Minority Rights

A tegnap megnéztem a debreceni Magyarország-Románia teremfoci meccset. Életemben az elsőt. A román himnuszt "becsületesen" kifütyölték. Hát mondjuk, másutt is megtörténik. De a bekiabálások, hogy "cigányok, cigányok" szerintem ez egy kicsit sok volt. Miért sok? Mert gondolni kellene a határon túli szórványmagyarságra is. Miért? Hogy ennek a cigányozásnak visszahatásaként, ne azt kapják, Kolozsvárt, meg másutt a szorványban, hogy beszéljenek otthon magyarul, ne az úton. Persze, ezen felháborodik a romániai magyar sajtó, mintha csak a románok lennének a hibásak, a magyargyűlölök Ádám és Éva óta. Nem veszük észre, hogy részünkről is éri őket provokáció, amit politikailag jól ki lehet használni. Mert ugye nekünk Trianon fájdalmát gyógyítandó, mindent szabad. De amúgy nem csodálkozom a cigányozáson, a csikszeredai stadion lelátóin látható, románokat provokáló nagymagyarországos trikókon, amikor Orbán Viktor provokál nagymagyarországos sállal, jár elől "jó példával". Azt is mondhatjuk, hogy a szurkolókat megértjük, de egy miniszterelnök legyen ilyen eszement?! Hát ez már nem elfogadható! Miért? Mert ő azt állítja, hogy felelősséget érez a határon túli magyarokért és ezt anyagiakban ki is fejezi. Erről Magyari Nándor László a blogján valamikor azt írta, hogy pénzmosás. Tény az, hogy Orbán a Fidesz-mafiát kiszervezte a környező államokba, azok magyarságát használva fel hatalmi célból. De ez tényleg felelősség? De mi az, ami megtart? Az anyagiak? Nicolae Iorga a gondolatai között azt írja, hogy nem tart meg sem a hadsereg, sem a gazdaság, hanem a szellem. A felelősség a szellemben kezdődik, mely egyesít. Ebben a szellemben mondta Szabó Dezső, hogy "minden magyar, felelős minden magyarért". A miniszterelnök, aki nagymagyarországos sálállal provokál; akik cigányozással provokálják a románokat, nem gondolva a szórvány magyarságra, megnehezítvén helyzetüket, lelkükre terhet róva, azok nem éreznek felelősséget a határon túli nemzettesvéreikkel szemben.

This article examines the construction of the Cina Benteng identity in Tangerang in relation to Indonesia’s citizenship dynamics and population policy. Through a historical review—from the enactment of Law No. 3/1946, the citizenship division under the 1949 Round Table Conference, the Indonesia–PRC Dual Citizenship Treaty, to Presidential Decree No. 10/1959—this paper demonstrates how legal recognition of Chinese Indonesians often failed to translate into substantive recognition. Soemitro’s Benteng Program, the SBKRI policy under the New Order, and the practice of administrative marking inherited the colonial Staatsblad logic of racial categorization. Referring to Benhabib’s and Honneth’s theories of recognition and alienation, this paper highlights the urgency of a Single Indonesian Citizenship principle, not merely guaranteed on paper but realized through fair population administration—especially through post-Reformasi citizenship policy, the 2006 Citizenship Law, and the e-KTP system. The Cina Benteng case underlines that ethnic recognition and inclusive population governance must be integrated to realise substantive citizenship in the Indonesian context.

The paper argues that Tocqueville can be rightly included among the many 19th-century thinkers who philosophized about the “end of history.” This is supported by the fact that the idea of providential history and the present age as its final epoch appears not only in his major works, but also, and no less frequently, in his letters and private conversations. By investigating the latter, it can also be stated that Tocqueville’s personal convictions regarding the final outcome of history were much more pessimistic than what his writings intended for the public and adapted to its expectations show.

This study assessed the views and experiences of service providers and individuals who have gone through rehabilitation for substance abuse in the Ga East Municipality of Ghana. Data was collected through indepth interviews with rehabilitation healthcare providers and individuals who have received rehabilitation care. The study found that there is a significant gap in the provision of rehabilitation care for substance abuse in Ghana, with only a limited number of facilities available particularly outside of urban areas. The cost of treatment was identified as a significant barrier to accessing care, particularly for those from lowincome backgrounds. The quality of care provided in rehabilitation facilities was also a concern for participants, with many noting shortfalls in standardisation across facilities. This study underscores the critical need for enhanced public education regarding substance abuse and its available treatment options. Additionally, it highlights the significant gaps in Ghana's rehabilitation care provision for substance abuse and emphasises the urgency of addressing these gaps. This includes initiatives aimed at improving access to care, enhancing the quality of care provided with a specific focus on implementing patient-centered approaches and reducing stigma. The study offers recommendations, including the enhancement of regulatory frameworks and low-cost rehabilitation facilities. Furthermore, the study advocates for subsidising treatment costs or incorporating them into health insurance plans, coupled with increased public education and support programs, thus providing valuable insights that can inform the development of evidence-based policies and interventions for rehabilitation care in Ghana. By addressing the identified gaps in access and utilisation of rehabilitation healthcare provision, such policies and interventions could contribute to achieving Sustainable Development Goal (SDG) 3, particularly Target 3.5 which focuses on strengthening the prevention of drug use and improving access to effective treatment services for individuals struggling with substance abuse.

The Russian–Serbian Humanitarian Centre, located at the airport in Niš, has been part of Russia’s soft-power strategy to create a network of Moscow-controlled disaster-relief hubs across the world and, specifically in this case, to strengthen its regional influence in the Balkans. In this way, Russia sought to accumulate symbolic capital, to be used as a hybrid tool in geopolitical competition. This strategy failed in Southeast Europe, where the Centre in Niš shadowed the rise and fall of Russian soft power overall in the first two decades of the twenty-first century.

Bu makale Hukuk-ı Aile Kararnamesi’ni bir yandan dönemin Osmanlı toplumunun ihtiyaçlarına çözüm arayan, diğer yandan Avrupa medeni kanunlarında yer alan bazı hükümleri Osmanlı aile hukukuna uyarlamaya çalışan bir metin olarak ele almaktadır. Özellikle evlilik yaşının sınırlandırılması, nikah öncesi ilan şartı, evlendirme velayetinin daraltılması gibi düzenlemeler, Fransız Medeni Kanunu ile başlayan Avrupa’daki kanunlaştırma sürecinin ortaya çıkardığı hukuk anlayışının etkilerini açıkça yansıtmaktadır. Avrupa medeni kanunlarında yer alan hükümlerin kararnamede yer bulabilmesi, başkanlığını Seyyid Bey’in yürüttüğü Kanun-ı Medeni Tali Komisyonunun belirlediği şu iki ilke ile mümkün olmuştur: Hanefî mezhebiyle sınırlı kalmaksızın diğer müçtehitlerin görüşlerinden yararlanmak ve şer‘î hükümlere aykırı olmamak kaydıyla yabancı hukuk sistemlerinden hüküm iktibas etmek. Böylelikle Avrupa hukukundan alınan bazı düzenlemeler farklı müçtehitlerin görüşleriyle temellendirilerek kararnameye dahil edilebilmiştir. Bu iki ilke, Kanun-ı Medeni Tali Komisyonunun hazırladığı mazbatada fıkıh ve usûl-ı fıkıh çerçevesinde temellendirilmiştir. Bu makalede, söz konusu temellendirmeyi yapan kişinin Seyyid Bey olduğu öne sürülmektedir.

The Caucasus encompasses a large variety of peoples, which were divided into a complex administrative-terri- torial system. During Soviet times, the main units in the South Caucasus consisted of the three Union Repub- lics: Armenia, Azerbaijan, and Georgia. The North Caucasus, which formed part of the Russian Socialist Federative Soviet Republic, was divided into several "autonomous" regions or republics. Autonomous terri- tories also existed within the South Caucasus Union Republics. While the Caucasus lacked unity during the Soviet period, the region became even more frangible after the USSR's demise because of the ethnic revival and armed conflicts that exploded at the end of the 1980s and at the beginning of the 1990s. Each conflict is unique and has specific origins and developments. Beyond some local attempts to build a united Cauca- sian entity, the main tendencies show a divided region where loyalties are short-lived. The dominant role that Russia tries to play...

A könyv elsődleges célja, hogy hozzájáruljon az új típusú autoriter rendszerek jobb megértéséhez, különös tekintettel a társadalmi kontrollfunkciót ellátó civil társadalmi szervezetekre. Társadalomelméleti keretben elemzi a CSO-k demokratikus nyilvánosságban betöltött szerepét, valamint összehasonlító alkotmányjogi szempontból vizsgálja a társadalmi kontrollfunkciót ellátó CSO-k létrehozására, működésére és tevékenységeire vonatkozó korlátozási mechanizmusokat. Célja továbbá, hogy megkülönböztesse az autoriter rendszerek autonómiát felszámoló intézkedéseit a demokratikus rendszerekben előforduló, autonómiát szűkítő szabályozásoktól. Ez az elkülönítés azért fontos, mert a CSO-k elleni rendszerszintű, egymásra épülő korlátozások egyfajta jelzőrendszerként szolgálnak, amely arra utal, hogy egy adott ország az autokratizálódás útjára lép. Így a CSO-kat korlátozó jogszabályok terjedése
összefüggésbe hozható a demokrácia minőségének globális romlásával.

Occasionally, a region changes its 'location'. This is typically the result of a change in the current spatial distribution of the area. Thus, as a result of this change in attitude, it becomes an element of a different spatial concept that rewrites the old one entirely or in part. Such a semantic switch does not usually occur without conflicts. The toolkit of this process includes socio-geographic phenomena such as population exchange, resettlement, relocation, expulsion, acculturation and assimilation. By presenting the meta-theoretical analysis of the names of the studied area (Délvidék / Southern Land/ -Vojvodina) in terms of political-geography, I would like to draw attention to the assumptions and real-life events that lead to the development of the different approaches and the geopolitical, ethnopolicy and cultural policy considerations that determined the use of these terms. What is unique about the phenomenon studied here is the period of brought to you by CORE View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk provided by University of Szeged 'Yugoslavisation' following World War II. As a result of this process which was also accepted by locals, the region in question had been transferred to the Balkan for a great while. The self-interpretation of the existing socialism focusing on exclusivity and decade long isolation formed an integrated part of it. This theoretical framework, based on action sociology, also allows for parallel interpretations of different socio-geographical concepts related to the same geographical area.

The analysis of the education strategy of the National Council of the Hungarian Ethnic Minority (MNT) in Vojvodina paper aims at presenting the wider, so-called regional economic-political framework of the MNT's education strategy and the minority political discourse connected to the elements that have been realized so far. In the second section, we focus on the limitations (structural deficiencies) of the institutionally achievable education policies of the MNT, while in the third section the main issue is the relation between efficiency and the tactical and strategic debates that originate from the internal struggles of minority politics. In the fourth and last chapter, we sum up the lessons of the usual and long unrevised practice of the majority-principled decision-making in education politics.

El formato de lectura fácil de las sentencias es una herramienta para la tutela judicial efectiva de las personas con discapacidad, pero no solamente, pues puede utilizarse en general para que la ciudadanía entienda la sentencia. En este trabajo se analiza el tema a la luz de la sentencia SUP-JDC-1458/2021 del TEPJF de México.

Meerut's strategic importance for India's national security stems from its unique blend of geography, history, and evolving defence relevance. Situated within the National Capital Region (NCR), Meerut serves as both a defensive shield and a military logistics hub for the security of New Delhi, the country's political and military hub. The establishment of the cantonment in 1803 and its historic role, beginning with the momentous revolt in 1857, cemented its place in India's defence consciousness. Geostrategically, its proximity to Delhi and frontline states like Punjab, Haryana and Uttarakhand positions it as an important buffer and rear base for both the western and northern fronts. The city's connectivity through highways, railways, and the upcoming Regional Rapid Transit System reinforces its role as a rapid mobilisation node. Industrially, Meerut contributes to the military base workshop, small arms manufacturing, and sports goods industries that have defence linkages, aligning with India's Atmanirbhar Bharat vision. Internally, Meerut supports paramilitary and police preparedness, counterterrorism and riot control, given the sensitivity of western Uttar Pradesh. Emerging opportunities, including integration into the cyber defence grid, smart city initiatives, and the Uttar Pradesh Defence Corridor, add to its contemporary strategic value. Thus, Meerut represents a historically rooted but visionary security hub, indispensable to the level-headed defence and comprehensive regional security architecture of India's capital.

This report is the outcome of national, regional and local consultation events that were held to inform the development of the HSE National Intercultural Health Strategy. A range of minority ethnic organisations, community based and advocacy organisations, individuals, migrant workers, refugees, asylum seekers and Travellers contributed to these consultation sessions and, equally importantly, we also consulted with a wide range of health sector & HSE clinicians and staff. I want to acknowledge and thank the many organisations, individuals and staff who worked with us -contacting communities, facilitating sessions, outreaching to vulnerable groups and generally providing us with fantastic support from start to fi nish. A number of the key messages are not confi ned to health but are pertinent to many providers of public services either statutory, community or in the voluntary sector. The richness of the many contributions I hope are refl ected in this document and work has already begun on implementation. We are keen to continue the process we begun so if you have any comments on this report please let us know at the address on the back cover.

This article argues that the Inter-American Court of Human Rights (IACtHR) has evolved from adjudicator of individual violations into a policy actor shaping domestic governance in Latin America. It advances three claims: first, compliance with IACtHR judgments functions as a stage of the policy cycle, translating treaty obligations into concrete domestic policies; second, through its interpretive practice and reparations jurisprudence, the Court indirectly generates policy frameworks in areas such as justice, education, health, and security; third, the supervision of compliance positions the Court as reviewer and controller of state implementation, embedding international standards into national governance. Methodologically, the study combines documentary analysis of compliance reports with field observation at the Court’s Compliance Supervision Unit. By linking international law to domestic policymaking, the article shows how Latin American constitutionalism is entering a second phase, in which international adjudication consolidates its role as a driver of institutional reform and democratic accountability.

Sin lugar a dudas, el reconocimiento de Palestina por parte de distintos gobiernos occidentales es necesario. Pero que dicho reconocimiento llegue en medio de un genocidio y sin ir acompañado de sanciones ni de costes reales para Israel pone en cuestión la sinceridad del gesto

This article examines the transformation of indigenous medical systems, Ayurveda and Unani, during the colonial period in India, highlighting how these medicines became a communal identity. It traces how the rise of biomedicine, supported by the British, threatened the existence of the native healing systems in the colony, prompting a revivalist response from Indian practitioners. However, this revival often aligned along religious identity, with Ayurveda increasingly associated with Hindu nationalism and Unani with Muslim identity, turning medicine into a divided, communal space. The influence of Christian missionaries and their medical missions in tribal areas further instigated religious conflicts, as proselytization efforts were often attached to healthcare delivery. The study contends that medicine, rather than being a neutral domain of healing, became a contested space where colonial power relations, religious revivalism, and nationalist ideologies intersected.

This study examines the discursive construction of Muslim and Moro identities in Senior High School literature textbooks in the Philippines, specifically the 21st Century Literature from the Philippines and the World series. Drawing on Wodak's Discourse-Historical Approach and Behdad and Williams' theory of neo-Orientalism, the research interrogates how editorial framing and paratextual materials in the anthology-type pedagogic texts operate as sites of epistemic violence. A critical discourse analysis of six widely used textbooks reveals that while some Muslim-authored texts are framed with universality and neutrality, others are subject to reductive and essentialist framing strategies. The analysis identifies recurrent use of nomination, predication, intensification, mitigation, and perspectivisation, discursive tools that render Muslim identity as synonymous with violence, repression, or cultural backwardness. With Moro narratives consistently omitted, spatially isolated, or tokenised, what emerges from the analysis is the structural pattern of containment that mirrors global neo-Orientalist logics under the guise of multicultural and liberal education. Editorial choices such as guide questions, backgrounding, and visual cues frequently prime students to interpret Muslim identities through ideologically loaded lenses. The study concludes that these textbooks function as ideological apparatuses that reinforce dominant narratives, marginalise subaltern voices, and perpetuate colonial hierarchies in the unique context of the Muslim-majority region of Bangsamoro. It calls for urgent curricular reform and the inclusion of Muslim perspectives in content development to foster genuine epistemic justice in Philippine classrooms.

The turn of the century has brought the issue of internal displacement to the forefront of the international agenda, recognising it as a matter of global concern. Scholarly research has also taken an interest, examining important aspects such as the integration of internally displaced persons into their resettlement areas. This paper examines the case of Greek-Cypriot 'refugees', a population which has experienced internal displacement for the past 50 years. Despite enjoying certain privileges granted by the Greek-Cypriot government and sharing a common language, religion and cultural practices with the non-displaced population, oral narratives collected and analysed in this study reveal a complex interaction with non-refugees during resettlement. These narratives highlight the challenges of internal displacement and emphasise that a shared ethnicity alone is insufficient to ensure social inclusion. In order to comprehend these complexities, the paper sought to engage with theories of refugee integration, with this engagement revealing the limitations of indicator-oriented conceptualisations in cases of internal displacement. The way in which these oral narratives contradict an observable indicator such as ethnicity is a point which we should take into serious consideration.

A nemzeti szuverenitás egyáltalán nem ugyanazt jelenti Európa nyugati és keleti felén. A szuverenitás bizonyos elemeinek fokozatos feladása, illetve közös gyakorlása az európai integráció kezdeti szakaszában nem okozott „lélektani sokkot” a hasonló történetpolitikai fejlődést bejárt alapító hatok esetében, a „keleti bővítés” országaiban viszont ettől gyökeresen eltérő mentalitás uralkodik. Jelen esszémben ennek a különbségnek a főbb okait, különböző értelmezéseit vázolom fel. A szuverenitás eszmetörténetének bemutatására nem vállalkozom, csupán a hozzá kapcsolódó sajátos „kelet-európai” mentalitás forrásait keresem.

This appendix from Rupak Debnath's book, The Chakma Language: Growth and Structure (2025), pp.593-612, discusses the early history and emergence of the Chakmas as a distinct ethnic group following an ethnogenetic process in which the Saks migrating from Arakan to Chittagong assimilated small sections of diverse ethnic groups, including the Buddhist Baruas of Chittagong.

Tekst jest edycją źródłową przygotowanego w Ministerstwie Spraw Zagranicznych w 1997 r. raportu. Choć dokument powstał z myślą o zbliżającej się międzynarodowej konferencji w sprawie zagrabionego w trakcie II wojny światowej złota, dotyczy przede wszystkim szeroko pojętych kwestii własnościowych związanych z reprywatyzacją mienia żydowskiego i pomocy ofi arom Holocaustu. W raporcie omówiono konsekwencje zajęcia przez rząd polski określonego stanowiska wobec roszczeń środowisk żydowskich w kontekście integracji Polski z NATO i Unią Europejską.

Inisiatif pemerintah yang disebut Kartu Indonesia Sehat (KIS) memudahkan warga, terutama dari rumah tangga berpenghasilan rendah, untuk mendapatkan layanan kesehatan di klinik, puskesmas, dan rumah sakit tanpa perlu khawatir akan biaya tinggi. Undang-Undang Nomor 40 Tahun 2004 tentang Sistem Jaminan Sosial Nasional menjadi landasan hukumnya. Presiden menerbitkan Peraturan Presiden Nomor 82 Tahun 2018 tentang Jaminan Kesehatan untuk melaksanakan undang-undang ini. Karena Presiden membuat peraturan pemerintah untuk memungkinkan undang-undang tersebut dipraktikkan, hal ini jelas melanggar Pasal 5 ayat 2 UUD 1945. Undang-undang tersebut hanya akan ada sebagai standar tertulis tanpa adanya peraturan tersebut, dan masyarakat tidak akan diuntungkan secara langsung. Didalam Hubungan Internasional, program KIS berkaitan dengan komitmen global Tujuan Pembangunan Berkelanjutan (SDGs) Tujuan 3: Kesehatan dan Kesejahteraan yang Baik. Menurut pandangan liberal, negara bertanggung jawab atas kesejahteraan rakyatnya dan keamanan nasional. Melalui KIS, Indonesia juga menunjukkan dedikasinya di forum-forum global seperti WHO, yang memperkuat reputasinya sebagai negara yang memprioritaskan kesehatan dan kesejahteraan sosial. KIS juga dapat dilihat melalui sisi soft power diplomasi. Melalui program ini, Indonesia dapat memposisikan diri di forum internasional sebagai negara berkembang yang berdedikasi untuk melindungi hak dasar warga negaranya atas kesehatan. Hal ini meningkatkan posisi Indonesia di luar negeri dan memperkuat posisinya dalam negosiasi kesehatan internasional.

Artykuł o charakterze popularnym opisuje wizytę rumuńskiego ministra przemysłu Virgila Madgearu w Poznaniu, w sierpniu 1929 r. Opracowany został ma materiale źródłowym przechowywanym w Archiwum Państwowym w Poznaniu

This popular article describes the visit of the Romanian Minister of Industry, Virgil Madgearu, to Poznań in August 1929. It was based on source materials stored in the State Archives in Poznań.

Acest articol popular descrie vizita ministrului român al industriei, Virgil Madgearu, la Poznań în august 1929. S-a bazat pe materiale sursă păstrate în Arhivele Statului din Poznań.

In 2024, the Court of Justice of the European Union (CJEU) ruled on various issues relating to the protection of women as refugees in three decisions, including two Grand Chamber judgments: the fear of persecution resulting from domestic violence (W.S., C-621/21), the identification with the values of gender equality in the host country (K.L., C-646/21), as well as the finding that all women in Afghanistan belong to a social group with a well-founded fear of persecution (joined cases AH C-608/22 and FN C-609/22). By confirming and extending the protection of refugee women at risk of persecution solely because they belong to the social group of women, the CJEU is taking into account women’s realities while consolidating the importance of references to fundamental rights and international law in the interpretation of EU asylum law.

Debates about cultural recognition have been divided into two main views: on the differencesensitive liberal view, recognition of individuals' collective identities requires group-specific minority rights, whereas on the difference-blind liberal view, recognition requires nothing beyond the basic rights guaranteed by liberal procedural justice. This article seeks to show that in fact, both camps are wrong about what recognition requires. Instead, I argue that what recognition requires must be decided through a democratic discursive procedure, which allows members of minority groups to freely articulate their claims to recognition, and have those claims in turn, reviewed by the public through an impartial process of mutual argumentation. In fact, I show that even if independent principles of fairness might seem to require extending group-specific minority rights, the content of those rights must be determined by the affected agents themselves through a democratic discursive procedure. On the basis of this argument, I defend an alternative discursive approach to the problem of recognition.

This research paper evaluates the effects of vocational education compared to traditional, non-vocational education in rural areas of the Rohilkhand region of Uttar Pradesh. The results indicate that vocational education significantly impacts incomes, unemployment, poverty, and social status in rural areas. The study reveals a strong positive association between changes in income, unemployment, poverty, and social status, with advancements in one field often linked to advancements in others. The impact on education is most notable at higher secondary and secondary education levels, with lower effects at graduate and postgraduate levels. Vocational education, particularly those with GTI, ITI, DDUSDP, UPSDP, and NSDP qualifications, reported noticeable increases in income levels and decreased unemployment rates. Traditional education had a less significant impact on income and unemployment. To maximize its impact, it is crucial to address implementation challenges, enhance community participation, and improve collaboration. The findings suggest that vocational education has had a more substantial impact on income, unemployment reduction, and social status enhancement compared to traditional education. The paper also highlights the gaps in the implementation and execution of skill development programs and suggests areas for improvement to enhance their effectiveness.

This paper critically examines the historical foundations of Urhobo-Itsekiri relations in the pre-colonial Niger Delta, challenging the prevailing narrative of Itsekiri supremacy that has fueled inter-ethnic conflicts into the modern era. Through systematic analysis of archival records, colonial documents, and oral histories, the paper demonstrates that pre-colonial interactions were characterized by economic interdependence and strategic alliances rather than hierarchical domination. The geographical complementarity between Itsekiri control of coastal trade routes and Urhobo dominance in palm oil production fostered a symbiotic relationship mediated through extensive intermarriage and commercial exchange. Case studies of prominent historical figures, including Olu Akengbuwa's alliance with Urhobo leader Usimeyanre and the Urhobo maternal heritage of key Itsekiri leaders like Nana Olomu and Dore Numa, reveal the fluidity of ethnic boundaries and the strategic importance of Urhobo kinship networks to Itsekiri economic and political power. By reconstructing the authentic dynamics of pre-colonial relations, this paper not only debunks the myth of Itsekiri supremacy but also provides a historical foundation for reconciling contemporary conflicts through acknowledgment of shared heritage and mutuality of interests.

In my dissertation I deal with the problem of persistent educational inequalities. The participation in continuing education determine to a great extent one's life opportunities. That's why the promotion of equal educational opportunity is so important. The decision made in order to reduce social inequalities by means of education should be based on an argument that reproduction or intensification of these inequalities constitutes unfairness or even discrimination in the use of individual social rights. There's no freedom when deprived of an available alternative and furthermore it isn't morally admissible to handicap however a person by admitting criteria different from degree of capacity and individual effort. Moreover I call attention to some fateful consequences of the extension of market strategy into the field of education and I analyze different theoretical approaches to redistribution in order to put everybody on an equal footing with the access to education....

NTRE las preocupaciones más actuales de nuestras sociedades y en sus ámbitos jurídicos y políticos, se encuentra la cuestión de las P minorías '. La inquietud por el tema de las minorías no es exclusiva de nuestros días, baste recordar, sin necesidad de remontarse demasiado en el tiempo, que las minorías fueron un tema central de la Sociedad de Naciones. No obstante, es acertado pensar que el fenómeno tiene hoy dimensiones muy diferentes a las del pasado, aun el más reciente ^ ' Definición construida en el seno de Naciones Unidas, véase SQUARCI, L., «What are minorities? -some posible entena» , The Courier, núm. 140, julio-agosto, 1993.

Giornata di studi per il duecentesimo anno della nascita di Teodorico Pietrocola Rossetti.
Teodorico Pietrocola Rossetti (1825 – 1883), patriota, letterato, innografo e predicatore. Tra i fondatori delle Chiese libere poi Chiese Cristiane dei Fratelli.

Kurdistan, a nation without formal recognition, has long been marginalized in global political discourse despite its strategic significance and rich cultural heritage. This paper examines the historical and contemporary dynamics that have led to Kurdistan’s political invisibility, highlighting the role of international actors whose interventions have often prioritized geopolitical interests over ethical considerations. Through an analysis of historical treaties, foreign policy decisions, and regional conflicts, the study exposes the contradictions between global rhetoric on human rights and the treatment of Kurdish populations. Furthermore, it investigates how the Kurdistan region has navigated these challenges to assert political agency, maintain cultural identity, and pursue self-determination amid external pressures. By juxtaposing the promises of international law with the realities on the ground, this paper reveals the systemic hypocrisies that shape the Kurdish experience and provides insights into the broader implications for unrecognized nations in a globalized world.

The research aims to use fuzzy clustering analysis to classify the provinces of Iraq based on their levels of infrastructure deprivation, by dependent on several indicators. Study Design: Depending on the infrastructure indicators such as drinking water, sanitation, the time required to reach the source, waste collection, electricity stability and power supply, households' evaluation of infrastructure services, and the level of triple deprivation. For 18 governorates of Iraq. Methodology: Central Agency for Statistics and Information Technology, basic tables, inventory and numbering results, environmental survey for the year 2010. Results: Including the number of clusters that can be from the silhouette (Fc(U) equals 0.0390 corresponding to cluster four with reduction (Dc(U) equals 0.9036 corresponding to cluster four. Therefore we choose the number of clusters (4) clusters.

The research aims to use fuzzy clustering analysis to classify the provinces of Iraq based on their levels of infrastructure deprivation, by dependent on several indicators. Study Design: Depending on the infrastructure indicators such as drinking water, sanitation, the time required to reach the source, waste collection, electricity stability and power supply, households' evaluation of infrastructure services, and the level of triple deprivation. For 18 governorates of Iraq. Methodology: Central Agency for Statistics and Information Technology, basic tables, inventory and numbering results, environmental survey for the year 2010. Results: Including the number of clusters that can be from the silhouette (Fc(U) equals 0.0390 corresponding to cluster four with reduction (Dc(U) equals 0.9036 corresponding to cluster four. Therefore we choose the number of clusters (4) clusters.

Au fil de nos recherches, nous avons mis en évidence les lois de la géopolitique des populations. En considérant les principales caractéristiques contemporaines de l’« hiver démographique » de l’Union européenne, trois aspects appellent un examen approfondi. Le premier concerne l’évolution du nombre d’habitants à considérer à la lumière de la loi géopolitique du nombre. Le deuxième consiste à étudier le mouvement naturel dont l’évolution doit être examinée sous le prisme de la loi géopolitique de langueur. Quant au mouvement migratoire, ses effets peuvent être analysés notamment sous certains aspects de la loi d’attirance et de la loi des diasporas.