Old Tibetan Language

This paper focuses on stem alternations in Pingwu Baima (Tibetic). It examines a larger corpus of data than the corpora in previous works and systematically relates alternating verbs to classical WT paradigms. Our data reveal a relatively high number of alternating verbs in Baima, with verbs with two stems constituting the absolute majority of all alternating verbs. A systematic comparison of alternating verbs to classical WT paradigms confirms that stem alternations in Baima regularly reflect OT verb morphology. Such a comparison also reveals a clear tendency toward elimination in Baima of a separate imperative stem of classical paradigms. This tendency toward elimination of the imperative stem has not been commonly reported in modern Tibetic languages. An examination of Baima verb stem alternation in the context of its neighboring Tibetic and non-Tibetic varieties suggests language contact as a possible trigger for this development.

This article critiques Axel Schuessler's recent proposal on the development of *w-in Sino-Tibetan and its reflexes in Old Chinese and Tibetan. Focusing on the Tibetan letter འ ḥ, Hill argues against Schuessler's characterization of it as a purely diacritic or erratically used letter, instead presenting historical phonological evidence that it originally represented the phoneme /ɣ/ with predictable allophonic variation. Drawing parallels with the behavior of letters like Latin "h" and Tibetan ད d-, the article defends a rational and phonemic basis for the orthographic choices of the Tibetan script's creators. It also introduces overlooked or more recent scholarship supporting this view and critiques Schuessler's failure to incorporate such evidence into his analysis.

尾崎昇「敦煌出土の古チベット語出行択日占文書」『待兼山論叢』（史学篇）57, 2023, pp. 55–80.
  The Old Tibetan document from Dunhuang, Or.8210/S.6878 in the Stein collection includes divinations about the fortune of going outside on certain days (chu-xing ze-ri, 出行択日 ) by means of the Eight Heavens (ba-tian, 八天 ) and Four Divine Beasts (si-xiang, 四象). This document has long been known to academic circles; however, it has not been sufficiently investigated from philological and historical perspectives. This study examined the origins of Tibetan divination through a comparison with Chinese divination texts and provided a revised and fully annotated Japanese translation.
  The results revealed that the Tibetan divination in the document was derived from Chinese divination. In addition, it shares similarities with Chinese divination texts from Dunhuang before the 11th century and contains elements detected in Chinese texts from the 12th century onwards. Moreover, as the Four Divine Beasts divination has thus far only been confirmed in Uighur texts from the Mongol period and Chinese texts after the Ming Dynasty, we argue that the Old Tibetan divination text is the chronological intermediation between the Tang and Yuan-Ming divination cultures.
  This study would contribute not only to research on the Old Tibetan divination culture, but also those of Chinese and Uighur from the diachronic and multilingual perspectives.

As far as we know, the grammatical function of Tangut directional pre-fixes can be concluded as the markers of direction and aspect. This ar-ticle analyzes examples of the ‘outside’ meaning prefix焦 wjɨ2. The results of our analyses demonstrate that the directional prefix焦wjɨ2 also used as the marker of the imperative mood. Comparing the exam-ples from the Chinese and Tibetan original Buddhism Sutra and pro-fane literature, the morphology and grammatical construction of the imperative mood of Tangut verb is coincident with the Tibeto-Burman languages, especially with the other Qiang group languages such as Qiang, Daofu and Lavrung. The origin of the imperative mood marker is related to functional transfer of the directional grammatical category.

This study provides a first detailed metrical, text-linguistic, and lexical analysis of a Tibetan text: IOL Tib J 370/6. The work, popularly but incorrectly entitled Dharma that Came Down from Heaven, turns out to be not only one of the oldest preserved native Tibetan compositions, but also a unique piece of evidence how written artefacts were used in court rhetoric to legitimise the ruling dynasty by recourse to Buddhist universalistic ideology. The comprehensive investigation of the text has revealed layers of linguistic expressions that must predate the codification of Buddhist language in Tibet in the late 8th and early 9th c.

　私の目は街路の光、看板、そして人々の顔を捉えた。 それは雨の夜明けの散歩のポートレートだった。その香 りは、まるで忘れられた友人のように、私が覚えていな いにもかかわらず私を待っていたのだ。私は視覚イメー ジに純粋にこだわるあまり、ノスタルジーというものが、
カメラやデカールのように視覚的に想像されるものを根 本的に超えた存在であるということを忘れていた。ノス タルジーは視覚イメージの形でも機能するが、それだけ にとどまるものではない。私は飛行機と羽田空港をつな ぐ通路に立ち、記憶は他の感覚にも宿っているのだとい
うことを、まず嗅覚を通して再認識したのであった。言 語は私たちの継母のような役割を果たすが、その言語で すら、意味論の策略によって日本の香りの意味を示すこ とはできない。乾いたおがくずとプラムのジャムの匂い を比較することはできるが、言葉で説明することはでき
ない。私に言えることは、この香りを覚えているという ことだけなのだ。
　

This paper focuses on a group of Old Tibetan manuscripts from Dunhuang that are currently in the Stein and Pelliot Collections, some of which will be reordered and reunited. These texts were previously believed to concern the offering to the seven Tathāgatas or the texts about the former aspirations of the seven Buddhas. However, as my study shows, they actually pertain to liturgies for the seven Tathāgatas including Bhaiṣajyaguru. Based on earlier studies, this research seeks to establish a stronger connection between "pre-canonical" texts and canonical works in Tibetan and Chinese, and to establish a hitherto unknown link in the chain of the textual transmission of this liturgy. After revealing the structure of the liturgy, it seeks to fill the gap between the Bhaiṣajyaguru-sūtra itself and the religious practices of worshipping the seven Tathāgatas including Bhaiṣajyaguru. These are done through a two-dimensional textual analysis, i.e.: 1) identifying the connection between the Old Tibetan materials and the Tibetan canonical version; and 2) analysing the process of the liturgicalization of the sūtra.

The affiliation of one of the most outstanding contemporary Turkologists Peter Zieme, whom we honor here on his 80th birthday, with the journal Acta Orientalia Academiae Scientiarum Hungaricae is very long and continuous, as are his close contacts with his Hungarian colleagues. Moreover, looking at his impressive and lengthy list of publications, we note that an article in AOH was one of Peter Zieme's first publications. The edition of an Old Uyghur Turfan fragment, prepared together with György Hazai, was published under the title 'Ein uigurisches Blockdruckfragment einer Einleitung zum Vajracchedikāsūtra' in Acta Orientalia Hung. 21 (1968). It is therefore a great pleasure for us to have the opportunity to express our high esteem for him both in this journal and in German-Hungarian cooperation between two generations of researchers. Born on April 19 th 1942 in Berlin, Zieme completed his school education in 1960 with the high school exam at the Alexander von Humboldt School in Berlin-Köpenick, in the southeast of the city. He started his university studies in the same year at the Humboldt University (Berlin), initially in Iranian Studies with Professor Heinrich F. J. Junker. His choice of subject can be traced back to the interest awakened by an Arabic language course he had previously taken at the Volkshochschule given by Werner Sundermann, later a highly esteemed colleague and friend, then an assistant at the Department of Iranian studies. Turcology was not re-established as a subject at Humboldt University until 1963, when György Hazai, coming to Berlin from Budapest as a guest lecturer, succeeded in winning Peter Zieme as one of his first students in the field. In 1965, Peter Zieme completed his studies with a corresponding diploma thesis on the topic 'Beiträge zur Kenntnis des Mittelosmanischen' .

And then there were none. he ten folios that are the subject of this article are part of the assortment of Tibetan and Mongolian manuscript material brought to Saint Petersburg and Western Europe from two abandoned Gelukpa monasteries in the north of the Dzungar Khanate, as a result of the Russian expansion along the Irtysh River in the 1710s. The collection of examples of exotic scripts was part of the project of Tsar Peter the Great to enhance Russia's standing in the international -that is to say, European -sphere as a center of scientific knowledge and culture. One of the main sources for the manuscripts that were collected by imperial administration, Saint Petersburg academics, and Swedish captives of the Great Northern War (1700-1721), was the abandoned Gelukpa monastery of Ablai-kit, in what is now Eastern Kazakhstan, from where these folios were obtained starting from 1721. 2 The majority of Tibetan manuscripts from Ablai-kit are in large pothi format, with texts written in silver or golden and silver ink on paper with black edges. Currently, the edges may appear brown in some cases. These folios contain fragments of various canonical texts, and we may be quite sure, due to the common source of acquisition and unmistakable paleographic, codicological, and text-critical similarities, that they belonged to the same manuscript copy of the Tibetan Buddhist canon. So far, 250 folios of this type have been identified in various Russian and European collections, with the majority (four-fifths) housed at the Institute of Oriental Manuscripts, Russian Academy of Sciences (IOM RAS), in Saint Petersburg. The biggest share of the remaining part is almost evenly distributed among the Bibliothèque nationale de France (BnF) in Paris, the Uppsala 1 Acknowledgements. This research was partly carried out within the project supported by RFBR and CNRS (project number 21-512-15001), but accomplished after it was over. On the circumstances of this discovery, see Zorin 2020: 15-18. 'Jig rten gzhag pa, ascribed to Maudgalyāyana Bstan 'gyur PDM: vol. 78, 712 (5) -715 (9)

Taoista nézőpontok a nyelvértelmezésben és értékelméletben I. A Laozi 老子 és a Zhuangzi 莊子 fordításproblémáinak elemzése A Hadakozó fejedelemségek (Zhanguo 戰國) időszaka (i. e. 453-221) a bölcseleti "iskolák" (baijia 百家 'száz iskola') virágzásának és az élénk vitáknak, az egymással való 'hadakozásnak', egymás éles kritizálásának az ideje is. A konfucanizmus és a taoizmus két 'iskola' a számos versengő irányzat közül. 1 A Shijiben 史記 (A történetíró feljegyzései) ez szerepel: "… azok, akik Laozit [a Daodejinget] tanulmányozzák, lenézik a konfuciánusokat, és a konfuciánusok is megvetik Laozit. Talán erre vonatkozik (az a mondás), hogy »akik különböző utakon járnak, nem adhatnak tanácsot egymásnak« (Lunyu 論語 XV.39.)?" 2 Bár a megismerkedés idején a konfuciánus szövegek voltak a figyelem középpontjában, mindenekelőtt a jezsuita fordítók, majd a felvilágosodás gondolkodói számára, 3 a 19-20. század folyamán a taoista szövegek kerültek a 'Nyugat' keleti világképek iránt kíváncsi olvasói érdeklődésének előterébe. A kínai gondolkodásban a bölcs szerepköre az archaikus-mágikus világképben a diknek 帝, kultúrhéroszoknak, a régi idők szent királyainak jutott. A Zhou-kor késői időszakára a konfuciánusok megőrzik ezt a hagyományt (Lunyu VI.28, VII.25). A taoisták az 'égalattin' (tianxia 天下) felülemelkedő, ott csak vendégeskedő, misztikus életformát tulajdonítanak a bölcsnek (shengren 聖人). Mind a Laozi (II., XXII., XLVII.), mind a Zhuangzi (II.1., II.10.,VI.1.) sokszor járja körül ennek a 'feladatkörnek' a kivételességét. Laozi szerint, ha azt kérdezzük, mi az a tudás, amelyet szavakban nem lehet kifejezni, akkor azt mondhatjuk, hogy ez a "magasabb rendű" bölcs ember (shengren)

This paper investigates the grammaticalization and subsequent pragmaticization of an applicative construction in Tibetic. Based on linguistic data ranging from the 8th century to modern times, we show how successive linguistic changes link a verb phrase originally meaning ‘to act as a companion (of sb.)’ to an imperative marker, through an applicative construction. Despite the scarcity of data, we document the different stages of evolution of this particular construction: the lexicalization of a verb phrase; its grammaticalization into a sociative-benefactive applicative marker; the pragmaticization of particular use patterns of this applicative construction into markers of complaints, wishes and commands; and eventually a secondary grammaticalization into an imperative marker. As they developed, most of these stages have been retained in the modern Tibetic languages and co-exist with lexicalized units based on the same morphological material. Our analysis adds to the recently discussed crosslinguistic data by demonstrating that applicative markers can directly grammaticalize from nouns without an intermediate stage of noun incorporation or adposition. We also show that the range of functions taken over by this construction in synchrony can only be understood by referring to its diachronic evolution.

The second half of the eighteenth and the nineteenth century saw the beginnings of Tibetan Studies in Europe through first translations, grammars, and dictionaries. Vital for this development was the Moravian autodidact Isaak Jakob Schmidt (1779–1847), also considered founder of Mongolian Studies, and his successor at the St Petersburg Academy of Science, Anton Schiefner (1817–1879). These scholars saw themselves as researchers of “Oriental languages” and published mostly in German. A notable piece within the works of Schmidt is his 1843 founding text and translation of Der Weise und der Thor (“The Wise and the Foolish,” Tib. mDzangs blun), a collection of Buddhist narratives illustrating the workings of karma. Schiefner later (1852) added corrections to Schmidt’s voluminous work. This paper aims at analysing Schmidt’s contributions to understanding East Asia and Tibet via this pioneering rendition of the stories contained in The Wise and the Foolish. Focus is on the textual sources employed, namely the Tibetan Buddhist canon (Kanjur), and the reception of the translation. Schiefner’s corrections are also considered. This article further reflects on the historical contexts of Schmidt’s life and wishes to add to our comprehension of Buddhist translations in eighteenth- and nineteenth-century Europe.

The design of the Sacred Tree and Twin Beasts, which was created over 4000 years ago in Western Central Asia and Southeastern Iran, persisted until the Achaemenid Persia, mainly among Iranian people. Afterwards, this design became popular in the Sassanid Persia, which arose with the aim of reviving ancient Persia, and traveled from Iran to Central Asia, where it even appeared as relic at the Shosoin treasure in Japan. During this period of the early Middle Ages in Eurasia, a kind of large cultural region was formed, and the flower-horned deer design, which originated in the Tang, spread from Central Asia in the west to Shosoin in Japan in the east. The people of Central Asia were the bearers of this culture.

The authors discuss ten folios from Ablai-kit that contain texts typically localized in the Tengyur. A closer analysis, however, reveals that this was not the case with these folios, dismantling the initial hypothesis that this part of the Tibetan Buddhist canon might have been kept along with the Kangyur in the Oirat monastery. Nevertheless, the analysis does add further support to the argument that Ablai-kit possessed a unique version of the Kangyur that has no parallels with any other known versions. The appendix to the article contains the full list of 250 folios of the Ablai-kit Kangyur so far identified in twelve Russian and Western European collections.

The region east of the Blue Lake, which was part of the Tibetan Empire (ca. 8th c. to 842, Tib. Bod chen po) and later the Tangut Empire (ca. 1038-1227, in Chinese sources known as Xixia 西夏), was an important multicultural area connecting the equally diverse oasis towns of the Hexi Corridor (Chin. Hexi zoulang 河西走廊) and the Tarim Basin with Sinitic and Tibetan cultural areas. The present chapter explores the development of the contested space between these cultures in a broader historical context. It also discusses religion, especially Chan in both its Chinese form and as adapted into Tibetan, its links to the famous Samyé Debate, and its use in a power struggle during the ninth and tenth centuries that relates to the well-known Tibetan master Gongpa Rapsel (892-975, Tib. dGongs pa Rab gsal). This expands our picture of how Chan masters, Buddhist works, and religious themes might have interacted on the micro-historical level through local and transregional exchanges in Eastern Central Asia. The chapter thereby brings together information on people, places, texts, and topics related to Chan Buddhism in order to actually locate them in geographical space in the contested region east of the Blue Lake. Network of Buddhist nodes in Eastern Central Asia Map by Jürgen Schörflinger

At least four sound alternations apply in Tibetan and its predecessor(s): regressive metathesis, alternation between nasals and oral stops, jotization, and vowel alternations. All except the first are attested widely among the Tibeto-Burman languages, without there being sound laws in the strict sense. This is a threat for any reconstruction of the proto-language. The first sound alternation also shows that reconstructions based on the complex Tibetan syllable structure are misleading, as this complexity is of only a secondary nature. In combination, the four sound alternations may yield large word families. A particular case is the word family centering on the words for speaking and human beings. It will be argued that these words ultimately go back to a loan from Eastern Iranian.

Hussein Baykara left behind a name not only as a mature representative of the Timurid family, a patron of science and culture, but also as a talented poet. His sofas are now stored in various libraries and museums around the world. One of the ancient copies of ―Divani Husaini‖ is currently kept at the Institute of Oriental Manuscripts of the Russian Academy of Sciences in St. Petersburg.
This manuscript, numbered B-284, was copied on fine paper and decorated with luxurious illustrations. The collection also includes four exquisitely executed miniatures. The miniatures were created in the traditions of the Safavid period.

The background of my talk is an Austrian Academy of Sciences based research on the Tibetan tumulus tradition, a project with an increasing data collection related to more than 400 grave ields in the area of Central Tibet. In terms of chronology, these sites relate to the two crucial periods in the political development of the plateau lands – the time of minor principalities (or what one may call the chiefdom period) and the succeeding period of the empire (7th-9th cent. CE). The beginning of this form of burial practice is rather uncertain, however, and our proposed date of 4th century is only provisional (TKG: chap. 1).

Malaysian Muslims household debt level has been persistently increasing despite its overwhelming negative effects. This paper attempts to explain the influence of two dominant conflicting ideologies namely Islam and western materialism on Muslims debt behavior. Semi-structured interviews were carried out with six religious experts including two state muftis from Malaysia. Three out of five hypotheses are supported and five other vital issues have emerged. The findings show Muslims debt behavior turns complex when facing the conflict between religious values and materialistic objectives with materialism supersedes Islamic religiosity. Islamic banking and finance (IBF) successfully dilute the conflicts by offering debt-based Syariah-compliant financing that can fulfil both material aspirations and religious consciousness. Certain traditional Islamic principles are compromised with religious experts taking soft stance concerning their applications. Ambiguities, inconsistencies, misleading information, hasty interpretation of riba', unrealistic aspirations and unconditional support for IBF are other pressing issues emerged from the interviews. Despite the Muslims' increasing interest in Islam, there is clear lack of concrete guidance on the matter of debt as far as religious experts' views are concerned. This paper has important implications for understanding in depth the underlying reasons behind Malaysian Muslims' complex debt behavior reflected by their growing indebtedness. For future research, a survey among ordinary Muslims should be carried out in order to have a broader understanding of Muslims' actual debt behavior.

Divani Husseinia masterpiece of Oriental book art. Hussein Baykara left behind a name not only as a mature representative of the Timurid family, a patron of science and culture, but also as a talented poet. His sofas are now stored in various libraries and museums around the world. One of the ancient copies of-Divani Husaini‖ is currently kept at the Institute of Oriental Manuscripts of the Russian Academy of Sciences in St. Petersburg. This manuscript, numbered B-284, was copied on fine paper and decorated with luxurious illustrations. The collection also includes four exquisitely executed miniatures. The miniatures were created in the traditions of the Safavid period. In Husseini's poetry, it is noticeable that he relied on the traditions of lyrics in a secular spirit, the lyrics of Alisher Navoi. At the same time, the poet's consciousness and the creator's sharp artistic gaze are truly revealed. This report describes the composition of this manuscript, the uniqueness of its miniatures, calligraphic traditions and its difference from other manuscripts. The facsimile edition of the manuscript was carried out in 2017 with the support of the Institute of Oriental Manuscripts on the initiative of the World Society for the Preservation, Study and Popularization of the Cultural Legacy of Uzbekistan, which is carefully studied by Uzbek scientists.

Ch. Géluófèng 閣羅鳳, king of the Mywa allied with Tibet in 751. Together with councillor Mgos Khri-bzaṅ Yab-lag and źaṅ Stoṅ-rcan overthrew Se-ču in W 756/7 (PT 1287: 345, 350; Or.8212/187: 21). f Kam keṅ (#509) Ch. emissary who came to Tibet in the S 703/4 (ITJ 750: 143). Kam keṅ is a transcription of Ch. family name Gān 甘 and the title qīng 卿 (Petech 1988a: 281). f Kam Khri-bzaṅ Bye-ɣdaɣ (#523) Tibetan official (?) 1 killed in Mdo-smad in 653/4 (PT 1288: 25-6). f Kam-ču (#137) Subject (?) of king Rko-te (Or.8212/187: 88). f Kim-śaṅ khoṅ čo (#155) Ch. princess (daughter of prince Lĭ Shǒulĭ 李守禮 and adopted daugther of Ch. Tang emperor Zhōngzōng 中宗) married to Khri Lde-gcug-brcan arrived at Śa-cal of Ra-sa in 710/11 (ITJ 750: 177). She died in W 739/40 (ITJ 750: 282) and her funeral was organised together with the funeral of Lhas-bon in W 741/2 (ITJ 750: 287-8). , Keṅ-śi (#138) Ch. capital Cháng'ān 長安 of the Tang dynasty captured by councillor Stag-sgra, źaṅ Stoṅrcan, and źaṅ Bcan-ba in W 762/4 (Or.8212/187: 54). , Keɣu-śan (#139) Stronghold (?) located in Khar-can and captured by councillor Skyes-bzaṅ Rgyal-koṅ in W 761/2 (Or.8212/187: 44, 73). , Kog (#156) Located in Rag-tag a Mdo-smad council site in W 755/6 (Or.8212/187: 15). , Kog-yul (#366) Most probably identical with Gog-yul (Gog is spelled Kog in PT 1287: 525). Its identity with Kuòzhōu 廓州 (Beckwith 1993: 129, fn. 124) is less probable for the standard Tibetan transcription of Ch. zhōu was č(h)u and not yul; Kuòzhōu 廓州 is attested in OLT as Gog-ču (see (Horlemann 2012: 123); (Iwao 2021: 165)). , Kwa-čhu (#725) Ch. prefecture and/or its capital situated in the Tang period southeast of the modern town Ānxī 安西 in the Gansu province. Under Tibetan rule, Kwa-čhu (including stronghold Sin-čaṅ) comprised the territories of Śa-čhu and Sug-ču. f Kwag čuṅ laṅ (#510) Chinese emissary who came to Brag-mar to pay homage in the winter 743/4 (ITJ 750: 295). Kwag cuṅ laṅ is a transcription of Ch. family name Guō 郭 and the title zhōng-láng 中郎 (Petech 1988a: 287). f Rko-te (#265) King residing in the stronghold Kwa-ču (?; Or.8212/187: 88). , Rkoṅ (#266) Region with a centre in Bre-snar (PT 1286: 16) and including G.yug (PT 1288: 41). The official title of the rulers was rkoṅ (d)kar po (Rkoṅ 2, 14, 18). , Rkyaṅ-bu-chal (#505) Located in Zu-spug council site in S 713/4 and S 715/6 (ITJ 750: 189, 198); identified with modern-day Mkhar-rkyaṅ village in Lower Zi-sbug (OLT Zu-spug). According to Dbaɣ bźed, a debate between Buddhists and Bon-pos was held there in a pig year, most probably 759 CE. for the court of bcan po Khri Sroṅ-lde-brcan resided in Zu-spug in S 758/9 and S 761/2. , Ske-bye (#504) Located in Mal-tro residence of bcan po Khri Maṅ-slon Maṅ-rcan in 660/1 (PT 1288: 39). 2 , Skyi (#302) Region located in the Bod land along the Skyi river. Places related: Gliṅ-riṅs-cal (council site in W 692/3), Stag-cal (council site in S 693/4), Dra-cal (council site of W 712/3), Rnams (council

This paper focuses on stem alternations in Pingwu Baima (Tibetic). It examines a larger corpus of data than the corpora in previous works and systematically relates alternating verbs to classical WT paradigms. Our data reveal a relatively high number of alternating verbs in Baima, with verbs with two stems constituting the absolute majority of all alternating verbs. A systematic comparison of alternating verbs to classical WT paradigms confirms that stem alternations in Baima regularly reflect OT verb morphology. Such a comparison also reveals a clear tendency toward elimination in Baima of a separate imperative stem of classical paradigms. This tendency toward elimination of the imperative stem has not been commonly reported in modern Tibetic languages. An examination of Baima verb stem alternation in the context of its neighboring Tibetic and non-Tibetic varieties suggests language contact as a possible trigger for this development.

As is well known, the comparative method of historical reconstruction has been a major component of the fi eld of historical linguistics since the 19th century and has in fact been applied to the study of virtually all major world language families. But in Chinese historical linguistics and especially historical dialectology, it has seldom been used, either in China or the West. The primary reason for this is that specialists have felt that the complex lexical stratification in the dialects constitutes an insuperable obstacle to comparative reconstruction. The object of the present paper is to introduce a solution to this problem, and thereby enable historical linguists to expediently apply the comparative method to the reconstruction of earlier stages of Chinese phonology.

The paper is the first attempt at reconstructing the word-family of scogs "among others" and detecting its manifold uses in Old Literary Tibetan (OLT) texts. The morpheme is traced back to a v4-stem of the verb √sʦog (CT v1 gsog), lit. "to cause to assemble", itself derived from the verb root √ʦog by means of the causative prefix s-. After discussing its probable cognates and demonstrating historical links between them, I examine ten types of construction attested in the OLT corpus which contain the morpheme: finite clause, participial adverbial clause (I & II), post-head relative clause, R-dislocation, relative clause extraposition, pre-head relative clause, off-subject nominalisation, and idiomatic phrase (I & II). The paper sketches the lexicalisation path taken by the morpheme from a finite verb to an idiomatic phrase.

What is it like to live on the periphery of an empire whose emperors do not share your ethnicity, but do share your religion? How does it feel to grow up in this system, to begin to work in it, and to live in a society far removed from the center of power but living with daily relations of dependency to other members of your social, religious and imperial environment? Looking at the references to one man of Chinese ethnicity in the region of Dunhuang under the control of the Tibetan empire offers some clues as to these relations, and what it was like to live with labor dependency in a religious context.

Bisherige Diskussionen zur tibetischen Phonologie unterscheiden nicht zwischen Präund Superskriptkonsonanten. Tatsächlich kann der Gebrauch von Prä-und Superskripten ein unterschiedliches Sandhi-Verhalten aufweisen. Dieses Verhalten lässt sich in zwei Regeln zusammenfassen, in eine Präskriptlöschregel und eine Superskriptlöschregel. Nach der Präskriptlöschregel, fällt ein Präskriptkonsonant in der folgenden Silbe aus, wenn eine vorangehende Silbe in einem Konsonanten endet und die Superskriptlöschregel, wobei (1) wenn der Endkonsonant einer vorangehenden Silbe akut ist, und der Präskriptkonsonant des fraglichen Wortes gemäß der Präskriptlöschregel gelöscht würde, ein darauffolgendes Superskript ebenfalls gelöscht wird, und (2) im Anlaut auch das Superskript gelöscht wird, obwohl das Präskript bestehen bleibt.

Director of the new Silkroad Museum in Urumqi. He is an authority on the early history of the peoples of Xinjiang. Among his many publications are: (with Wang Minzhe) Wusun yan jiu. Urumqi: Xinjiang renmin chubanshe; Xinjiang xinhua shu dian faxing, 1983.

The paper discusses disparate language phenomena whose common denominator is their relevance for the study of argument realisation in Old Literary Tibetan. It attempts to outline the boundaries, within which argument realisation should be considered when preparing a verb lexicon, dictionary, or a syntactic annotation of a text. The study focuses on processes and constructions that may have impact on argument realisation of verbs and belong to discourse-forming strategies of the language. In a top-down approach various levels of text composition are examined for their role in presentation of events.

Reviewed by Jens Wilkens* Old Uyghur manuscripts and woodblock prints retrieved from different sites along the ancient Silk Routes located mainly in Eastern Turkestan (today's Xinjiang Uyghur Autonomous Region, PR China) and Dunhuang (Gansu, PR China) are housed in various collections around the world. The collection in St. Petersburg is one of the most important ones-second only to the Turfan Collection in Berlin (Academy of Sciences and Humanities of Berlin-Brandenburg). While the latter is accessible by means of the printed volumes of the series 'Verzeichnis der Orientalischen Handschriften in Deutschland' (produced as part of the former project under the title 'Union Catalogue of Oriental Manuscripts in German Collections') and the database KOHD (= Katalogisierung der Orientalischen Handschriften in Deutschland) Digital, the former was previously known mostly to a few specialists. The beautifully printed volume under review is conceived as being the first one in a series of catalogues of manuscripts and woodblock prints housed in the Serindia collection 1 of the Institute of Oriental Manuscripts in St. Petersburg, compiled under the auspices of two institutions, the Institute of Oriental Manuscripts of the Russian Academy of Sciences (IOM, RAS) and the Tōyō Bunko (Tōkyō), and in cooperation between scholars from Russia (Olga Lundysheva, Anna Turanskaya) and Japan (Umemura Hiroshi), supervised by Peter Zieme (Germany). 2 1 Until May 2006 the collection was known under the title 'Central Asian collection'. The renaming led to the introduction of new call numbers for the materials beginning with SI (i.e., Serindia) followed by a number consisting of one to four digits (p. XXIII).

The purpose of this study is to reveal the Tibetans’ own understanding of the Tibetan script (yi ge) based on a reading of Si tu’s commentary on the Sum cu pa, entitled Mkhas pa’i mgul rgyan mu tig phreng mdzes, one of the leading treatises in classical Tibetan grammar.
Si tu uses the term yi ge (Skt. akṣara) in two senses: “syllable” (e.g., /a/, /i/, /ka/, /kha/, etc.) and “script” (e.g., ཀ་ ཁ་ etc.). In reading Si tu’s commentary, one must always be aware of the ambiguity of yi ge.
Then, yi ge is divided into two categories: āli (“a-series”) and kāli (“ka-series”). In Si tu’s understand- ing, Thon mi discusses only four ālis: /i/, /u/, /e/, and /o/. This means that, according to Si tu, āli does not include /a/. The four vowel signs for -i, -u, -e, and -o are also called a ̄li.
The thirty syllables from /ka/ to /a/ are called kāli. Also, the thirty basic letters (ming gzhi) from ཀ་ to ཨ་, which represent these syllables, are called kāli. It should be noted that the Tibetan kāli is not necessarily an element containing a consonant; for within the thirty kālis is included /a/, which is represented by either འ་ or ཨ་.
The present article contains an annotated Japanese translation of the beginning section of Si tu’s commentary. What a close reading of the text reveals is Si tu’s unique idea of the ambiguity of yi ge, which emerges as he goes back and forth between discussions about written language and spoken language.

The paper surveys the distribution of the titles bcan po and khri in historical and nonhistorical documents of the Tibetan Empire. Their patterns of usage suggest the existence of strict rules that governed the bestowal of the titles within the royal family. In the second part of the paper a new chronology of succession to the throne in the Tibetan imperial dynasty is put forward, based not only on Tibetan imperial documents and post-imperial historiographical works but also on Chinese written sources.

After the Tibetan Empire lost its power over Central Asian regions in the 9 th century, a group of people in Northeastern Tibet (Amdo), known as wamo 嗢末, made its way into the Chinese chronicles of the subsequent dynasties. The corresponding Tibetan name for the group of people has been disputed since the late 1950s, when scholars first put hypotheses forward on the subject. This paper contends that the correct rendering in Tibetan is 'Od-'bar 'blazing light' , a suggestion initially offered by Hungarian Tibetologist Géza Uray. Moreover, by reviewing all the proposals Western and Chinese scholars provided, this paper presents hitherto overlooked textual and phonological evidence to settle this dispute.

In a previous paper, we computed expressions for the Detweiler-Whiting singular field of point scalar, electromagnetic and gravitational charges following a geodesic of the Schwarzschild spacetime. We now extend this to the case of equatorial orbits in Kerr spacetime, using coordinate and covariant approaches to compute expansions of the singular field in scalar, electromagnetic and gravitational cases. As an application, we give the calculation of previously unknown mode-sum regularization parameters. We also propose a new application of high-order approximations to the singular field, showing how they may be used to compute m-mode regularization parameters for use in the m-mode effective source approach to self-force calculations.

The paper is a first attempt of a complete translation and interpretation of two short and only partially preserved manuscripts, ITJ 489v and ITJ 562r. In terms of their contents, ITJ 489v and ITJ 562r belong to the collection of Buddhist texts that were composed to discredit funeral practices and afterlife beliefs attributed to non-Buddhist ritual specialists and their community. The manuscripts have to be treated in the broader context of the spread of Buddhism on the Tibetan Plateau and the methodical replacement of local rites and customs by their Buddhist equivalents in practice and on the linguistic level by new, Buddhist interpretations.

The paper investigates lexical semantics of the compound čhab srid based on its attestations in Old Literary Tibetan (OLT). The lexeme is elucidated with regard to its syntactic positions in text, its collocations, and potential synonyms. To the extent allowed by the preserved corpus of OLT, the paper intends to sketch the semantic development of the compound whose starting-point must be located in the first half of the 7 th c. at the latest. The study has revealed five main meanings, some of which can be further subdivided into more specialised senses. The semantic development proceeded from the concrete meaning "realm", that has been established as the original meaning, towards several abstract meanings.

This article explores prayer texts written on the first panel of a manuscript whose content links Dunhuang (敦煌) and Central Tibet, IOL Tib J 466. The wider Dunhuang corpus of which this manuscript is part offers scholars a time-capsule from the social and cultural world of first-millennium CE Dunhuang, a melting pot with connections to China, the eastern part of the Silk Road and Tibet. The corpus can also be used, with caution, to compare religious practice there with what we know of Buddhism at the court of the Tibetan emperors in the eighth and ninth centuries especially. One aspect of this is ritual, into which category fall prayer and the related genre of dhāraṇī (Tib. gzungs, Chin. tuoluoni 陀羅尼), and IOL Tib J 466 contains both of these. This article focuses on the first panel of this manuscript, containing invitations to the buddhas of the ten directions, praises to the eight great bodhisattvas and an exemplar of the Uṣnīṣavijayādhāraṇī (Tib. gTsug tor rnam par rgyal ba’i gzungs, Chin. Zunsheng zhou尊勝咒). Analysing these materials within the context of prayer and dhāraṇī literature evidenced in some of the other Tibetan-language documents from Dunhuang and later canonical Tibetan exemplars and references broadens the description of ritual traditions in the Tibetan imperial (ca. 600–850) and early post-imperial period and within Tibeto-Chinese Buddhist communities in Dunhuang during and after Tibetan imperial control over the region (up to 848).

This study details the non-destructive chemical analysis of composite silver objects (ewers, situlas, amphora and casket) from one of the most significant late Roman finds, the Seuso Treasure. The Seuso Treasure consists of fourteen large silver vessels that were made in the fourth–early fifth centuries AD and used for dining during festive banquets and for washing and beautification. The measurements were systematically performed along a pre-designed grid at several points using handheld X-ray fluorescence analysis. The results demonstrate that all the objects were made from high-quality silver (above 90 wt% Ag), with the exception of the base of the Geometric Ewer B. Copper was added intentionally to improve the mechanical properties of soft silver. The gold and lead content of the objects shows constant values (less than 1 wt% Au and Pb). The chemical composition as well as the Bi/Pb ratio suggests that the parts of the composite objects were manufactured from different silver in...

敦煌出土漢文寫卷中有不少外來語音譯詞，人名用語中的“羅悉鷄/羅寔鷄”即其中一例。自20世紀以來，“羅悉鷄/羅寔鷄”一直被認爲是吐蕃語“牧羊人（lug rdzi）”的譯音形式。本文通過考察漢藏人名用語，並利用敦煌吐蕃對音材料，認爲“羅悉鷄/羅寔鷄”不是藏語“牧羊人”的音譯，而是藏語人名表達“la skyes”的對音。其中“悉鷄”即“skyes”，意爲“出生”；“羅”即“la”，是格助詞，意爲“在/於/如”。同時，敦煌漢語人名中常見的“悉鷄”與藏語人名中的“skyes”亦可對勘。這類藏名漢譯的取名方式自吐蕃時期一直延續至歸義軍晚期，對於我們了解唐五代敦煌西域多民族雜居的歷史現狀有一定的價值。
There are many foreign transcriptions in the Chinese manuscripts excavated at Dunhuang cave, one of them is "luoxiji羅悉鷄/luoshiji羅寔鷄". Since the twentieth century, this term "羅悉鷄/羅寔鷄" has been recognized as a transcription of the Tibetan word "lug rdzi", which means shepherd. This paper opposes this idea and suggests it is a transcription of the Tibetan name of "la skyes" by investigating the Chinese and Tibetan names, as well as the Sino-Tibetan phonetic transcriptions. The word "siji悉鷄" represents "skyes", which means "born", and "luo羅" represents "la", which is a particle used to indicate different kinds of location in place or in time. Meanwhile, the common Chinese name "悉鷄" from Dunhuang and the Tibetan name "skyes" can also be matched. This type of Chinese transcription of Tibetan names continued from the Tibetan ruling period to the late Guiyi Army 歸義軍period, and is of some value in our understanding of the multi-ethnic historical status in the northwest region of China during the Tang and Five Dynasties period.

This study reviews four competing explanations for the origins of uvular preinitials in Tibetic lects, making a specific case study of modern uvular preinitial reflexes from Old Tibetan g-/d-. The first explanation is from Huang (2012), who claims that uvular preinitials were phonologically present in Pre-Tibetan, and thus at least some of the uvular preinitials in modern Tibetic lects descend from this Pre-Tibetan strata. Her argument is predicated on the hypothesis that Tibetic lects broke up into different languages before Old Tibetan was reduced to writing in the 7th century AD. The second explanation is from Hill (2010), who argues that all uvular preinitials are not inherited from Pre-Tibetan but are the result of language contact with Qiangic and/or Mongolic languages. Differing from Huang’s explanation, Hill’s explanation rests on the theory that all modern Tibetic lects descend from Old Tibetan. The third explanation assumes that Hill is correct in the claim that there were no uvular pre- initials in Old Tibetan, and claims that there is a regular sound change from g-/d- to ve- lar/postvelar/uvular fricatives (except before velar initials, where the change is to r-) in Amdo lects and to uvular fricatives in Gyalrongic lects. For WAT lects, g- regularly changes to velar/postvelar/uvular fricatives, but d- changes to velar/postvelar/uvular or ʂ-/r-. The fourth explanation is that in Old Tibetan ḫ and g-/d- were in velar and uvular free variation, and thus uvular preinitials do come from Old Tibetan, but originate from phones and not phonemes. The first three explanations are scientific hypotheses; i.e., they can be tested through evidence and are falsifiable. The final explanation (appealing to free variation) is not a falsifiable. After examining the evidence on the timing of the breakup of the Tibetic lects, Huang’s hypothesis is eliminated, leaving only Hill’s explanation and ‘Explanation 3’ standing. How- ever, Explanation 3 is the only explanation that proposes a set of regular sound changes to summarize the uvularization of g-/d-.

Later formulations and further developments in the succession of Stein are Ramble's 'civil religion' (2008) or most recently Huber's 'mundane rites' (2020). Cf. also Langelaar in this volume. 3 Cf. Stein 1993: 222f. 4 Maurice Bloch's concept of the 'social' and the 'religious' is summarized by Christian Jahoda in this volume.