Old Korean

In Pulleyblank’s remarkable article “The Consonantal System of Old Chinese”, he suggested that Chinese nasal final –n in the Han period partook of the characteristics of an r or l, and regarded Korean and Japanese renderings of Chinese word jùn (郡, “commandery”) as a piece of evidence. But in fact Korean words kol, koŭl, koʋŭl and Japanese words kōri, kohori all correspond to Old Korean pure words, do not correspond to transcriptions of Chinese loanword word jùn (郡). On utilising Korean materials to do research on Chinese historical linguistics, we must separate Korean pure words from Chinese loanwords, distinguish between different readings of Korean sinographs, and notice its temporal difference between the history of Chinese language. Only in this way can Sino-xenic materials be utilised scientifically and valid conclusions be drawn.

'끼치다'의 어휘사*-'기티다[遺]'와 ' 티다[撒]'의 통시적 의미 변화를 중심으로-1) 정은진 ** 1. 들어가며 2. 현대국어 '끼치다'의 공시적 의미 3. '기티다[遺]'의 통시적 의미 변화 4. '티다[撒]'의 통시적 의미 변화 5. 나가며 요약 동사 '끼치다'는 두 개의 동음이의어로 구별되며, 각각 '기티다[遺]'와 ' 티다[撒]' 로부터 기원하여 별개의 의미 변화를 겪었다. "남기다" 의미의 '기티다'는 17세기 이 후 "남에게 은혜나 피해를 주다"의 의미가 파생되었고, 긍정적인 상황과 부정적인 상 황에 모두 쓰이다가 점차 부정적인 의미 운율을 갖게 되었다. "(물을) 뿌리다" 의미의 ' 티다'는 20세기 이후 결합 대상이 [액체]에서 [기체], [기운], [감정]으로 확장되었다. 결합 대상 확장 및 의미 변화에 따라 타동사에서 자동사로 문법적 변화가 수반되었다. 또한 '찬 기운이 끼쳐 소름이 돋다'로부터 '소름이 끼치다'의 구성이 새롭게 등장하였다.

The verb kkichida is distinguished as two homonyms: kkichida1, kkichida2.
kkichida1 originally meant ‘to give’. After the 17th century, the sense ‘to give’ was specified to ‘to cause sb inconvenience’ or ‘to grant sb a favor’. As kkichida1 get negative semantic parosody, it became to be used mostly in a negative context.
kkichida2 originally meant ‘to scatter water at once’, as a transitive verb. After the 20th century, the sense was extended to mean ‘(For a smell, energy, or emotion) to rush in at once’ and became to be used as an intransitive verb. The collocational expression ‘soreum-i kkichida(to get goose flesh)’ can be explained as a sentence structure made by metonomical cognition mechanism.

This preliminary survey presents the first systematic comparative onomastic analysis of the ethnonyms Kudara (百濟, Baekje) and Köktürk (commonly referred to as 突厥 in Chinese sources), two briefly contemporaneous Eastern Eurasian polities whose nomenclature remains semantically opaque despite extensive philological attention. While both empires overlapped in lasting Han and Xiongnu cultural-linguistic influence spheres, preceding both empires, no previous scholarship has examined potential structural or semantic parallels between their names. Employing a comparative philological methodology, this study analyzes sources alongside modern etymological proposals, with a particular focus on the initial morphemes. Preliminary findings suggest that both ethnonyms may share a component with a common semantic domain, implying the “greatness” concept. These parallels, while tentative given current evidential limitations, indicate that comparative onomastic approaches for Kudara and Göktürk may illuminate broader patterns of political nomenclature in Eastern Eurasian state formation to address persistent lacunae in linguistics and anthropology.

The aim of this paper is to collect all records related to Silla Korean proper nouns, dialogues and written letters, Buddhist chants Beompae in the Ennin's Diary, and analyze from a Silla Korean linguistic perspective. Two words “Bogo 宝高” and “T'amna 耽罗” were selected to be reconstructed phonologically and lexically by utilizing different primary sources from China, Korea and Japan. Two phonograms “Bo-go 宝高” recorded the Silla Korean pronunciation of sinograph “pok 福”. As an ancient name of Jeju island, “T'amna 耽罗” was a short form of “T'ammura 耽牟罗”, which was a compound of phonogram “ t'am 耽” by the meaning of “ village” as a Chinese loanword “tun 屯”, and phonograms “mura 牟罗” by the meaning of to gather. The coda of “ tun 屯” underwent nasal place assimilation before “ mu 牟” and was recorded as “ t'am 耽” .

The term “indu(인두),” commonly used in sewing to press fabric or flatten
seams, has long been considered a native Korean word. However, recent
research by Park Gapsu (2023) suggests that it originates from the Chinese word ‘熨斗’, though the borrowing process and phonological correspondence remain unclear. While the character ‘熨’ in Middle Chinese features a final consonant sound and is pronounced as /y/ in modern Chinese, historical evidence shows a pronunciation shift to /yn/ as early as the 15th century. This study examines the etymology of “indu,” addressing the coexistence of its standard form and dialectal variant “yundi.” Using evidence from Chinese language textbooks of the Joseon dynasty and methodologies in Chinese phonology, it is argued that the /yn/ pronunciation of ‘熨’ derives from ‘熅,’ which shares its meaning. The analysis reveals that both “윤” and “인” coexisted in historical records, suggesting that /yn təu/ was adopted into Korean in two forms, “인도” and “윤도.” This research provides new insights into Sino-Korean linguistic interactions and contributes to a deeper understanding of Early Modern Korean loanwords.

The “Painted Lacquered Basket of Nangnang,” excavated from Tomb Namjŏngni No. 116 in Pyongyang, is a lidded bamboo basket box adorned with over a hundred figures depicted in colored lacquer. Inscriptions accompanying 36 of these figures identify them. Despite its exceptional artistic quality and good preservation, comprehensive research on these figures has been lacking, and the interpretation of the inscriptions remains rudimentary. This study challenges the existing view that the basket demonstrates the prevalence of Confucianism in the Nangnang commandery. It reevaluates the images and inscriptions through extensive reference to international research on the transmission and transformation of filial piety. Additionally, it discusses the significance of the Painted Lacquered Basket of Nangnang within the context of Tomb Namjŏngni No. 116, aiming to explore the religious and philosophical aspects of the Nangnang people.
The study reveals that while the depictions in the Painted Lacquered Basket primarily pertain to filial piety, this virtue could exist beyond blood relationships and serve both secular and religious purposes. Moreover, it suggests that brutal family revenge was socially unsanctioned. Notably, the analysis includes new interpretations of figures such as the “Five Emperors (五帝)” and “Qīngwū (靑烏),” indicating the influence of geomancy beliefs on the creation of the tomb. Considering these factors, it is proposed that the Painted Lacquered Basket of Nangnang was crafted not as a domestic item but as a funerary object, likely imported through exchanges with the Yangtze River basin in China.

청의 건륭제는 18세기 후반, 조선에 어필, 서책, 고급 공예품과 문방구 등을 하사하였다. 이들은
전통적인 조공 의례에 규정된 물건이 아니었다. 건륭제의 하사품은 황제의 서재에 있을 법한 완상
물로서 황제의 필적과 개인적인 취향이 담긴 것이었다. 본 연구는 하사품을 건륭제의 어필 및 서책
과 서재에서 사용하는 문방완물로 나누고 그 구체적인 의미를 살펴보았다.
초기에 건륭제가 조선에 보낸 어필은 강희 연간부터 번국들에게 편액이나 깃발용 어필을 하사
하는 관습을 이은 것이다. 기존의 어필이 번국을 다스리는 지배국의 위계(hierarchy)를 노골적으로
드러내는데 비해 1780년대는 그러한 경향이 줄어든다. 1783년에 내린 어제시와 덕부심구첩은
칠십을 넘긴 ‘고희천자’로서 건륭제의 자부심을 드러내는 내용을 담고 있다. 또한 1785년 건륭제가
정조에게 송판본 오경전를 보낸 것은 학문적 정통성을 지키고 신하를 가르치는 학자 군주의
모습을 보인 것이라 할 수 있다.
건륭제가 조선에 보낸 문방완물들은 단지 화려한 장신구가 아니었다. 건륭제가 심혈을 기울여
다년간 수집하고 감식하며 이루어낸 수장학의 결과물이었다. 건륭제는 옥기를 고동기와 같은 고대
의 예기禮器로 인식하고, 고옥기의 수집과 옥기 방작에 열의를 보였다. 그 중에서 여의는 건륭제가
특별히 애호한 기물이었을 뿐 아니라, 청대에 군신간 주고 받는 선물로서 기능하고 있었다. 한편
조선에 보내진 벼루는 서청연보에 수장된 고대의 벼루에서 그 원형을 볼 수 있다.
건륭제가 정조에게 건낸 선물의 변화는 건륭제의 동기와 조선의 반응, 두 가지 측면에서 그 원
인을 찾을 수 있다. 건륭제는 후반기에 들어 본인의 고동서화와 문방 취미를 점차 심화해나갔다.
정복 전쟁을 통해 그 어느 시기보다 넓은 영토를 가지게 된 건륭제는 말년에는 주변 국가에게 관대한 정책을 통해 ‘중화’의 입지를 다지고자 하였다. 어필과 문방 완물의 선물은 중화를 다스리는
유가 군주로서의 모습을 드러내는 상징이었다고 할 수 있다. 한편 건륭제의 선물이 일회성에 그치
지 않고 이어진 데에는 정조의 적극적인 반응도 역할을 하였다. 특히 어필, 서적과 문방 완물로
구성된 선물의 내용은 ‘학자 군사君師’를 자처했던 두 군주 사이에 일종의 공감대를 불러 일으켰다
고 볼 수 있다.
In the late 18th century, the Qianlong Emperor of the Qing Dynasty bestowed upon Joseon an array of royal writings, books, high-end crafts, and stationery items. These articles deviated from the conventional offerings associated with traditional tributes. The bestowal by the Qianlong Emperor comprised exquisite court craftsmanship, housed within the emperor's study, featuring his distinctive handwriting and personal preferences.
Initially, Qianlong Emperor's missives to Joseon adhered to the established practice of providing letters to subject countries for signboards or flags, a tradition dating back to the Kangxi era. However, a discernible shift in this practice occurred in the 1780s, as subsequent writings exhibited a diminishing emphasis on the hierarchical power structure governing subject nations. Post-1780, Qianlong's poems increasingly reflected his pride, aligning with a period
of political and cultural prosperity.
The stationery items dispatched by the Qianlong Emperor to Joseon transcended mere decorative elements; rather, they were the outcome of the Emperor's cultivated connoisseurship over an extended period. Carefully chosen from Emperor Qianlong’s extensive collection of ancient jade and bronze artifacts, these presents held substantial cultural and historical significance.
The alteration in the nature of gifts presented by the Qianlong Emperor to King Jeongjo can be attributed to two factors: the Emperor's motivations and Joseon's reactions. In the latter part of the year, Qianlong Emperor deepened his appreciation for calligraphy and painting at a library, coinciding with his efforts to consolidate a 'Chinese' identity through generous diplomatic
policies towards neighboring nations during his later reign. The royal writings and opulent stationery thus emerged as symbols, delineating the persona of a Confucian monarch governing China.
Simultaneously, Jeongjo's proactive response played a pivotal role in sustaining the continuity of special diplomatic gifts from the Qianlong Emperor. The content of the gifts, encompassing books and stationery products, engendered a consensus between the two monarchs who both claimed the mantle of ‘academic kings’.

This article presents relevant data on the usage of the sinograph jīng 椋 and revisits its origin and lexical form on the basis of textual examination, using primary sources from China, Korea and Japan. The authors conclude that jīng 椋, and its variants jīng , jīng 稤 and the miscopied form lǜe 掠, originated from its radical character jīng 京, meaning "warehouse, granary", and that jīng 椋 was widely used in Koguryŏ, Paekche, Silla and Japan. Historical documents during the Koryŏ period also attest to the use of jīng 椋. The authors have reconstructed the lexical form of jīng 椋 as the disyllabic pre-Old Korean **ku L .ra H in Paekche and **ko L .ra H in Silla, and the monosyllabic Old Korean *kol R as a Sillaic substratum that underwent the syllabic contraction and liquid change **-r-> *-l, that is **ko L .ra H > *kol R. The Western Old Japanese kun'yomi of jīng 椋, kura, is a loan from pre-Old Korean **ku L /ko L .ra H that took place before the eighth century.

The aim of this article is to discuss different kinds of settlement units on the
ancient Korean Peninsula before the Chinese RitsuryōSei (律令制) was eventually adopted. The author focuses on trangulating and re-evaluating the first-hand texts including Sinitic phonograms (PG) and semantograms (SG), Katakana and Hankŭl occurring in chronicles, literatures, epigraphs and mokkan from China, Korea, and Japan, then attempts to reconstruct their lexical forms in ancient Korean including pre-OK and OK (Old Korean, from Unified Silla State period) from a historical linguistic perspective. The author concludes that semantically three groups of settlement units could have existed in ancient Korean: Group fa (伐) ‘city’, Group moulu (牟盧) ‘crowd, throng, group’, Group hu (忽), ji (己), and chengchi (城叱) ‘city, fortified city’.
First, Group fa (伐) includes PGs beili (卑離)~ba (拔)~fa (伐)~fu (弗), fuli (夫
里)~fuli (富里), jufa (居伐)~juba (居拔)~jifuli (己富里)~jifuli (己富利), bo (波~彼), bo? (㶱), and SG huo (火), SGs ping (評)~ping (坪)~ping (平). This word is reconstructed as pre-OK **pu.ri > pre-OK **pɨl~**pʌl > pre-OK **pʌ which is a loan word from Sanskrit ‘puri’ meaning ‘city’. Second, Group moulu (牟盧) which most speculatively means ‘crowd, throng, group’ in pre-OK is attested, it includes PGs moulu (牟盧)~molu (模盧)~mouluo (牟羅)~maoluo (毛羅)~maoliang (毛良). The author reconstructed it as pre-OK **mu/o.ra > OK *mu/ol. Third, Group hu (忽), ji (己), and chengchi (城叱) includes three subgroups of PGs meaning ‘city, fortified city’ from Koguryŏ, Paekche, Silla are attested separately. Group hu (忽) has its origin from Koguryŏ which includes PGs goulou (溝漊)~gu (骨)~hu (忽), and SG dong (洞)~gu (谷). Group ji (己) includes PGs zhi (支)~zhi (只)~ji (基)~ji (己), which occurred frequently in Paekche and Japanese toponyms. Group chengchi (城叱) appeared in Silla hyangchal (鄉札) and PG zasi (雜思) in the Chaoxianguan-yiyu (朝鮮館譯語). The author reconstructed them as pre-OK **k/hu.ru > OK *k/hu/olLH in Koguryŏ as a pure Korean, pre-OK **kɨi in Paekche as a Sino-Korean of ji (基), pre-OK **tsa(i) > tsas in Silla as a Sino-Korean of zai (在).

With the Korean Peninsula coming into the Iron Age, it made continuous
advancement through ceaseless interaction with the groups surrounding the
region. In particular, in the Iron Age, together with the interaction with
China, the studies are done on the interaction with the northeastern region
of the Korean Peninsula.
However, from the time of establishing the Three Kingdom to the time
of Silla unifying the region, most studies are concentrated to find out the
conflict of the Three Kingdom and relationship with China in the ancient
time. However, the mid-region of the Korean Peninsula had continuous
process of interaction with the northeastern region of the Korean Peninsula
for the Iron Age.
The mid-region of the Korean Peninsula has the traditional hard-plain
pottery earthenware culture existing in each region. The interaction of this
culture and the northeastern region has been confirmed around the
earthenware accompanied in the residential areas and the fortress relics.
The evidence of this interaction may be found out through the
comparison with the ancient relics confirmed in the Hamgyeong-do area.
However, most of the ancient culture in the region is known as the Balhae
culture that the review on the period for this time frame is required.
Up to this point, the ancient Korean Peninsula was mainly studied with
the relationship with China but the interaction with the northeastern region
of the Korean Peninsula has been continuously made.
This type of interaction is shown through Toho Museum(靺鞨罐)
accompanies in the Jungdo-dong Relic Togwang Tomb in Chuncheon as
built in the 6th century.

Hanja-eo(漢字語) literally means the words that are of Chinese origin, but in fact, scholars tend to use this term in the narrow sense where they assume that a Sino-Korean word should be pronounced exactly the same as the Sino-Korean pronunciation(韓國漢字音). Thus, words that are not consistent with the Sino-Korean pronunciation due to a sound change, like meok (먹, 墨), jimseung(짐승, 衆生) and the Early Mandarin loanwords like gyeoja(겨자, 芥子), bobae(보배, 寶 貝) will not be categorized as Sino-Korean words, although they originated from Chinese or Sino-Korean morphemes (漢字語形態素). By analyzing the structure of the Early Mandarin loanwords from the Joseon Dynasty documents and the transcription of Mandarin loanwords in Modern Korean, this paper tries to prove that the current definition of Sino-Korean word is inappropriate and needs to be modified as "words that originated from Chinese or formed by Sino-Korean morphemes and monosyllabic for each character". Sino-Korean pronunciation is no longer a criterion to identify Sino-Korean word in this new definition.

This article is about the author's observation of what happened in the 1989 Tiananmen Square incident by comparing and filtering the news and footage from media in Australia, Singapore, and Hong Kong. More importantly, it is about the author's opinion of the stage of China's economic development at the time and whether it is suitable for a Western-style democracy without the country falling apart.

During the Suí (隋) and Táng (唐) dynasties, descendants of Chinese migrant like Hata-uji (秦氏) clan, Aya-uji (漢氏) clan born in Japan, and Overseas Japanese called Yamato-no-uji (倭種) born in China were active in cultural-technical transfer and diplomacy. In this paper, the author tries to reexamine their origin and roles based on historical materials, previous studies, and to compared with cases in Korea and Vietnam (Champa/Campā).

This article examined three cases in which Goryeo-related records remain in the epitaph among the figures of the Khitan Empire based on the epitaph materials excavated from China. In the absence of many historical materials for the study of the Khitan Empire and the early Goryeo Dynasty, epitaph is the data that can provide important clues to the study of this period. Epitaph allows more detailed restoration of the traces of historical figures recorded only in the formal historical materials, and even helps to reveal the deeds and historical significance of figures who do not appear at all in the formal historical materials. Therefore, with the intention of actively using epitaph in mind, epitaphs of the figures that can be dealt with in the Goryeo-Khitan relationship were selected and reviewed. The activities of the three figures, Yelüyuanning(耶律元寧), Hanxun(韓橁), and Mengchu(孟初), examined in this article are meaningful in that they specifically show examples to investigate the nature of the Goryeo-Khitan relationship, and we hope more cases will be discovered in the future.

In this article, I examined the contents of existing historical materials and the meaning of Hanrui epitaph in order to analyze and review epitaph excavated from the Xian(西安). Although the epitaph is not long, it was necessary to analyze the history of Liao, Jin, and Yuan empire together to know the contents of epitaph. In addition to the existing official histories, other inscription materials were also compared to reveal the details of the characters who appeared in the epitaph in more detail. In the end, it was confirmed that the Hanrui epitaph showed the end of the Yutian Han family, which had its own political status in the Liao-Jin empire.
The Yutian Han family, which had distinguished themselves since the beginning of Liao empire, maintained its status during the Liao-Jin replacement period, as Hanqixian(韓企先) played an important role in establishing system of Jin empire. However, his descendants did not have the same status as Hanqixian. Thus, although there is no particular record of Hanqixian’s descendants, Hanrui epitaph outlined the disappearance of his descendants during the Jin-Mongol replacement period. The sons of Hanrui, the main character of the epitaph, died early, so their descendants could no longer come out. However, Mengwenchang(孟文昌), the son of Hanrui’s second daughter, was able to write his maternal grandfather’s epitaph, and the discovery of this epitaph provide to us more detailed information on the last of the Yutian Han family.
In fact, Mengwenchang did not know much about his maternal family and all of contents in epithaph was not accurate. Mengwenchang did not even know what Hanrui’s father’s name was. But, this does not mean that the epitaph does not have historical value. This is because it provides a foothold for extending the study of the Yutian Han family to the Jin empire, and also clearly shows maternal family of Mengwenchang, a figure who was active in Xian at the early Mongol-Yuan Empire.

Alexander Vovin's new English translation of Man'yōshū (MYS) Book 16 is the tenth book of the MYS he has translated since 2009. Vovin considers his translation and analysis of Book 16's 104 poems (MYS 3786-3889) to be "academic" rather than "literary" (pg. ix), and I would agree with that assessment. He gives equal weight to detailed linguistic and philological discussions on the one hand, and clear descriptions of the important cultural and historical backgrounds of the words, poems, and poets on the other. This helps make the book accessible to researchers from a wide range of fields and is a welcome improvement upon the previous English translations of Book 16

This paper discusses Western Mandarin; Or, the Spoken Language of Western China: With Syllabic and English Indexes (西蜀方言), published in 1900 and written by Adam Grainger (?–1921), an English missionary belonging to the China Inland Mission. After Grainger wrote about Southwest Mandarin in the late 19th century, scholars reconsidered the basic dialect based on the background of his compilation and the life. This study examined the current status of Westerners’ research on Southwest Mandarin and the background of Grainger’s Western Mandarin (西蜀方言), comparing several continuing controversies on the basic dialect and revealing new findings on the author’s life in China and the compilation’s background. Although previous studies have suggested that Grainger lived in Chengdu for 30 years while compiling his book, this study’s researched showed this to be incorrect. In fact, he had lived in Guanxian (灌县) for at least 6 years before moving to Chengdu, and lived in Chengdu 20 years after publishing his book, which might explain some of his explanations of the phonological characteristics of the dialects of the western Sichuan region.

Nine toponyms from Samguk sagi beginning with the character 臨 lim were analyzed to identify their common construction that can be used to decipher them. Their implications on the Early Old Korean vowel system and the Inariyama/Suiko-era Old Japanese orthography were discussed.

The aim of this article is to discuss how the Chinese loanword fó (佛) was incorporated into pre-Old Korean (pre-OK), Old Korean (OK), and Western Old Japanese (WOJ) on the basis of textual research using various primary sources from China, Korea, and Japan. The author proposes that two routes exist to explain the borrowing of the Chinese word fó (佛) into pre-OK, OK, and WOJ: one route from the Six Dynasties to the Korean Three Kingdoms period to Japan's pre-Nara period, and one from the Sui and Tang dynasties to the Unified Silla and Koryŏ periods.

T he X-ray pelvimetry is wide ly used for investigation of fetal weight determination by meas uring the size of the fetal head. The report concerns 173 cases with Colcher-5ussman method from January 1 '77 to December 31 '80 at 500n Chun Hyang coliege hospital We meausred fetal head diameter in both A-P and lateral projections. The brief results are as foliows: 1) Among the total 173 cases, vaginal delivery is 88 cases and Cesarean section is 85 cases. 2) The rate of Cesarean section is increased over 35 years of age and 4 ,000 gm of b irth weighL 3) The rate of Cesarean section is increased in abnormal presentation. 4) The relationship between the fetal head diameter and the fetal weight is more significant in A-P puus lateral projection than A-P only. 5) The average size of the fetal head is 0.8cm larger in Cesarean section than in vaginal delivery.

This paper concerns the odd absence of Japanese-like words in areas of ancient Korea where pre-Japanese peoples lived, the so-called problem of geographical inversion. I discuss some of the models proposed for the linguistic prehistory of Korea, and show why Unger's (2009) "para-Japanese" theory is the better model of pre-Japanese linguistic origins on the peninsula. Building on this, I propose a "Pre-Yayoi" model of para-Japanese that explains the geographical inversion of Japanese-like place names that draws on the linguistic dynamics of cultural conflict between pre-Korean and pre-Japanese populations. This resolves one of the most significant problems in understanding the origins of Japanese language on the peninsula.

Total 11 cases of tricuspid atresia were diagnosed radiographically at 5eoul National University Hospital in recent two years since 1979_ 50me characteristic radiological findings were analyzed in chest P-A view and cin eangiographies of right atrium and left ventricle. The results are as follows: 1. A mong the 11 cases, 4 cases were male and 7 cases were female. Age distribution was from 2 months to 19 years and mean age was 3)1, years. 2. Anatomic types of those cases according to Keith 's classification were as follows; type la in 2 cases, type Ib in 7 cases, type Ic in 1 case and type IIb in 1 case. 3. The cineangiographic features of tricuspid atresia are sequential filling of contrast media in the order of right atrium , left atrium , and left ventricle , and triangular filling defect at the base of the heart in all cases, and right atrial dimple in two cases. 4. It is essential for the diagnosis of tricuspid atresia to undertake cineangiograph ies of right atrium and

The aim of this article is to discuss how the Chinese loanword fó (佛) was incorporated into pre-Old Korean (pre-OK), Old Korean (OK), and Western Old Japanese (WOJ) on the basis of textual research using various primary sources from China, Korea, and Japan. The author proposes that two routes exist to explain the borrowing of the Chinese word fó (佛) into pre-OK, OK, and WOJ: one route from the Six Dynasties to the Korean Three Kingdoms period to Japan's pre-Nara period, and one from the Sui and Tang dynasties to the Unified Silla and Koryŏ periods.

The aim of this article is to discuss how the Chinese loanword fó (佛) was incorporated into pre-Old Korean (pre-OK), Old Korean (OK), and Western Old Japanese (WOJ) on the basis of textual research using various primary sources from China, Korea, and Japan. The author proposes that two routes exist to explain the borrowing of the Chinese word fó (佛) into pre-OK, OK, and WOJ: one route from the Six Dynasties to the Korean Three Kingdoms period to Japan’s pre-Nara period, and one from the Sui and Tang dynasties to the Unified Silla and Koryŏ periods.

Objectives : Since its enactment in 1987, the 56 standard prescriptions covered by insurance have remained unchanged from its original version. In this study, we tried to discover most frequently used herbal combinations by analyzing prescriptions used in actual clinical settings. Methods : We have built Structured Query Language to analyze herbal combination and progressed this analysis through analyzing the frequencies of medicinal herb combinations in medical prescription slips. Results : We have found out that traditional Korean medical doctors use about 13 herbs in a prescriptions and usually use 253 kinds of herb. And We have found out the most frequently used herbal combination. Conclusions : In this study, We can suggest new method to decide what do we need on insurance prescriptions.

The study of the dead language of Paekche has concentrated mostly on the toponyms recorded in Samkuk saki, and Samkuk yusa. These data are of great importance, but several methodological problems have hampered the study of this language. The present study tales a different angle, and looks at 42 Paekche words preserved in Nihon shoki. Paekche reconstructed forms are posited, and these are compared with Middle Korean, Old Japanese, and Tungusic forms. This paper concludes that the Paekche language is very closely related to the language of Silla (Middle Korean).

Japanese and Korean have been neighbouring languages since the dawn of recorded history, and they are in many ways alike in their structures. Nevertheless, they are phonetically and substantively rather divergent, and comparative philology of the two has given only scant results, so that the hypothesis of a common origin for the languages has remained controversial. It is a puzzle to explain the mix of similarity and disparity; and this book offers to apply the relatively fresh approach of contact linguistics to seek a solution. Despite this potentially fascinating theme, this is a dense, difficult and unsatisfactory work. As a result, it will be very hard for sociolinguists to derive much profit from it unless they are already committed to research in Japanese and Korean prehistory.

This paper studies the Early Mandarin loanwords in Hunmong Jahoe (訓蒙字會, 1527).  Hunmong Jahoe is a Chinese character Textbook written during the Joseon Dynasty.  Each Chinese character is introduced together with its pronunciation (音) and meaning (訓) written in the Korean alphabet Hunmin Jeongeum (訓民正音).  The meaning part was analysed one by one using four criteria that were mainly based on phonological clues.  The result showed that there are 47 words that can be categorised as Early Mandarin loanwords.  8 loanwords that were not mentioned in previous studies have been newly added to the list and each of them was proven by an etymological explanation. However, there are 8 words that were mentioned as Early Mandarin loanwords in other research, but are excluded from our list of loanwords due to lack of phonological evidence.

Keywords: loanwords, etymology, Early Mandarin,  Sino-Korean, historical linguistics

The aim of this study was to investigate food culture represented by the grain yard, water well, kitchen, and meat storage space which were depicted in the mural painting of An-Ak tomb No. 3. The mural paintings of An-Ak tomb No. 3 were compared with those of ancient Chinese tombs before the 4th century in order to understand their characteristics. Above all, the tomb murals describe the form and function of the stove (buttumak) as well as the cuisine using the cauldron (sot) and steamer (siru) in a very interesting manner. The meat storage space of An-Ak tomb No. 3 shows whole carcasses of animals such as roe deer, dog, and pig. However, Chinese murals show that while small animals such as soft-shelled turtle, fish, chicken, duck, pheasant, rabbit, etc. were stored as whole carcasses without being cut into pieces, large animals such as cows and pigs were slaughtered and each piece of their carcasses such as the head, thigh, meat loaf, and cardiopulmonary part was separately depicted. These tomb murals vividly describe the food culture of Koguryo and China before the 4th century.

This article argues for new internal evidence for the existence of the contrast between *r and *l in Old Korean and Proto-Korean on the basis of the Hyangchal data and Old Japanese transcriptional glosses as well as Korean loanwords in Manchu and Jurchen that were not analyzed in this way before. Namely, I will argue that combined Old Korean and Middle Korean data call for the reconstruction of two different types of liquids in the position before *i: both stay intact in Old Korean, but in Middle Korean the first type undergoes elision, whereas the second type stays intact. I then attempt to identify these two types on the basis of the internal evidence and parallel phenomena attested in the Greater Manchuria linguistic area and elsewhere.