Dunhuang manuscripts

The Tibetan Kanjur has long been recognized as both a symbolic embodiment of the Buddhist canonical literature and as a ritual object, resulting in the production of various versions that differ in content, arrangement, and specific textual formulation. Since the late 1970s, the provenance, lineage affiliations, and historical development of these Kanjurs have attracted significant scholarly attention. In this paper, I present the findings of textualcritical research on the Tibetan translation of the Gaganagañjaparipṛ cchā (Ggn), focusing particularly on two manuscript collections preserved at Nesar Monastery in Dolpo, namely the Nesar and Lang Kanjurs. Both Kanjurs, possibly dated as early as the thirteenth century, lie outside the two main lineages, Tshal pa and Them spangs ma, and demonstrate strong connections with Local or Independent Kanjurs, notably those of Phug brag and Namgyal. By undertaking a close comparison of selected passages from the Ggn across twenty-one canonical witnesses, this study finds that, for the Ggn: (a) the Nesar and Lang Kanjurs possess a group of unique textual variants which distinguish them from all other known Kanjur and Proto-Kanjur editions; (b) the Lang Kanjur appears to have been based chiefly on the Nesar Kanjur or an exemplar closely related to it; and (c) the compilers of the Lang Kanjur also relied on at least one other manuscript, which seems to have preserved readings of greater accuracy. These findings highlight the importance of the Nesar and Lang Kanjurs for textual-critical investigation and for understanding the transmission history of the Tibetan Buddhist canon. Ongoing research into these Kanjurs will yield crucial evidence for constructing a more nuanced and historically informed account of the formation, adaptation, and regional diffusion of the Tibetan Buddhist canon.

Bir dile uygun bir alfabe ikinci bir dilin yazımında kullanıldığında, genellikle yeni dilsel özellikler ortaya çıkar ve bu özelliklerin uygun bir şekilde işlenebilmesi için bazı ortografik yenilikler gerekir. Doğrudan yeni işaretler ya da araçlar icat edilebilir, eski karakterler ve kurallar değiştirilebilir, ya da halihazırda var olan başka bir ortografiden ödünç özellikler alınabilir. 19. yüzyılın sonlarında ve 20. yüzyılın başlarında Eğimli Gupta olarak adlandırılan bir yazıyla yazılmış çok sayıda el yazması Çin Türkistan'ında (bugünkü Sincan) gün ışığına çıkarılmıştır. Bu, Hint uygulamasından kaynaklanamayacak bir dizi olağandışı özellik içeren bir Brâhmi yazı biçimidir. Genellikle bu özelliklerin hepsinin ya yeni bir buluş ya da orijinal Brâhmi unsurlarının modifikasyonları olduğu varsayılır. Bu görüşün aksine burada, Eğimli Gupta'daki bazı karakter ve kuralların Maniheist (Süryani Estrangelo) yazısından ödünç alınmış olabileceği tartışılacaktır.

This paper examines the significant role of the Silk Road in shaping artistic and cultural exchanges between Asia, the Middle East, and Europe. It argues that the art produced along the Silk Road was not merely a byproduct of economic activity, but a result of dynamic intercultural interactions that transformed visual traditions across these regions. Using an interdisciplinary methodological approach, incorporating art history, cultural and social history, postcolonial analysis, and Marxist theory, this paper will investigate how trade and cultural exchange along the Silk Road shaped artistic practices. By examining key artworks, including the Dunhuang cave paintings, Persian textiles, and Buddhist statuary from Bamiyan, this paper will reveal the depth of artistic exchange that occurred along the Silk Road and the lasting influence it had on visual culture. These case studies highlight the blending of techniques, materials, and iconography that occurred as different cultures engaged with one another. The paper also explores how religious iconography, including Buddhist, Zoroastrian, Christian, and Islamic motifs, was transmitted and adapted along the trade routes. Ultimately, this research reveals how the Silk Road facilitated a lasting legacy of artistic fusion and cultural synthesis, leaving an permanent mark on global visual culture.

This paper aims to re-examine the meaning of the phrase “「關雎」, 樂而不淫, 哀而不傷”, which appears in the Ba Yi(八佾) of the Lun yu(論語). In this regard, I have pointed out the limitations of the major historical commentaries on this passage and explored alternatives to those theories. I found that both the old and new commentaries(古注&新注) have interpreted the passage with their own rationales and ideas, but most of them have the same limitation in that they try to find the ‘The grief without being hurtfully excessive(哀而不傷)’ in the story of the poem itself. But ‘the act of searching for the lady’ in the poem may consider it as grief(憂), but it is difficult to see it as sorrow(哀).

On the other hand, a group of scholars from the Qing dynasty to modern China understood ‘樂而不淫’ and ‘哀而不傷’ as dualistic, as illustrated by the theories of Song Xiangfeng(宋翔鳳) and Pi Xirui(皮錫瑞). Their attempts at a dualistic interpretation of the ‘surface(表面)’ and the ‘underneath(裏面)’ is thought to be due to the fact that they all emphasized the theories of the Samgasi(三家詩). Because the School of Samgasi viewed ‘Guanjeo’ as a poem that worries about the decline of the Tao of the Zhou Dynasty(周道衰), and thus the possibility of interpreting ‘哀而不傷’ in terms of such ‘sorrow of the state’ arises.

Through the discussion in this paper, I have found evidence that the context of the the Samgasi can be linked to the interpretation of ‘哀而不傷’ due to the texts of ‘About the orde(離騷序)’ written by Pan Ku(班固) and ‘Fu on Conveying My Resolve(顯志賦)’ written by Feng Yan(馮衍). I concluded by discussing that one alternative is to understand ‘哀而不傷’ in the context and theme in which it was created because looking for the ‘哀而不傷’ in the content of the poem itself had the limitations.

Bkra shis sgo mang, as a particular form of stupa, was widely acted as the gdung rten (relic stupa) for deceased hierarchs in bka’ brgyud sects. While, in the early constructions of Bkra shis sgo mang in bka’ brgyud sects, the original denotation of Bkra shis sgo mang is the base of the relic stupa, which that is wide different from the bkra shis sgo mang mchod rten in mchod rten cha brgyad (Eight Stupas). Driven by the highly worship to honorable hierarchs, Drikung, Drukpa, and some other kagyu sects all have the remarkable Bkra shis sgo mang constructions for the deceased masters, in which astonishingly visualized and materialized the magnificent Tibetan Buddhist pantheon.
In the meanwhile, in the early practice of gdung rten Bkra shis sgo mang, there were also a tradition of building the Sku ’bum (Stupa of ten thousand Buddhas) for honorable hierarchs. Therefore, the early tradition of the Kagyu School provides us with the ideal point to understand the connotation and extension of the Bkra shis sgo mang. In this article, I will mainly utilize the early remains in main monasteries of Kagyupa, like Denstil, Drikungtil, and Ralung, and related Tibetan historical resources to build up the development of Bkra shis sgo mang in aspects of the perception, practice and evolution in 11-15th centuries.

This paper discusses the Chinese philosophy of divination, named Wuxingyi (五行易), or the doctrine of yi of the Five Elements. Wuxing is a method of divination established from Han dynasty, which fulfills the needs of civilian life through a large philosophical system. This concept of divination grew to maturity when Liu Bowen of the Ming dynasty came to reorganize what later became the mainstream of modern Chinese folk divination. This paper focuses on the discussion of divine practice according to Liu Bowen's thought, the impact of ideological and theoretical foundation to the general public, and how this method evolves into a set of analytical methods of predicting fate and changes in life of modern folk. The reason for this lies in its strong implementation of philosophical thoughts, compliant with the evolution of philosophical interpretation across time, which is also central to the discussion in this article.

Medicina Tradizionale Cinese (MTC), la ginnastica delle braccia, del polso e della mano, e la conseguente stimolazione dei relativi agopunti, sono strumenti per mantenere l'equilibrio tra Yin e Yang e regolare il flusso di energia vitale (Qi), influenzando la salute degli organi interni e il benessere generale. La pratica di movimenti armoniosi o momenti di stasi e concentrazione, come nel Taiji e nello Zhan Zhuang del Qi Gong, e la derivante stimolazione degli agopunti sul braccio, sono utilizzate per rilasciare tensioni, alleviare disturbi psicofisici e migliorare la consapevolezza corporea. Infatti discipline come il Taiji e il Qi Gong, con i loro movimenti lenti e fluidi, aiutano a riequilibrare le forze Yin e Yang, promuovendo il rilassamento del sistema nervoso e favorendo la consapevolezza del corpo. La fluidità del movimento del braccio e del polso può essere vista come un riflesso dello stato di equilibrio tra le energie Yin (interne, calme) e Yang (esterne, attive) dell'individuo. Il polso è considerato un "ponte", un "cancello" di connessione tra il mondo interno e quello esterno, un luogo dove i meridiani energetici (canali che trasportano il Qi) sono accessibili.

This article undertakes a critical examination of prior scholarship claiming that the Awakening of Faith in the Mahāyāna(Dashengqixinlun, henceforth “Qixinlun”)’s doctrine of “one mind” (一心) was influenced by the thought of Sengwei (僧衛), a monk active in the early 5th century. To reassess this assertion, I have analyzed Shizhujinghanzhuxu (十住經含注序) ascribed to Sengwei, as well as the Buddhist texts composed in the Northern Dynasties of early 6th century, the region where the Qixinlun was compiled. The findings of this investigation are as follows.
While the notion of “one mind” in the Daśabhūmika Sūtra does not necessarily signify a foundational ground of the phenomenal world, Sengwei’s interpretation presents “one mind” as the mind that functions as the origin of phenomenal existence. However, this appears to reflect not so much a close reading of the Daśabhūmika Sūtra itself as it does a broader mode of thought prevalent in Southern Chinese Buddhism at the time. Above all, the dualistic framework distinguishing “one mind” and “one dharma” in Sengwei’s system differs substantially from the ontological conception of “one mind” articulated in the Qixinlun.
By contrast, the Shidijinglun (十地經論), translated in the sixth century in Northern China, explicitly identifies “one mind” with the ālayavijñāna, which is described as possessing a dual nature of purity and defilement. Furthermore, the Laṅkāvatāra Sūtra (入楞伽經), translated by Bodhiruci—one of the leading translators and exegetes of the Northern Dynasties—along with his associated doctrinal formulations, clearly articulates a conceptual structure equating one mind with ālayavijñāna and
tathāgatagarbha. This structure, as my research shows, is faithfully inherited in Chinese-authored texts from the same milieu. In light of the existence of such conceptually and geographically proximate sources, there appears to be little necessity to trace the doctrinal origins of the Qixinlun back to Sengwei, a figure of the preceding century.
From this perspective, it is more plausible to regard the Qixinlun’s formulation of the “one mind” doctrine as having emerged from the
interpretative horizon shaped by contemporary Chinese translations
of Indian scriptures and their exegetical traditions.

Öz: Türkçenin bünyesinde barındırdığı sınırlı malzemeyi kullanarak dış dünyadaki sınırsız varlığa ad bulma konusunda geliştirdiği yöntemlerden biri de başka dillerden sözcük ödünçlemektir. Türk dili, ödünç aldığı kimi sözcükleri kendi anlam ve yapı sistemine uydurma yoluna da gitmiştir. Bu tip sözcüklerden bir tanesi de Sanskritçe kökenli kolu adıdır. Kolu adı, Eski Uygur aydını tarafından dinî terminolojiyi tam anlamıyla okuyucuya aktarabilmek için ödünçlenmiş ancak ilerleyen zamanlarda bu ad hem çok anlamlı bir yapıya bürünmüş hem mecaz yoluyla anlatıma derinlik kazandırır olmuş hem de yapım ekleri getirilerek yeni sözcükler türetmekte kullanılmıştır. Bu durum, Türk dilinin daha o dönemindeki teknik kapasitesini ve alıntı sözcükleri yerlileştirme gücünü gözler önüne sermenin yanı sıra Eski Uygur Türkçesi verimlerinin kaynak eserlerden çeviri niteliği taşımadığını dönemin Türk yazarları tarafından Türk diline adapte edildiğini de anlatmaktadır. Yapılan bu çalışmada, kolu adı ve kolu adından türediği değerlendirilen kolula-, kolulug ve kolusuz sözcüklerini, Eski Türkçenin söz varlığından bol örnek tanıklamanın yol göstericiliğiyle yapısal ve anlamsal açıdan tüm yönleriyle irdeledik. Bu yolla yapı ve anlam dünyası konusunda belirsizlikler ve eksiklikler bulunan kolu adına ve kolu adından türemiş gövde biçimlere açıklık getirilmeye çalıştık.

For the historical analysis of the pre-modern Turfan society, it is an indispensable task to identify the toponyms attested in the Turfan texts in various languages. According to the Chinese historical sources, "twenty-two cities" existed in the Turfan Basin under the ( 高昌 ) Gaochang Kingdom of ( 麴 ) Qu Family in 640 CE, when it was conquered by the Tang dynasty. Several names of the "twenty-two cities" are recorded in the Chinese chronicles as well as in the Turfan Chinese manuscripts, and Turfan scholars have conducted a series of geo-historical surveys to identify them in comparison with the toponyms in the Chinese records of the Ming and Qing dynasties and the modern Uigur ones. Since the latter half of the 9th century the Turfan Basin was brought under the direct rule of the West-Uigur Kingdom, whose dominion was designated also as "twenty-two cities of the nation of Qočo" (qočo ulus ikii otuz baliq) in one of the Old Uigur Manichaean texts: After their submission to the Činggisid Mongol Empire at the early 13th century, the number of the cities ruled by the Uigur king iduq-qut is once mentioned as twenty-four. Among the Old Uigur texts from the 9th-14th centuries, we can find the toponyms identified to the modern Turfan oases. In this article, the cities of Çïqtïn, Puçang, Soim, Qongsïr (Qongḍsïr), Limçin, Singging (Singing), Nižüng (Nişüng ~ Lişüng), Nampï (Lampï) and Yimşi (Yemşi) were examined.

This essay proposes the following revised tone values for Tangut monosyllables: Tone 1 (𗗔 nye¹ = píng) as a falling tone (HL) and Tone 2 (𗨁 phu² = shàng) as a mid-level tone (M). While largely consistent with the established "1 = H, 2 = L" theory (Nishida 1964; Arakawa 1999), these contour values better account for the available evidence. (1) Regular tonal correspondences are identified between Tangut monosyllables and Northern Horpa (= Shàngzhài, West Rgyalrongic). The HL:M contrast in the latter aligns with the broader areal typology of "polysyllabic-type" Rgyalrong languages. (2) The use of Chinese tone labels by native Tangut scholars could plausibly refl ect the tone values of a spoken variety of Late Northwestern Middle Chinese, analogous to Sino-Japanese kan'on readings and the Middle Japanese shōten notation. (3) This revision addresses the "Tangut tone paradox," wherein tonal correspondences between Tangut and the Rma and Prinmi languages (Sims 2020) appear inverted. The proposed falling contour for Tone 1 allows for a plausible scenario of tone reversal in Tangut and Northern Horpa, potentially representing a shared innovation.

付錄 61。 7 ここでの「最高の眞實」は、第五章第一偈頌に示したとおりに、 「佛性」 、 「菩提」 、 「佛の 德性」 、 「佛の働き」という四項目に具體的に分けられる(RGV Ⅴ .1,115.1-4: buddhadhātur buddhabodhir buddhadharmā buddhakṛtyam | gocaro 'yaṃ nāyakānāṃ śuddhasattvair apy acintyaḥ || T1611[31]846c13-17; Tg phi 127b4-5) 。その四つの項目は總じて gotra とされる。第一章第一 偈頌は論全體の軸となる七つの「金剛句」を擧げて、前の三句は論のタイトル "ratna-gotravibhāga" の ratna(寶) 、すなわち佛、法、僧という三寶であり、後の四句は gotra(性)であ り、すなわちⅤ.1 の四項目に相當する(RGV I.1, 1.1-5: buddhaś ca dharmaś ca gaṇaś ca dhātur bodhir guṇāḥ karma ca bauddham antyam | kṛtsnasya śāstrasya śarīram etat samāsato vajrapadāni sapta || T1611[31]820c24-25; Tg phi 74a1-2) 。第一章第一偈頌の註釋によると、それらの gotra を指示する四句は、 「金剛句」として佛境界(tathāgataviṣaya)という最勝の眞實(paramārtha) を示す文字(akṣarā)であり、音節(vyañjana)である。しかしながら、その四つの「金剛 句」の指示對𧰼としての gotra は、最勝の眞實であり、佛がみずからのうちに體得したもの (pratyātmamadhigama)であり、佛でない存在者たちにとって思いはかることもできず、言葉 でも表現できないこと(Skt. acintya; Chn.「不可思議」 )であるため、彼らが如來の說法に示 される眞實を直ちに認識することによってではなく、 如來を信じることをもってのみ勝義(有 垢眞如・如來藏)に逹する(śraddhāgamanīya) (RGV 1.6-2.11; T1611[31]820c24-821a26; Tg phi 74a2-75a3) 。後の註釋偈 5.7 もそれらの四項目が「如來境界」を示していることを述べ る。 (RGV 5.7, 116.5-7: eṣāṃ ślokānāṃ piṇḍārtho navabhiḥ ślokair veditavyaḥ | āśraye tatparāvṛttau tadguṇeṣv arthasādhane | caturvidhe jinajñānaviṣaye 'smin yathodite|| T1611[31]847a15-17; Tg phi 128a3-4) 。

Critiquing the Myth in Traditional Price Research
It points out that past price research in economic history has been haunted by the myth of "open-market prices free from political coercion." However, the Ming Dynasty lacked high-quality grain price data comparable to that of the Qing Dynasty; most price data originated from official budget records or administrative regulations, failing to meet the "ideal" price standard. The thesis argues that pre-modern prices, both in China and Europe, were embedded in political and social relations—a characteristic even more pronounced in the Ming Dynasty due to the fiscal record nature of its price data. Therefore, before utilizing price data, it is essential to first examine the political and economic structures reflected in the process of generating such data.
Proposing a New Approach to Price History Research
The thesis criticizes the traditional practice of treating price data merely as research materials. Instead, it advocates regarding price data itself as the object of study, exploring the mechanisms through which it was generated, recorded, and transmitted in social life and bureaucratic administration. This mechanism, the thesis argues, can reflect the political and economic structures of a state and society. Additionally, it emphasizes the need to examine both the formation system of price data (including fiscal prices, government survey prices, and private transaction prices) and the documentary system recording such data, verifying the dates of documents and the prices they record to avoid distorting judgments about price trends.
Elaborating on Price Data Interpretation and Consumption Basket Construction
The thesis affirms the book’s qualitative interpretation method of classifying fragmented Ming Dynasty price data by magnitude (tael, qian, fen). This approach, it argues, facilitates understanding of different consumption levels and commodity categories—for instance, changes in the price magnitude of pepper effectively illustrate relevant issues. Since price history focuses not on absolute values but on fluctuation trends and ranges, interpreting the magnitude of multi-source price data and analyzing relatively stable fiscal prices (of a budgetary nature) can help observe long-term price trends. The thesis also evaluates the book’s contribution in constructing two consumption baskets (for subsistence and decent living) to discuss people’s living standards and income levels at that time, while pointing out shortcomings: the composition of the consumption baskets should balance general experience with historical evidence; some items (e.g., inkstone boxes, boot racks) are not essential for minimum subsistence; and the classification of official furniture fails to correspond to consumption levels. Moreover, the calculation of official salaries omits the value of grain rations, banknote-converted salaries, and, crucially, firewood allowances (which accounted for 40% of the total silver income for first-rank officials).
Exploring the Utilization of Abnormal Prices and Research Limitations
The thesis acknowledges the book’s insightful use of abnormal prices (e.g., famine prices), such as treating them as indicators of climate conditions. However, it questions the view that "famine grain price trends represent general grain price trends," arguing that the two may be contradictory—famine grain price trends primarily reflect changes in famine severity rather than general price trends. The thesis also notes the study’s geographical limitation: most cases are drawn from the Jiangnan region, with insufficient coverage of famines in northern China. Although the conclusion cites inscriptions from Shaanxi to address this issue, it still hinders readers’ comprehensive understanding of the connection between prices and social conditions across different regions of the Ming Dynasty.

An Annnotated Japanese Translation of Ye shes dpal ldan's History of Buddhism in Mongolia "the Rosary of Jewels": the comparison of Tibetan and Monolian texts(2)

The present annotated translation is a continuation of Shin’ichirō Miyake, Takashi Matsukawa, and Shin’ichirō Ban, Annotated Comparative Translation of Ye shes dpal ldan’s Mongolian Buddhist History: Rosary of Jewels in Tibetan and Mongolian (1). In part (2), annotations were provided up to folio 7a5 of the Tibetan text and folio 6v5 of the Mongolian text, dealing primarily with passages concerning the brothers and sons of Chinggis.

Mythology is an important early human art form, as well as a form of oral and intangible cultural heritage, carrying rich historical and cultural information. A “motif” is the basic unit of which a mythology is composed, and motifs appear repeatedly in mythologies from different time periods, regions and cultures. Motifs can exist independently in the process of handing down, and can also be represented or combined within other popular narrative genres such as epics, legends, folktales, and ballads. The “motif” is favored by scholars due to its representativeness and universality and has become a convenient tool. The 56 different ethnic groups in China have numerous mythologies, both rich in content and handed down in various forms. Historically, literatures of the Han people have enjoyed a high degree of attention, while the collection and research of mythologies from ethnic minorities has been poorer. Most of these ethnic groups have not developed their own written languages and t...

Reexamination of the “Yaoshijingshu” (S.2512, attributed titl) by an unknown author

　This paper focuses on Dunhuang manuscript S.2512 Yaoshijingshu （薬師経疏） (Commentary on the Bhaiṣajyaguru Sūtra, attributed title) to explore aspects of the belief in Bhaiṣajyaguru in early Chinese Buddhism. Departing from the perspective of Buddhist art history, I examine the canonical references and provide interpretations of the Yaoshijingshu from philological approach.
        Therefore, through the work of comparing the sūtras quoted in Yaoshijingshu, it becomes evident that the author of the commentary quoted the Buddha's body theory and the two kinds of adornment theory from WeimoYiji (Commentary of Vimalakīrti-nirdeśa-sūtra、維摩義記) by Jingyingsi  Huiyuan , and references of Jātaka stories from Dazhidulun（大智度論）. In addition, Yaoshijingshu seems to be aimed at a certain group of believers that anyone who believes in Buddha and listens to Buddha's preaching can be saved from evil deeds. The commentary also emphasized the theory of karma and exalted that practitioners should emulate the Buddha's previous lives by dedicating themselves to the practice of wisdom ( for self-improvement) and compassion (for the benefit of others).

The prototype of Maitreya legend is only mentioned briefly in passing by early Buddhist texts of various schools. The legend was adapted and reshaped again and again over a long period of time. In this study I compare seven closely related stories deriving from the proto-legend of Maitreya and propose some indicators that show the process of “Mahāyānization” of the proto-legend. The proto-legend was converted into an avadāna tale in an early phase as found in the Divyāvadāna and the Mūla-Sarvāstivāda Vinaya. Judging from its ambivalent features, EĀ48.3(T453) in the Ekottarika Āgama (T125) exemplifies a transition from an avadāna text to a Mahāyāna sūtra. T125 is a collection of early Buddhist sūtras mixed with numerous avadāna tales  and Mahāyāna elements.  The Mile chengfo jing, or the Sūtra on Maitreya Becoming a Buddha (T456), can be reckoned a mature Mahāyāna work, which transforms Kāśyapa into a Mahāyāna paradigm modelled on a great bodhisattva in the Lotus Sūtra. In conclusion, this research provides a sketch of the relative chronology of the seven closely related Maitreya stories, and Kāśyapa emerges as an increasingly significant figure in later versions.

This paper explores the representation of zhiyin 知音 friendship through the lenses of gender and performance in The Purple Flute (Zixiao ji 紫簫記), Tang Xianzu’s 湯顯祖(1550–1616) first but unfinished attempt to write a play for the new southern theater. The zhiyin motif stands out as the intertext between the play and its source story, “The Tale of Huo Xiaoyu,” written in the ninth century. Not only does Tang Xianzu transform the female protagonist Huo Xiaoyu into a zhiyin figure in The Purple Flute, but he also presents a most poignant portrayal of female friendship among musicians and performers in late Ming literature. As musical experts, female entertainers in this play constantly promote new trends in singing and music making, bringing up notions such as “new voices” (xinsheng 新聲), “new renditions” (xinfan 新翻), “new transmission” (xinchuan 新傳), and “new making” (biezhi 別製), therefore acting as the mouthpieces of a young, daring, and experimental playwright. As often-alluded-to figures of nostalgia in earlier poetry, these characters are inevitably cast in sentimental entanglement with their past, pointing to the tension between the old and the new in music and theater practice. Their nostalgic songs not only solicit empathetic responses from each other but also call forth a zhiyin audience offstage. In other words, Tang maneuvers female musical voices to promote a new form of theater and to challenge the hierarchy between elite and popular lyrical traditions. By examining the intertextual meanings of zhiyin as embodied by and invested in the courtesan singers across generations in The Purple Flute, this study unravels Tang’s intricate play with gender, art, and agency in his first ambitious engagement with the new southern theater.

KEYWORDS: friendship; gender; music; Tang Xianzu; zhiyin; Zixiao ji

This article examines the evolution and potential cross-cultural adaptations of the "Goddess of the Flaming Mouth", Jvālāmukhī (Skt.) or Kha 'bar ma (Tib.), in Indic and Tibetan traditions. A minor figure in medieval Hindu Tantras, Jvālāmukhī is today best known through her tangible manifestation as natural flames in a West Himalayan temple complex in the valley of Kangra, Himachal Pradesh, India. The gap between her sparse portrayal in Tantric texts and her enduring presence at this local "seat of power" (śakti pīṭha) raises questions regarding her historical development and sectarian affiliations. To address these questions, we examine mentions of Jvālāmukhī's Tibetan counterpart, Kha 'bar ma, across a wide range of textual sources: canonical Buddhist texts, original Tibetan works of the Bön and Buddhist traditions, and texts on sacred geography. Regarded as a queen of ghost spirits (pretas) and field protector (kṣetrapāla) in Buddhist sources, her portrayal in Bön texts contain archaic motifs that hint at autochthonous and/or non-Buddhist origins. The assessment of Indic material in conjunction with Tibetan texts point to possible transformations of the goddess across these culturally proximate Himalayan settings. In presenting and contextualizing these transitions, this article contributes critical data to ongoing efforts to map the development, adaptation, and localization of Tantric deities along the Indo-Tibetan interface.

This is my presentation handout on June 8, 2024. This contains a survey of Sanskrit Manuscript of the Abhidharmadīpa, and Sanskrit text and Japanese translation of the paragraph on the criticism of the ālayavijñāna. This paragraph is not included in P. S. Jaini edition (1954).

本文追溯从 18 世纪初至 20 世纪初中文文献中指称美洲胭脂虫的术语及这些术语背后的知识史。胭脂虫原产于墨西哥及中美洲地区，因虫体内富含胭脂红酸，是制作高饱和度红色的原料。在化学合成染料发明之前， 胭脂虫是全球贸易中最为昂贵的天然红色原料。在 16 世纪 20 年代西班牙征服墨西哥后，胭脂虫逐渐成为西属美洲最为重要的出口商品之一，为西班牙帝国带来丰厚的利润，仅次于白银。约在 16 世纪末，美洲胭脂虫作为一种昂贵的红色颜料进入中国，之后亦用于丝织品染色。虽然昂贵的胭脂虫从未在 中国成为大众消费品，但中文文献中却存在大量指称该物的术语，包括“洋红”、“各作泥腊 ”、“ 呀兰米”、“ 呀兰米虫” 及 “胭脂虫” 等等 。 这些术语的诞生呈现了中国不同时期、地域、人群对于舶来品的认知与探索，而这些术语的消失也反映了其所附着的历史的变迁。

August 2025 sees the launch of the sixth title in this series The image shows the six books in Chinese. The first five books were published in separate Chinese and English editions (10 volumes). I was part of the project working on the UK collections, co-authored an article (with Frances Wood and Helen Persson) on the history of the collection, and was the English-language editor of that volume. I stayed with the project, as English-language editor, for the next four books.

The Wenshu Mountain Grottoes are located approximately 15 kilometers southwest of Jiuquan City, under the jurisdiction of Qifeng Tibetan Township, Sunan Yugur Autonomous County, Gansu Province. Currently, there are 152 grottoes in total at the Wenshu Mountain Grottoes. Among them, the relatively well-preserved ones include: Grotto 19 in the Front Mountain Area, commonly known as the 万佛洞 "Ten-Thousand-Buddha Grotto";Grotto 29 in the Front Mountain Area, commonly known as the 前山千佛洞 "Front Mountain Thousand-Buddha Grotto";Grotto 69 in the Back Mountain Area, commonly known as the 后山千佛洞 "Back Mountain Thousand-Buddha Grotto";Grotto 73 in the Back Mountain Area, commonly known as the 古佛洞 "Ancient Buddha Grotto" (The numbering above follows the system used by Li Tian 李甜). Other grottoes are either inaccessible for surveying due to collapses or have lost most of their original contents due to historical factors. Therefore, the current discussions on the Wenshu Mountain Grottoes are generally limited to the Front Mountain Thousand-Buddha Grotto, the Ten-Thousand-Buddha Grotto, the Back Mountain Thousand-Buddha Grotto, and the Ancient Buddha Grotto. This paper will interpret 15 Old Uyghur inscriptions in the 万佛洞 Ten-Thousand-Buddha Grotto and discuss the source and whereabouts of the Old Uyghur Buddhist community during the Ming and Qing dynasties.

2025 Tursunjan IMIN & CHEN Yongjun, A new Interpretation and study of the old Uyghur wall inscriptions in the 文殊山石窟Wenshu Mountain Grottoes—On the Uyghur Buddhist Groups in the Hexi region during the Ming and Qing dynasties ; 文殊山石窟回鹘文题记释读—兼论清朝时期河西的回鹘佛教团体, 2023 年中国敦煌吐鲁番学会成立四十周年国际学术研讨会论文集，2025年7月。

Conference organized by the Laboratoire d'Étude des Monothéismes (LEM) and the Société d'Étude des Littératures Apocryphes Chrétiennes (SELAC), Paris, March 2025. Paper to be published in Apocrypha 35 (Autumn 2025).

Abstract :

L’authenticité des manuscrits chrétiens chinois Takakusu et Tomioka, aujourd'hui conservés à Osaka, a été récemment mise en question. Cet article met en évidence l’influence d’écrits apocryphes anciens sur ces deux textes, fragilisant l’hypothèse selon laquelle ils auraient été composés par des faussaires des époques Ming et Qing. Il cherche par ailleurs à attirer l’attention sur ces deux sources qui mériteraient d’être davantage étudiées par les spécialistes du christianisme ancien. 

The authenticity of the Takakusu and Tomioka Chinese Christian manuscripts, now preserved in Osaka, has recently been called into question. This article highlights the influence of ancient apocryphal writings on these two texts, thereby undermining the hypothesis that they were composed by forgers from the Ming and Qing eras. Furthermore, it seeks to draw attention to these two sources, which merit further study by specialists in early Christianity.

The present article is a section from a larger study entitled The History and Culture of Chinese Characters and serves as a continuation of my first article named The History and Origin of Chinese Characters (I).  The purpose of this article is to exemplify the changes Chinese characters have underwent during its history of evolution. Each of the 7 stages of development led to the final Simplified Characters that Chinese speaking people use nowadays. Chinese characters evolved from pictographic characters, created on the foundation of a picture, to pictophonetic characters, based on the meaning of strokes; from the Traditional complex characters to the Simplified easy to write characters; from different writing tools and materials to ink and paper; thus so far one of the most widely used language created its own unique method of writing. Throughout the paper I will retell stories that contribute to the discovery of the Chinese characters, sustain my paper with either self-drawn characters or with pictures exemplifying the calligraphy of the specific script.

Keywords: Wang Yi Rong, Bronze ware, Qin Shi Huang, Scribe, Ancient characters, Modern characters, Zhong Yao, Zhang Xu, The Chinese Reform Committee, Simplified Characters

There exist some foreign words in almost every languages of the world. Because of the new ideas, concepts and issues that come from the outside world, every nation has to borrow these foreign words and terminology to express its special meaning. Likewise Chinses language has borrowed  several words and terminology from Sanskrit Language.

Tarihî geçmişi milattan önceki devirlere kadar dayanan kadim beldelerden biri olan Şam, Arapça kaynaklarda bütün Suriye bölgesini, daha genel bir tabirle Filistin dâhil geniş coğrafyayı tanımlamak için kullanılmıştır. Hazret-i Ebubekir ile bu bölgeye başlayan sefer ve fetih hareketleri Hz. Ömer döneminde artarak devam etmiş, bu bölgelerin İslamlaşması için yoğun birçok mücadele verilmiş, bu fetihler neticesinde İslam devletinin sınırları genişlemiştir.
Şam bölgesi için verilen mücadeleler eserlere de konu olmuş, böylece Fütûhu’ş-Şâm konulu eserler ortaya çıkmıştır. Bu eserler, Hz. Ebû Bekir ve Hz. Ömer’in hilafetleri döneminde Şam ve çevresinin fethedilmesi için yaşanan mücadeleleri ve halifelerle komutanların mektuplarını içeren eserlerdir. İslam tarihi kaynaklarından olan bu eserlerin bugün için el-Vâkıdî ile el-Ezdî’nin metinleri elimizde bulunmaktadır. Ebû Abdullâh Muhammed b. Ömer el-Vâkıdî’nin Fütûhu’ş-Şâm’ı Türkçeye yedi kez tercüme edilmişken Ebû İsmail Muhammed b. Abdullah el-Ezdî’nin eserinin şu ana kadar Türkçeye tercüme edilip edilmediği bilinmemekteydi. Bu çalışma ile el-Ezdî’nin eserinin tespit edilen tek Türkçe tercümesi tespit edilmiş ve ilim âlemine kazandırılmıştır.
El-Ezdî’nin eserinin tercümesi 14. yüzyılda Memlûk Kıpçak Türkçesiyle yazılmıştır. Eserde kendisini Sevünç b. Fakih olarak takdim eden mütercim, Arapça yazılmış olan Fütûhu’ş-Şâm’ı Memlûklu sultanı el-Melikü’z-Zâhir Seyfüddîn (ö. 801/1399) adına Şam’daki vâlisi olan Tarantay’ın emriyle 785/1383-1384 yılında tercüme ettiğini söylemektedir. Tercümenin bugün için tespit edilen tek nüshası Mısır Millî Kütüphanesi Tarih-i Türkî Koleksiyonu 284 numarada kayıtlıdır. Nüsha, Muhammed el-Hanefî el-Fakîh isimli bir müstensih tarafından 786 (Ağustos 1384) yılında istinsah edilmiştir.
Dr. Irmak Kaçar tarafından yayına hazırlanan çalışmanın inceleme bölümünde İslam edebiyatında Fütûhu’ş-Şâm metinleri ve Türkçe tercümeleri değerlendirilmiş, sonrasında Sevünç b. Fakîh ve Fütûhu’ş-Şâm Tercümesi tanıtılmış, eserin daha iyi anlaşılması için metnin muhtevası dil içi çeviri yöntemiyle verilmiş, bunun yanında eserin dil ve imla özelliklerine dair bilgiler de verilmiştir. Bu bölümden sonra transkripsiyonlu metni sunulan eserin dizin-sözlüğü de hazırlanarak araştırmacıların dikkatine sunulmuştur.

Grazia Deledda's literary works explore the deep ties between Sardinian culture, community traditions, and the politics of food. Through vivid food imagery, she sheds light on how meals and eating habits reflect social hierarchies, cultural identity, and power dynamics. By carefully incorporating culinary elements into narrative contexts, she shed light on the fundamental role that food plays in constructing both individual and collective identities. Her portrayals of shared meals, ceremonial feasts, and periods of scarcity function as pointed critiques of the socio-political circumstances of her era, demonstrating the intricate connections between food distribution,

The Metaverse has emerged as a significant topic of discussion globally, including in China, where it is intertwined with national narratives of technological advancement and geopolitical positioning. This study examines the Chinese Metaverse through the lens of historical, geopolitical, and cultural narratives, particularly focusing on the role of the prominent Chinese scientist Qian Xuesen (钱学森). The research deconstructs the neo-techno-nationalist discourse surrounding the Metaverse in China, demonstrating how it supports the country's shift from a 'great country' to a 'powerful country' amidst the US-China tech and trade war. By analysing Qian Xuesen's letters and the initiatives by the China Mobile Communication Association Metaverse Industry Committee (cmca-mcc), the study explores how historical figures are leveraged to foster digital nationalism and patriotism. This study also suggests that Qian's writings on virtual reality from the 1990s have been instrumentalised to support the current Metaverse narrative today. Finally, this article contributes to understanding the historical and cultural dimensions of the Chinese Metaverse, offering insights into how past scientific achievements are utilised to shape the prc's future technological landscapes, national identity and international ambitions.

This paper examines the Dae-seng-yuck-jeung-cham-hoe(大乘六情懺悔; Penitence of Six-Faculties in Mahayana) on the basis of cultural critism. It is certain that it was written for the cultural critique of the penitence culture in Wonhye(元曉)`s time or Jeom-chal-beob-hoe(占察法會). The purpose of this article is to examine the cultural critique as Dae-seng-yuck-jeung-cham-hoee, to prove the characteristic of his culture critic on the penitence culture and to evaluate whether it has still been meaningful today. Firstly, I examined the Jeom-chal-beob-hoe which had been practiced as the penitence culture in the Silla(新羅) dynasty. The characteristic and significance looked through from Wonkwang(圓光) to Jinpyo(眞表)`s Jeom-chal-beob(占察法). It was introduced by Wonkwang in Silla for the first time. and consummated by Jinpyo. Secondly, I researched what Wonhyo(元曉) criticized on the repentance culture or Jeom-chal-beob-hoe in Dae-seng-yuck-jeung-cham-hoe. He had criticized Jeom-chal-beob- hoe(占察法會) because it had aimed just for eliminating the harms and invoking a blessing fortune(滅罪求福) of practioners. Despite the positive roles of it, like the establishment of Buddhist ethics at that time, that is far from the ultimate purpose of the Buddhist practice - permanent liberation, or moksa(解脫). Wonhyo pointed out this in his article. After that, he defined the real Buddhist repentance and suggested the ways to practice it. It was based on the sattva-artha-kriya-sila(攝衆生戒;: morality as altruism or supererogation). It was the practice for all living things in the samsara. Ultimately, it helps liberate the practioners from samsara. Wonhyo emphasized that repentance should be practiced any time and any place. It should be carried out in one`s daily life. Finally, I have found that Wonhyo`s view is useful for looking at the current Korean penitence culture, finding out the direction and forming a new penitence practice culture.

Cette thèse concerne l’histoire, l’archéologie et la géographie historique de la Chine ancienne. Elle porte sur les formations des commanderies impériales formées aux frontières de la dynastie des Han occidentaux (206 av. J.-C. – 9 apr. J.-C.). À la charnière des IIe et Ier siècles av. J.-C., le maintien des territoires conquis passait par une stratégie impériale complexe allant d’une phase d’occupation militaire jusqu’à la mise en place d’une politique migratoire de populations civiles issues du centre de l’empire. En nous concentrant sur Dunhuang (province du Gansu), la plus lointaine des commanderies formées aux marches occidentales du territoire, nous suivons localement ces stratégies d’acquisition et d’occupation. L’analyse se fonde sur les missions de terrain menées par l’auteur, sur la relecture des Histoires dynastiques, la prise en compte des données matérielles issues des fouilles et prospections archéologiques et l’exploitation de sources épigraphiques inédites. Par le bi...

Most of the fourth chapter of Bhāviveka's (c. 500-570) Tarkajvālā (TJ) discusses the authenticity of the Mahāyāna, which covers more than 50 folios in the Derge edition and offers detailed and wide-ranging arguments on the subject. While studies discussing Eckel (2008) to date have clarified much of its contents, the difficulty of the text's material limitations, which remain only in Tibetan, has made some of its arguments unclear. Nevertheless, a close examination of the Tibetan translation under the assumption of the original Sanskrit and with reference to related material such as Vasubandhu's (c. 350-430) Vyākhyāyukti will allow for a more accurate reading or even rereading of these passages. In this paper, I revisit mainly the two arguments therein: the discussion on the Mahāyāna doctrine that Śākyamuni Buddha is a manifestation (nirmān 4 a) and the discussion on the dream of King Kr 4 kin. By doing so, I intend to reveal several meticulous strategies that the TJ undertook to defend the authenticity of the Mahāyāna.

ramitāhr 4 daya was assessed and interpreted by Indian (and Tibetan) scholars. Furthermore, as these commentaries gloss certain words of the Prajñāpāramitāhr 4 daya, we can reconstruct the texts of the Prajñāpāramitāhr 4 daya available to the commentators, some of which differ from the original version. This methodology is most applicable to the commentary by Vimalamitra (ca. the 8th-9th cent.) (*Āryaprajñāpāramitāhr 4 dayat 4 īkā, abbr. PHT), as it is a verbatim commentary on almost the entire text of the long Prajñāpāramitāhr 4daya. 7 The PHT is also interesting, as it explicitly refers to the existence of variant readings. 8 Against this background, this paper focuses on two variant readings ─ 157 ─

In the afterword, the author, Byungkon Kim, recounts his deep respect and personal experiences with his mentor, Professor Jinin Fukushi, a leading scholar of East Asian Buddhism. Kim reflects on Fukushi's monumental work in Korean Buddhist studies, particularly his tireless research and enduring legacy. Despite a short mentorship, Kim was entrusted with editing Fukushi's manuscripts, including the three-volume "Blue Book" and the posthumously published "Introduction to Korean Buddhist History." Kim details the personal struggles of writing this piece, his profound gratitude for Fukushi's guidance, and his commitment to carrying on the professor's scholarly mission. The text closes with Kim reflecting on Fukushi's grueling schedule, their final interactions, and the culmination of their work in a commemorative essay collection, ensuring Fukushi's legacy endures.

In this paper, it will be proven that the Miroku jōshōkyō jussan (弥勒上生経述賛) and Miroku geshōkyō jussan (弥勒下生経述賛), which are included with no record of the author in the Dainippon zokuzōkyō (大日本続蔵経), are in fact the Mireuk bosal gyeong sulchan (弥勒菩薩経述賛), which was written by Gyeongheung 憬興 (–691–) of the Korean
kingdom of Silla.
  Previous research regarding the author of the Sulchan has been done by Iwasaki Kōgen (岩崎敲玄) and Park Kwangyoun (朴姯娟). However, Iwasaki only supplies the groundwork for his claim, without specific evidence, and error can be found in the argument of Park.
  In this paper, the problems of the preceding research are first pointed out. Then, new methodology necessary to clarify that the author of the Sulchan is in fact Gyeongheung is presented. In this methodology, texts which quote from the Sulchan are investigated, and these quotations are compared with the actual Sulchan.
  The texts that were investigated are the following.
      1. Kyōjijō 教時諍, written by Annen 安然 (841–915?)
      2. Jōyuishikiron hommonshō 成唯識論本文抄, written by Zōshun 蔵俊 (1104–1180)
      3. Shikan shiki 止観私記 and 4. Kannongen ryakushō 観音玄略抄, written by Shōshin 証真 (1124–1208)
      5. Hokke kaijishō 法華開示抄, written by Jōkei 貞慶 (1155–1213)
      6. Kegon kumokushō shō 華厳孔目章抄, written by Songen 尊玄 (1143–1218?)
      7. Kusharon hongisho 倶舎論本義抄, written by Sōshō 宗性 (1202–1278)
      8. Ōjōyōshū giki 往生要集義記, written by Ryōchū 良忠 (1199–1287)
      9. Muryōjukyō shō 無量寿経鈔, written by Ryōe 了慧 (1243–1330)
  In each of the above texts, quotation from the Sulchan was confirmed.
  Then, the quotations were compared to the Sulchan, of which only some sections remain. As a result, it was clarified that the quotations of Songen, Sōshō, Ryōchū, and Ryōe match the Sulchan. In this way, it can be proven that the author of the Sulchan is in fact Gyeongheung.