمون إلى طريقتين صوفيتين: القادرية والأحمدية. الطريقة الصالحية ليست مستقلة بل هي جزء من الطريقة الأحمدية لتصحيح بعض الأخطاء في الأدبيات. لقد قدمتُ لمحة عامة عن القادرية في مقالنا الأخير الذي نُشر مؤخرا باللغة العربية والإنجليزية . وهذه المقالة تقدم نظرة عامة عن علماء الأحمدية  في الصومال  وفروعها في الصّومالِ  التي هي الطّريقةُ الرَّحمانيةُ والطّريقةُ الصّالحيَّةُ والطّريقةُ الدّندراويّة. تجمعُ الطّريقةُ الأحمديّةُ وفروعُها عمومًا ما بينَ الصّوفيةِ والنّزعةِ الإصّلاحيّةِ عبرَ التِأكيد على اكتسابِ المعرفةِ العميقةِ بالعلومِ الشّرعيَّةِ.

توثيق الكتاب:
جلال عبدالله معوض، الديموقراطية والتنمية السياسية (القاهرة: جامعة عين شمس، التعليم المفتوح، شعبة التنمية اجتماعية والتخطيط الاجتماعي، 2001).
يستهدف هذا الكتاب بحث عدة قضايا ترتبط بالديمقراطية كمكون أساسى للتنمية السياسية والتى تشمل بدورها مكونات أخرى كالتكامل السياسي والاستقرار السياسي والشرعية السياسية.  وتُعد هذه التنمية فى حد ذاتها جانباً مهماً من جوانب التنمية كعملية مجتمعية متعددة الجوانب السياسية والاقتصادية والاجتماعية والثقافية.
ويحاول الكتاب التوصل إلى إجابات عن بعض التساؤلات المثارة فى هذا الخصوص من قبيل: ما هى طبيعة التنمية عموماً وخصائصها وجوانبها؟ ما هى طبيعة العلاقة بين الديمقراطية وبين غيرها من جوانب التنمية السياسية؟ وما علاقة الديمقراطية بالجوانب الأخرى للعملية الإنمائية وخاصة التنمية الاقتصادية؟ ما المقصود بالديمقراطية كمبدأ سياسى؟ وما هى العناصر الأساسية لهذا المبدأ؟ هل هناك تطبيق واحد للديمقراطية؟ أم أن تطبيقاتها تختلف باختلاف أشكال النظم السياسية وأوضاع المجتمعات؟ وماذا يميز التطبيق الغربي الليبرالى للديمقراطية عن محاولات تطبيقها فى نظم أخرى بما فيها النظم الشمولية والنظم السلطوية والنظم الإنتقالية؟ ما هى أهم الآليات والوسائل المعاصرة لتحقيق الديمقراطية؟ وما هى سماتٍ ووظائف هذه الآليات (كالقيادة السياسية والأحزاب السياسية وجماعات المصالح والانتخابات والرأى العام ووسائل الاعلام والتعليم وغيرها) فى النظم السياسية المختلفة؟
ويسعى المؤلف إلى تيسير تقديم طرح الأسئلة والقضايا والمفاهيم المختلفة ذات الصلة، بالرغم مما يثور حولها من غموض وجدل بين مدارس فكرية مختلفة